Complete works of Josephus. Antiquities of the Jews; The wars of the Jews against Apion, etc., ..

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SACRILEGE OF ANTIOCHUS
From the Painting by P. J. Loutherbourg, R. A. Engraved by W. Bromley.

COMPLETE WORKS

OF

JOSEPHUS

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS
THE WARS OF THE JEWS
AGAINST APION, ETC., ETC.

A NEW AND REVISED EDITION
BASED ON HAVERCAMP'S TRANSLATION

WITH NOTES, COMMENTS AND REFERENCES FROM
WHISTON, Dr. HUDSON. RELAND, Dr. BERNARD, PRIDEAUX,
LE CLERC, DEAN ALDRICH, GROTIUS, PHILO, SPANHEIM,
HERODOTUS AND MANY OTHERS ANCIENT AND MODERN.

IN FOUR VOLUMES
VOLUME TWO

BIGELOW, BROWN & CO., Inc.

NEW YORK

PRINTED BY C. H. SIMONDS COMPANY
BOSTON, MASS., U.S.A.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

VOLUME TWO.

PAGE

The Sacrilege of Antiochus Frontispiece

The Angel Destroying the Assj'rian Camp 72

Esther Accusing Haman 18-t

Heroism of Eleazar . . 272

ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.

BOOK IX.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY-
SEVEN YEARS.

[FROM THE DEATH OF AHAB TO THE CAPTIVITY OF THE

TEN TRIBES.]

CHAPTER I.

Concerning Jehoshaphat again; how he constituted
judges, and by God's assistance, overcame his
enemies.

1. When Jehoshaphat the king was come to
Jerusalem, from the assistance he had afforded Ahab,
the king of Israel, when he fought with Benhadad,
king of Syria, the prophet Jehu met him, and accused
him for assisting Ahab, a man both impious and
wicked; and said to him, That "God was displeased
with him for so doing, but that he delivered him from
the enemy, notwithstanding he had sinned, because
of his own proper disposition, which was good."
Whereupon the king betook himself to thanksgivings
and sacrifices to God: after which he presently went
over all that country which he ruled round about;
and taught the people, as well the laws which God
gave them by Moses, as that religious worship that
was due to him. He also constituted judges in every
one of the cities of his kingdom; and charged them

1

2 ANTIQUITIES Book

IX.

" to have regard to nothing so much in judging the
multitude as to do justice, and not to he moved by
bribes, nor by the dignity of men eminent for either
their riches or their high birth, but to distribute
justice equally to all, as knowing that God is con-
scious of every secret action of theirs." When he
had himself instructed them thus, and gone over
every city of the two tribes, he returned to Jerusalem.
He there also constituted judges out of the priests
and the Levites, and principal persons of the multi-
tude, and admonished them to pass all their sentences
with care and justice. And tliat if any of the people
of his country had differences of great consequence,
they should send them out of the other cities to
these judges, who would be obliged to give righteous
sentences concerning such causes; and this with the
greater care, because it is proper that the sentences
which are given in that city wherein the temple of
God is, and wherein the king dwells, be given with
great care, and the utmost justice. Xow he set
over them Amariah the j)i'iest, and Zebadiah, [both]
of the tribe of Judah: and after this manner it was
that the king ordered these affairs.

2. About the same time the Moabites and Am-
monites made an exj^edition against Jehoshaphat, and
took with them a great body of Arabians, and pitched
their camp at Engedi, a city that is situate at the lake
Asphaltitis, and distant three hundred furlongs from
Jerusalem. In tliat place grows the best kind of
palm-trees, and the ^ opobalsanmm. Now Jehosha-
phat heard tliat the enemies had passed over the
lake, and had made an irruption into that country
whicli belonged to his kingdom; at which news he was
affrighted, and called the people of Jerusalem to a

* C()iicTriiiii>r lliis ])rc'ci()iis balsam, .soc llic udIc uii Anli(|. B. \'III. di.
vi. sect. (i.

Chap. I. OF THE JEWS. ' 3

congregation in the temple, and standing over against
the temple itself, he called upon God, "To afford him
power and strength, so as to inflict punishment on
those that made this expedition against them, (for
that those who built this his temple had prayed, that
he would protect that city, and take vengeance on
those that were so bold as to come against it), for
they are come to take from us that land which thou
hast given us for a j^ossession." When he had prayed
thus, he fell into tears; and the whole multitude,
together with their wives and children, made their
supplications also: Upon which a certain prophet,
Jahaziel by name, came into the midst of the assem-
bly, and cried out, and spake both to the multitude
and to the king, that God heard their prayers, and
promised to fight against their enemies. He also
gave order that the king should draw his forces out
the next day, for that he should find them between
Jerusalem, and the ascent of Engedi, at a place
called the Eminence, and that he should not fight
against them, but only stand still, and see how God
would fight against them. When the prophet had
said this, both the king and the multitude fell upon
their faces, and gave thanks to God, and worshipped
him; and the Levites continued singing hymns to
God with their instruments of music.

3. As soon as it was day, and the king was come
into that wilderness which is under the city of Tekoa,
he said to the multitude. That "they ought to give
credit to what the prophet had said, and not to
set themselves in array for fighting, but to set the
priests with their trumpets, and the Levites, with the
singers of hymns, to give thanks to God, as having
already delivered our country from our enemies."
This opinion of the king pleased [the people], and
they did what he advised them to do. So God caused

4 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

a terror and a commotion to arise among the Am-
monites, who thought one another to be enemies, and
slew one another, insomuch that not one man out of
so great an army escaped: and when Jehoshaphat
looked upon that valley wherein their enemies had
been encamped, and saw it full of dead men; he
rejoiced at so surprising an event, as was this as-
sistance of God, while he himself by his own power,
and without their labour, had given them the victory.
He also gave his army leave to take the prey of the
enemies' camp, and to spoil their dead bodies; and
indeed so they did for three days together, till they
were weary, so great was the number of the slain;
and on the fourth day, all the people were gathered
together, unto a certain hollow place or valley, and
blessed God for his power and assistance, from whicli
the place had this name given it, the valley of [Bcr-
achah, or] blessing.

4. And Avhen the king had brought his army back
to Jerusalem, he betook himself to celebrate festivals,
and offer sacrifices, and this for many days. And,
indeed, after this destruction of their enemies, and
when it came to the ears of the foreign nations they
were all greatly affrighted, as supposing that God
would openly fight for him hereafter. So Jehoshaphat
from that time lived in great glory and splendour,
on account of his righteousness and his piety towards
God. He was also in friendship with Ahab's son,
who was king of Israel: and he joined with him in
the building of ships that were to sail to ^ Pontus,

' What are here Pontus and Thrace, as the places whither Jehosha-
phat's fleet sailed, are in our other copies Ophir and Tarshish, and the
place whence it sailed is in them Eziaiificher. which lay on the Red Sea,
whence it was impossible for any shi])S to sail to Pontus or Thrace; so
that Josephus' copy differed from our other cojiies, as is farther plain
from his own words, which render what we read, that the ships were
broken of Ezionaeher, from their unwieldy r/reafness. But so far we
may conclude, that Josephus thought one Ophir to be somewhere in the

Chap. iL OF THE JEWS. 5

and the traffic cities of Thrace; but he failed of his
gains, for the ships were destroyed by being so great
[and unwieldy] ; on which account he was no longer
concerned about shipping. And this is the history
of Jehoshaphat the king of Jerusalem.

CHAPTER II.

Concerning Ahaziah, the king of Israel, and again
concerning the prophet Elijah.

1. AxD now Ahaziah, the son of Ahab, reigned
over Israel, and made his abode in Samaria. He was
a wicked man, and, in all respects, like to both his
parents, and to Jeroboam, who first of all transgressed,
and began to deceive the people. On the second year
of his reign, the king of Moab fell off from his
obedience, and left off paying those tributes which he
before paid to his father Ahab. iVow it happened
that Ahaziah, as he was coming down from the top
of his house, fell down from it, and in his sickness
sent to the ^ Fly, which was the god of Ekron, for
that was this god's name, to inquire about his recovery:
But the God of the Hebrews appeared to Elijah the
prophet, and commanded him to go and meet the
messengers that were sent, and to ask them, "Whether
the people of Israel had not a God of their own, that
the king sent to a foreign god to inquire about his
recovery? and to bid them return and tell the king,
that he would not escape this disease." And when

Mediterranean, and not in the South Sea, though perhaps there might
be another Ophir in that South Sea also, and that fleets might then sail
both from Phenicia, and from the Red Sea to fetcii the (jold of Ophir.
* This (jod of flies seems to have l)een so called, .-.s was the like god
among the Greeks; from his supposed power over flies in driving them
away from the flesh of their sacrifices, which otherwise would have been
very troublesome to them.

6 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

Elijah had performed what God had commanded
him, and the messengers had heard what he said, they
returned to the king immediately: and when the king
wondered how they couJd return so soon, and asked
them the reason of it, they said, that a "certain man
met them, and forbade them to go on any farther;
but to return and tell thee, from the command of the
God of Israel, that this disease will have a bad end."
And when the king bid them describe the man that
said this to them, they replied, "that he was a hairy
man, and was girt about with a girdle of leather."
So the king understood by this that the man who was
described by the messengers was Elijah; whereupon
he sent a captain to him, with fifty soldiers, and com-
manded them to bring Elijah to him; and when the
captain that was sent found Elijah sitting upon the
top of a hill, he commanded him to come down, and
to come to the king, for so had he enjoined, but that
in case he refused, they would carry him by force.
Elijah said to him, "That you may have a trial
whether I be a true prophet, I will pray that ^ fire
may fall from heaven, and destroy both the soldiers

^ It is commonly esteemed a very cruel action of Elijah's, when he
called for a fire from heaven, and consumed no fewer than two captains
and a hundred soldiers, and this for no other crime than obeying the
orders of their king, in attempting to seize him. But then we must con-
sider that it is not unlikely that these captairis and soldiers believed
that they were sent to fetch the pro])het, that he might be put to death
for foretelling the death of the king, and this while they knew him to
be the prophet of the true God, the supreme King of Israel (for they
were still under the theocracy), which was no less than impiety, re-
l)ellion, and treason, in the highest degree: Xor woidd the command of
a subaltern, or inferior captain, contradicting the commands of the
general, when the captain and the soldiers both knew it to be so, as I
suppose, justify or excuse such gross rebellion and disobedience in soldiers
at this day. Accordingly, when Said conmianded his guards to slay
Ahimelech, and the priests at Xob, the\- knew it to be an unlawful com-
mand, and would not obey it, 1 Ham. xxii. 17. From which cases both
officers and soldiers may learn, that the commands of their leaders or
kings cannot justify or excuse them in doing what is wicked in the
sight of God, or in fighting in an unjust cause, when they know it so to be.

Chap. IT. OF THE JEWS. 7

and yourself." So he prayed, and a whirlwind of
fire [fell from heaven] and destroyed the captain,
and those that were with him. And when the king
was informed of the destruction of these men, he was
very angry and sent another captain with the like
number of armed men that were sent before. And
when this caj^tain also threatened the prophet, that
unless he came down of his own accord, he would
take him and carry him away; upon his prayer against
him, the fire [from heaven] slew this captain as well
as the other. And when upon inquiry, the king was
informed of what happened to him, he sent out a
third captain. But when this captain, who was a
wise man, and of a mild disposition, came to the place
where Elijah happened to be, and spake civilly to
him; and said. That "he knew that it was without
his own consent, and only in submission to the king's
command that he came unto him; and that those
that came before did not come willingly, but on the
same account: He therefore desired him to have pity
on those armed men that were with him; and that
he would come down and follow him to the king."
So Elijah accepted of his discreet words and courteous
behaviour, and came down and follov/ed him. And
when he came to the king, he prophesied to him, and
told him, that "God said. Since thou hast despised
him as not being God, and so unable to foretell the
truth about thy distemper, but hast sent to the god of
Ekron to inquire of him what will be the end of this
thy distemper, know this, that thou shalt die."

2. Accordingly the king in a very little time died,
as Elijah had foretold; but Jehoram his brother
succeeded him in the kingdom, for he died without
children: but for this Jehoram. he was like his father
Ahab in wickedness, and reigned twelve years, in-
dulging himself in all sorts of wickedness, and impiety

8 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

towards God, for leaving off his worship, he wor-
shipped foreign gods: but in other respects he was
an active man. Now at this time it was that Ehjah
disappeared from among men, and no one knows of
his death to this very day; but he left behind him
his disciple Elisha as we have formerly declared.
And indeed, as to Elijah, and as to Enoch, who was
before the deluge, it is written in the sacred books
that they disappeared, but so that nobody knew
that they died.

CHAPTER III.

How J Oram and Jehoshapliat made an expedition
agaifjst the Moahites: As also concerning the
wonders of Elisha; and the death of Jehoshapliat..

1. When Joram had taken upon him the king-
dom, he determined to make an expedition against
the king of Moab, whose name was Mcsha; for,
as we told you before, he was departed from his
obedience to his brother [Ahaziah], while he paid to
his father Ahab two hundred thousand sheep, with
their fleeces of wool. When therefore he had gathered
his own army together, he sent also to Jehoshapliat,
and entreated him, that since he had from the begin-
ning been a friend to his father, he would assist him
in the war that he was entering into against the
Moahites, who had departed from their obedience,
who not only himself promised to assist him, but
would also oblige the king of Edom, who was under
his authority, to make the same expedition also.
When Joram had received these assurances of assist-
ance from Jehoshaphat, he took his army with him,
and came to Jerusalem; and when he had been

Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. §

sumptuously entertained by the king of Jerusalem,
it was resolved upon by them to take their march
against their enemies through the wilderness of Edom;
And when they had taken a compass of seven days
journey, they were in distress for want of water for
the cattle, and for the army, from the mistake of
their roads by the guides that conducted them, in-
somuch that they were all in an agony, especially
Joram; and cried to God, by reason of their sorrow,
and [desired to know] what wickedness had been
committed by them that induced him to deliver three
kings together, without fighting, unto the king of
Moab. But Jehoshaphat, who was a righteous man,
encouraged him, and bid him send to the camp, and
know whether any prophet of God was come along
with them, that we might by him learn from God
what we should do. And when one of the servants
of Joram said, that he had seen there Elisha, the son
of Shaphat, the disciple of Elijah, the three kings
went to him at the entreaty of Jehoshaphat; and
when they were come at the prophet's tent, which
tent was pitched out of the camp, they asked him,
"What would become of the army?" and Joram was
particularly very pressing Avith him about it. And
when he replied to him. That "he should not trouble
him, but go to his father's and mother's prophets,
for they [to be sure] were true prophets," he still
desired him to prophesy, and to save them. So he
swore by God, that he would not answer him unless
it were on account of Jehoshaphat, who was an holy
and righteous man, and when, at his desire, they
brought him a man that could play on the psaltery,
the Divine Spirit came upon him as the nuisic played,
and he commanded them to dig many trenches in
the valley; for, said he, "Though there appear neither
cloud, nor wind, nor storm of rain, ye shall see this

10 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

valley full of water, till the army and the cattle be
saved for you by drinking of it: Nor will this be all
the favour that you shall receive from God, but you
shall also overcome your enemies, and take the best
and strongest cities of the Moabites, and you shall
^ cut down their fruit trees, and lay waste their coun-
try, and stop up their fountains and rivers."

2. When the prophet had said this, the next day,
before the sun rising, a great torrent ran strongly;
for God had caused it to rain very plentifully at
the distance of three days' journey into Edom; so
that the army and the cattle found water to drink
in abundance. But when the Moabites heard that
tlie three kings were coming upon them, and made
their approach through the wilderness, the king of
Moab gathered his army together presently, and
commanded them to pitch their camp upon the
mountains, that when the enemies should attempt to
enter their country, they might not be concealed
from them. But when at the rising of the sun they
saw the water in the torrent, for it was not far from
the land of Moab, and that it was of the colour of
blood, for at such a time the water especially looks
red, by the shining of the sun upon it, they formed
a false notion of the state of their enemies, as if
they had slain one another for thirst; and that the
river ran with their blood. However, supposing that
this was the case, they desired their king would send
them out to spoil their enemies; whereupon they all

^ This practice of cutting (lo\sn, or ]ilucking up by the roots, the
fruit trees, was forbidtlcn, even in ordinary Avars, by the law of Moses,
Dent. XX. 19, -20, and only allowed by God in this particular case, when
the Moabites were to l)e punished ancl cut off in an extraordinary manner
for their wickedness. wSce Jer. xlviii. 11, 1;?, K5, and many the like
prophecies against them. Nothing could therefore Justify this practice
l)ut a particular commission from (Jod by his pro])het, as in the present
case, which was ever a sufficient warrant for breaking any such ritual
or ceremonial law whatsoever.

Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 11

went in haste, as to an advantage already gained,
and came to the enemies' camp, as supposing them
destroyed ah'eady. But their hope deceived them,
for as their enemies stood round aljout them, some
of them were cut to pieces, and others of them were
dispersed, and fled to their own country. And when
the kings fell into the land of Moab, they overthrew
the cities that were in it, and spoiled their fields, and
marred them, filling them with stones out of the
brooks, and cut down the best of their trees, and
stopped up their fountains of water, and overthrew
their walls to their foundations. But the king of
Moab, when he was pursued, endured a siege, and
seeing his city in danger of being overthrown by
force, made a sally, and went out with seven hundred
men, in order to break through the enemie3' camp
with his horsemen, on that side where the watch
seemed to be kept most negligently: and when, upon
trial, he could not get away, for he light ujDon a
place that was carefully watched, he returned into
the city, and did a thing that showed despair and
the utmost distress; for he took his eldest son, who
was to reign after him, and lifting him up upon
the wall, tliat he might be visible to all the enemies,
he offered him as a whole burnt-offering to God,
whom, when the kings saw, they commiserated the
distress that was the occasion of it, and were so
affected, in way of humanity and pity, that they
raised the siege, and every one returned to his own
house. So Jehoshaphat came to Jerusalem, and con-
tinued in peace there, and out-lived this expedition
l)ut a little time, and then died, having lived in all
sixty years, and of them reigned twenty-five. He
was buried in a magnificent manner in Jerusalem, for
he had imitated the actions of David,

12 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

CHAPTER IV.

J eh Oram succeeds Jehoshaphat: hotc Joram, Jus name-
sake, king of Israel, fought with the Syrians; and
what wonders were done hy the prophet Elisha.

1. Jehoshaphat had a good number of children;
but he appointed his eldest son Jehoram, to be his
successor, who had the same name with his mother's
brother, that was king of Israel, and the son of
Ahab. Now when the king of Israel was come out of
the land of Moab to Samaria, he had with him Ehsha
the prophet, whose acts I have a mind to go over par-
ticularly, for they were illustrious and worthy to be
related,' as we have set them down in the sacred books.

2. For they say that the ^ widow of Obadiah,
Allah's steward, came to him; and said. That "he
was not ignorant how her husband liad preserved the
prophets that were to be slain by Jezebel, the wife
of Ahab: for she said that he hid a hundred of
them, and had borrowed money for their maintenance;
that after her husband's death, she and her children
were carried away to be made slaves by the creditors;
and she desired of him to have mercy upon her on
account of what her husband did, and afford her
some assistance." And when he asked her what she

^ That this woman who cried to Elisha, and who in the Bible is
styled the mfe of one of the sons of the prophets, 2 Kings iv. 1, was
no other than tlie widow of Obadiah, the good steward of Aliab, is con-
firmed by the Chaldee paraphrast, and by the Rabbins and others. Nor
is that unlikely which Josephus here adds, that these debts were con-
tracted l)y her" husband for the support of tliose hundred of the Lord's
prophets,' ichom he maintained hi/ fifty in a cave, in the daj's of Ahab
and Jezebel, 1 Kings xviii. 4, which circumstance rendered it highly fit
that the prophet Elisha should provide her a remedy, and enable her
to redeem herself and her sons from the fear of that slavery which in-
solvent debtors were liable to by the law of Moses, Lev. xxv. 39, .Matt,
xviii. 25, which he did accordingly, with God's help, at the expense of
a miracle.

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 13

had in the house, she said, Nothing but a very small
quantity of oil in a cruse. So the prophet bid her
go away, and borrow a great many empty vessels
of her neighbours, and when she had shut her chamber
door, to pour the oil into them all; for God would
fill them full. And when the woman had done what
she was commanded to do, and bade her children
bring every one of the vessels, and all were filled,
and not one left empty, she came to the proj^het,
and told him that they were all full: Upon which
he advised her to go away, and sell the oil, and pay
the creditors what was owing to them, for that there
would be some surplus of the price of the oil, which
she might make use of for the maintenance of her
children. And thus did Elisha discharge the woman's
debts, and free her from the vexation of her creditors.
3. ^ Elisha also sent an hasty message to Joram

* Dr.' Hudson with very good reason, suspects that there is no small
defect in our present copies of Josephus; just before the beginning of
this section, and that chiefly, as to that distinct account which he had
given us reason to expect in the first section, and to which he seems to
refer, ch. viii. sect. 6, concerning the glorious miracles which Elislia
wrought, which indeed are not a few, 2 Kings iv.-ix. but of which we
have several omitted in Josephus' present copies. One of these histories,
smitted at present, was evidently in his Bible, I mean that of the curing
Df Naaman's leprosy, 2 Kings v. for he plainly alludes to it, B. III. cb.
si. sect. 4, where he observes. That "there were lepers in many nations
who yet have been in honour, and not only free from reproach and
avoidance, but who have been great captains of armies, and been in-
trusted with high offices in the commonwealth, and have had the priv-
ilege of entering into holy places and temples." But what makes me
most regret the want of that history in our present copies of Josephus,
is this, that we have here, as it is commonly understood, one of the
greatest difficulties in all the Bible, that in 2 Kings v. 18, 19, where
Naaman, after be had been miraculously cured by a prophet of the
true God, and had thereupon promised, ver. 17, that "he would hence-
forth oifer neither burnt-offering nor sacrifice unto other gods, but
unto the Lord, adds, In this thing the Lord pardon thy servant, that
when my master goeth into the house of Hinimon to worship there, and
he leaneth on my hands, and I bow myself in the house of Rinunon;
when I bow down myself in the house of Himmon, the Lord jiardon thy
servant in this thing. And Elisha said. Go in peace." This looks like
a prophet's permission for being partaker in idolatry itself, out of
compliance with an idolatrous court.

14 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

and exhorted him to take care of that place, for that
therein were some Syrians lying in ambush to kill
him. So the king did as the prophet exhorted him,
and avoided his going a hunting. And when Ben-
hadad missed of the success of his lying in ambush,
he was wroth with his own servants, as if they had
betrayed his ambushment to Joram, and sent for
them, and said they were the betrayers of his secret
counsels; and he threatened that he would put them
to death, since such their practice was evident, be-
cause he had intrusted this secret to none but them,
and yet it was made known to his enemy. And
when one that was present said, that "he should not
mistake himself; nor suspect that they had discovered
to his enemy his sending men to kill him, but that
he ought to know that it was Elisha the prophet who
discovered all to him, and laid open all his counsels,"
he gave order that they should send some to learn
in what city Elisha dwelt. Accordingly those that
were sent brought word, that he was in Dothan:
wherefore Benhadad sent to that city a great army,
with horses and chariots, to take Elisha; so they
encompassed the city round about by night, and
kept him therein confined: but when the prophet's
servant in the morning perceived this, and that his
enemies sought to take Elisha, he came running and
crying out after a disordered manner to him, and
told him of it; but he encouraged him, and bid him
not be afraid, and to despise the enemy, and trust
in the assistance of God, and was himself without
fear; and he besought God to make manifest to his
servant his power and presence, so far as was pos-
sible, in order to the ins])iring him with hope and
courage. Accordingly God heard the prayer of the
prophet, and made the servant see a multitude of
chariots and horses encompassing Elisha, till he laid

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 15

aside his fear, and his courage revi\'ed at the sight
of what he supposed was come to their assistance.
After this Ehsha did farther entreat God, that he
would dim the eyes of their enemies, and cast a mist
before them, whereby they might not discern him.
When this was done, he went into the midst of his
enemies, and asked them who it was that they came
to seek? and when they rephed, the prophet Ehsha,
he promised he woukl deliver him to them, if they
would follow him to the city where he was. So these
men were so darkened by God in their sight and in
their mind, that they followed him very diligently;
and when Elisha had brought them to Samaria, he
ordered Joram the king to shut the gates, and to
place his own army round about them; and prayed
to God to clear the eyes of tliese their enemies, and
take the mist from before them. Accordingly when
they were freed from the obscurity they had been
in; they saw themselves in the midst of their enemies;
and as the Syrians were strangely amazed and dis-
tressed, as was but reasonable, at an action so divine
and surprising; and as king Joram asked the prophet,
if he would give him leave to shoot at them: Elisha
forbade him so to do; and said, that "it is just to
kill those that are taken in battle, but that these men
had done the country no harm, but without knowing
it, were come thither by the divine power." So that
his counsel was to treat them in a hosj)itable manner
at his table, and then send them away without hiu-t-
ing them.^ Wherefore Joram obeyed the prophet;
and when he had feasted the Syrians in a splendid

* Upon occasion of this stratagem of Elisha's in Josephus, we may
take notice that although Josephus was one of the greatest lovers of
trutii in the world, yet in a just war he seems to have had no manner
of scruple upon him hy all such stratagems possible to deceive public
enemies. See also Josephus' account of Jeremiah's imposition on the
great men of the Jews in somewhat a like case. Antiq. B. X. ch. vii.
sect. 6, and 2 Sam. xvi. KJ, etc.

16 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

and magnificent manner, he let them go to Benhadad
their king.

4. Now when these men were come back, and
had showed Benhadad how strange an accident had
befallen them, and what an appearance and power
they had experienced of the God of Israel, he won-
dered at it, as also at that prophet with whom God
was so evidently present: so he determined to make
no more secret attempts upon the king of Israel,
out of fear of Elisha, but resolved to make open
war with them, as supposing he could be too hard
for his enemies by the multitude of his army and
power. So he made an expedition with a great
army, against Joram, who, not thinking himself a
match for him, shut himself up in Samaria, and
depended on the strength of its walls; but Benhadad
supposed he should take the city, if not by his en-
gines of war, yet that he should overcome the Samari-
tans by famine, and the want of necessaries, and
brought his army upon them, and besieged the city:
and the plenty of necessaries was brought so low
with Joram, and from the extremity of want an
ass's head was sold in Samaria, for fourscore pieces
of silver, and the Hebrews bought a sextary of dove's
dung, instead of salt, for five pieces of silver. Now
Joram was in fear lest somebody should betray the
city to the enemy, by reason of the famine, and
went every day round the walls and the guards, to
see whether any such were concealed among them;
and by being thus seen, and taking such care, he
deprived them of the opportunity of contriving any
such thing, and if they had a mind to do it, he, by
this means, prevented them; but upon a certain
woman's crying out, "Have pity on me, my lord,"
while he thought that she was about to ask for some-
what to eat, he imprecated God's curse upon her,

Chap. IV. or THE JEWS. 17

and said, "he had neither threshing-floor, nor wine-
press, whence he might give her any thing at her
petition." Upon which she said, "She did not desire
his aid in any such thing, nor trouble him about
food, but desired that he would do her justice as
to another woman." And when he bade her say on,
and let him know what she desired, she said, "She
had made an agreement with the other woman, who
was her neighbour and her friend, that because the
famine and w\ant was intolerable, they should kill
their children, each of them having a son of their
own, and we will live upon them ourselves for two
days, the one day upon one son, and the other day
upon the other: and, said she, I have killed my son
the first day, and we lived upon my son yesterday,
but this other woman will not do the same thing,
but hath broken her agreement, and hath hid her
son." This story mightily grieved Joram when he
heard it; so he rent his garment, and cried out with
a loud voice, and conceived great wrath against
Elisha the prophet, and set himself eagerly to have
him slain, because he did not pray to God to provide
them some exit and way of escape out of the miseries
with which they were surrounded, and sent one away
immediately to cut off his head, who made haste to
kill the prophet; but EHsha was not unacquainted
with the wrath of the king against him; for as he
sat in his house by himself, with none but his dis-
ciples about him, he told them, that Joram, ^ who
was the son of a murderer, had sent one to take
away his head; but, said he, "when he that is com-

* This S071 of a murderer was Joram, the son of Ahab, which Ahab
slew, or permitted his wife Jezebel to slay the Lord's prophets, and
Naboth, 1 Kings xviii. 4, xxi. 19, and he is here called by this name,
I suppose, because he had now also himself sent an officer to murder
him; yet is Josephus' account of Joram's coming himself at last, as
repenting of his intended cruelty, much more probable than that in our
copies, 3 Kings vi. 33, which rather implies the contrary.

18 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

manded to do this comes, take care that ye do not
let him come in, but press the door against him, and
hokl him fast there, for the king himself will follow
him, and come to me having altered his mind." Ac-
cordingly, they did as they were bidden, when he
that was sent by the king to kill Elisha came; but
Joram repented of his wrath against the prophet,
and for fear he that was commanded to kill him
should have done it before he came, he made haste
to hinder his slaughter, and to save the prophet:
and when he came to him, he accused him that he
did not pray to God for their deliverance from the
miseries they lay now under, but saw them so sadly
destroyed by them. Hereupon Elisha promised, that
the very next day, at the very same hour in which
the king came to him, they should have great
plenty of food, and that two seah of barley should
be sold in the market for a shekel, and a seah of
fine flour should be sold for a sliekel. This predic-
tion made Joram, and those that were present, very
joyful, for they did not scruple believing what the
prophet said, on account of the experience they had
of the truth of his former predictions; and the ex-
pectation of plenty made the want they were in
that day, with the uneasiness that accompanied it,
appear a light thing to them: but the captain of the
third band, who was a friend of the king's, and on
whose hand the king leaned, said, "Thou talkest of
incredible things, O prophet! for as it is impossible
for God to pour down torrents of barley, or fine
flour, out of heaven, so is it impossible that what
thou sayest should come to pass." To which the
prophet made this reply, "Thou shalt see these things
come to pass, but thou shalt not be in the least a
partaker of them."

0, Xow what Elisha had thus foretold, came to

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 19

pass in the manner following: There was a ^ law
at Samaria, that those that had the leprosy, and
whose bodies were not cleansed from it, should abide
without the city; and there were four men that on
this account abode before the gates, while nobody
gave them any food, by reason of the extremity of
the famine: and as they were j^i'ohibited from enter-
ing into the city by the law, and they considered
that if they were permitted to enter, they should
miserably perish by the famine, as also, that if they
stayed where they were, they should suffer in the
same manner, they resolved to deliver themselves
up to the enemy, that in case they should spare them,
they should hve, but if they should be killed, that
would be an easy death. So when they had con-
firmed this their resolution, they came by night to
the enemies' camp. Xow God had begun to affright
and disturb the Syrians, and to bring the noise of
chariots and armour to their ears, as though an army
were coming upon them, and had made them suspect
that it w^as coming nearer and nearer to them. In
short, they were in such a dread of this army, that
they left their tents, and ran together to Benhadad,
and said, That "Joram the king of Israel had hired
for auxiliaries, both the king of Egypt and the king
of the islands, and led them against them, for they
heard the noise of them as they were coming." And
Benhadad believed what they said (for there came
the same noise to his ears as well as it did to theirs),
so they fell into a mighty disorder and tumult, and
left their horses and beasts in their camp, with im-
mense riches also, and betook themselves to flight.
And those lepers who had departed from Samaria,

Tliis law of the Jews, for the exclusion of lejiers out of the camp
in the wilderness, and out of the cities in Judea, is a well known one,
Lev. xiii. 4j, and Num. v. 1-4.

20 AXTIQUITIES Book ix.

and were gone to the camp of the Syrians, of whom
we made mention a little before, when they were
in the camp, saw nothing but great quietness and
silence: accordingly they entered into it, and went
hastily into one of their tents, and when they saw
nobody there they eat and drank, and carried gar-
ments and a great quantity of gold, and hid it out
of the camp; after which they went into another
tent, and carried off what was in it, as they did
at the former, and this did they for several times,
without the least interruption from any body. So
they gathered thereby that the enemies were de-
parted; whereupon they reproached themselves that
they did not inform Joram and the citizens of it.
So they came to the walls of Samaria, and called
aloud to the watchmen, and told them in what state
the enemies were, as did these tell tlie king's guards,
by whose means Joram came to know of it; win
then sent for his friends, and the captains of his
host, and said to them. That "he suspected that this
departure of the king of Syria was by way of am-
bush and treachery, and that out of despair of ruin-
ing you by famine, when you imagine them to be
fled away, you may come out of the city to spoil
their camp, and he may then fall upon you on a
sudden, and may ])oth kill you, and take the city
without fighting; whence it is tliat I exhort you
to guard the city carefully, and by no means to go
out of it, or proudly to despise your enemies, as
though they were really gone away." And when
a certain person said. That "he did very well and
wisely to admit sucli a suspicion, but that he still
advised him to send a couple of horsemen to search
all the country, as far as Jordan, that if they were
seized by an ambush of the enemy, they might be
a security to your army, that they may not go out

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 21

as if they suspected nothing, nor undergo the hke
misfortune; and, (said he), those horsemen may be
numbered among those that have died by the famine,
supposing they be caught and destroyed by the
enemy." So the king was pleased with this opinion
and sent such as might search out the truth, who
performed their journey over a road that was with-
out any enemies, but found it full of provisions, and
of weapons, that they had therefore thrown away,
and left behind them, in order to their being light
and expeditious in their flight. When the king heard
this, he sent out the multitude to take the spoils of
the cam23; M'hich gains of theirs were not of things
of small value, but they took a great quantity of
gold, and a great quantity of silver, and flocks of
all kinds of cattle. They also possessed themselves
of [so many] ten thousand measures of wheat and
barley, as they never in the least dreamed of; and
were not only freed from their former miseries, but
had such plenty, that two sealis of barley were bought
for a shekel, and a seah of fine flour for a shekel,
according to the prophecy of Elisha. Xow a seah
is equal to an Italian modius and a half. The cap-
tain of the third band was the only man that received
no benefit by this plenty; for as he was appointed
by the king to oversee the gate, that he might prevent
the too great a crowd of the multitude, that they
might not endanger one another and perish, by tread-
ing on one another in the press, he suffered himself
in that very way, and died in that very manner, as
Elisha had foretold such his death, when he alone
of them all disbelieved what he said concerning that
plenty of provisions which they should soon have.

6. Hereupon, when Benhadad, the king of Syria,
had escaped to Damascus, and understood that it
was God himself that cast all his army into this fear

22 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

and disorder, and that it did not arise from the in-
vasion of enemies, he was mightily cast down at his
having God so greatly for his enemy, and fell into
a distemper. Now it happened that Elisha the
prophet, at that time, was gone out of his own coun-
try to Damascus, of which Benhadad was informed;
he sent Hazael, the most faithful of all his servants,
to meet him, and to carry him presents, and bade
him inquire of him about his distemper, and whether
he should escape the danger that it threatened. So
Hazael came to Elisha with forty camels, that carried
the best and most precious fruits that the country
of Damascus afforded, as well as those which the
king's palace supplied. He saluted him kindly, and
said. That "he was sent to him by king Benhadad,
and brought presents with him, in order to inquire
concerning his distemper, whether he should recover
from it or not?" Whereupon the prophet bid him
tell the king no melancholy news, but still he said
he would die. So, the king's servant was troubled
to hear it; and Elisha wept also, and his tears ran
down plenteously at his foresight of what miseries
his people would undergo after the death of Ben-
hadad. And when Hazael asked, what was the oc-
casion of this confusion he was in? he said. That "he
wept out of his commiseration for the multitude of
the Israelites, and what terrible miseries they will
suffer by thee; for thou wilt slay the strongest of
them, and will burn their strongest cities, and will
destroy their children, and dash them against the
stones, and will rip up their women with child." And
when Hazael said, "Plow can it be tliat I should ha^e
power enough to do such tilings?" the prophet replied,
"That God had informed him that he should l)e kin;^-
of Syria." So when Hazael was come to Benhadad,
he told him good news concerning his distemper;

Chap. IV. Ol^ THE JEWS. 23

^ but on the next day he spread a wet cloth, in the
nature of a net over him, and strangled liim, and
took his dominion. He was an active man, and had
the good-will of the Syrians, and of the people of
Damascus to a great degree; by whom both Ben-
hadad himself, and Hazael, who ruled after him, are
honoured to this day as gods by reason of their bene-
factions, and their building them temples, by which
they adorned the city of the Damascenes. They also
every day do with great pomp pay their worship
" to these kings, and value themselves upon their an-
tiquity; nor do they know that these kings are much
later than they imagine, and that they are not yet
eleven hundred years old. Now when Joram, the
king of Israel, heard that Benhadad was dead, he
recovered out of the terror and dread he had been
in on his account, and was very glad to live in peace.

* Since Elijah did not live to anoint Hazael king of Syria liiniself,
as he was empowered to do, 1 Kings xix. 1,5, it was most probably now
done, in his name, by his servant and successor Elisha: Xor does it
seem to me otherwise, but that Benhadad immediately recovered of his
disease, as the i)ro])het foretold; and that Hazael, upon his being anointed
to succeed him, though he ought to have stayed till he died by the course
of nature, or some other way of divine jiunishment, as did David for
many years in the like case, was too impatient, and the very next day,
smothered or strangled him, in order to come directly to the succession.

^ What .Mr. Le Clerc pretends here, that it is more probable that
Hazael and his son were worshijijied by the Syrians, and people of
Damascus, till the days of Josephus, than Benhadad and Hazael, because
under Benhadad they had greatly suffered, and because it is almost
incredible, that both a king, and that king's murderer should be wor-
sliipped by the same Syrians, is of little force against those records
out of which Jose]ihus drew his history, especially when it is likely that
they thought lienhadad died of the distemper he laboured under, and
not by Hazael's treachery. Besides, the reason that Josephus gives for
this adoration, and that these two kings had been great benefactors to
the inhabitants of Damascus, and had budt them temples, is too re-
mote from the political suspicions of Le Clerc; nor ought such weak
suspicions to be deemed of any force against authentic testimonies of
antiquity.

24 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

CHAPTER V.

Concerning the wickedness of Jehoram king of Jeru-
salem. His defeat and death.

1. Now Jehoram the king of Jerusalem, for we
have said before that he had the same name with
the king of Israel, as soon as he had taken the gov-
ernment upon him, betook himself to the slaughter
of his brethren, and his father's friends, who were
governors under him, and thence made a beginning,
and a demonstration of his wickedness; nor was he
at all better than those kings of Israel who at first
transgressed against the laws of their country, and
of the Hebrews, and against God's worship. And
it M'as Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab, whom he
had married, who taught him to be a bad man in
other respects, and also to worship foreign gods.
Now God would not quite root out this family, be-
cause of the promise he had made to David. How-
ever, Jehoram did not leave off the introduction of
new sorts of customs, to the propagation of impiety,
and to the ruin of the customs of his own country.
And when the Edomites about that time had re-
volted from him, and slain their former king, who
was in subjection to his father, and had set up one
of their own choosing, Jehoram fell upon the land
of Edom, with the horsemen that were about him,
and the chariots, by night, and destroyed those that
lay near to his own kingdom, but did not proceed
farther. However, this expedition did him no service,
for they all revolted from him, with those that dwelt
in the country of Libnah. He was indeed so mad,
as to compel tlie people to go up to the high places
of the mountains, and worship foreign gods.

Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 25

2. And as he was doing this, and had entirely
cast his own country laws out of his mind, there
was brought him an ^ epistle from Elijah the prophet,
which declared that "God would execute great judg-
ments upon him, because he had not imitated his
own fathers, but had followed the wicked courses
of the kings of Israel; and had compelled the tribe
of Judah, and the citizens of Jerusalem, to leave
the holy worship of their own God, and to worship
idols, as Ahab had compelled the Israelites to do,
and because he had slain his brethren, and the men
that were good and righteous." And the prophet
gave him notice in this epistle, what punishment he
should undergo for these crimes, namely, "the de-
struction of his people, with the corruption of the
king's own wives and children, and that he should
himself die of a distemper in his bowels, with long tor-
ments, those his bowels falling out by the violence of the
inward rottenness of the parts, insomuch, that though
he see his own misery, he shall not be able at all to
help himself, but shall die in that manner." Thus it
was which Elijah denounced to him in that epistle.

3. It was not long after this that an army of
those Arabians that lived near to Ethiopia, and of
the Philistines, fell upon the kingdom of Jehoram,
and spoiled the country and the king's house: ^lore-
over, they slew his sons and his wives: one only of
his sons was left him, who escaped the enemy; his
name was Ahaziah: After which calamity, he him-
self fell into that disease which was foretold by the
prophet, and lasted a great while (for God inflicted

* This epistle, in some copies of Josephus, is said to come to Joram
from Elijah, with this addition, for he watt yet upon earth, which could
not be true of Elijah, who, as all agree, was gone from the earth about
four years before, and could only be true of Elisha: nor, perhaps, is
there any more mystery here, than that the name of Elijah has very
anciently crept into the text instead of Elisha, by the copiers, there
being nothing in any copy of that epistle peculiar to Elijah.

26 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

this punishment upon him in his belly, out of his
wrath against him), and so he died miserably, and
saw his own bowels fall out. The people also abused
his dead body: I suppose it was because they thought
that such his death came uj^on him by the wrath
of God, and that therefore he was not worthy to
partake of such a funeral as became kings. Accord-
ingly, they neither buried him in the sepulchres of
his fathers, nor vouchsafed him any honours, but
buried him like a private man, and this when he
had lived forty years, and reigned eight: And the
people of Jerusalem delivered the government to his
son Ahaziah.

CHAPTER VI.

How Jehu was anointed king and dew both Joram
and Ahaziah; as also what he did for the imnish-
ment of the wicked.

I. Now Joram the king of Israel, after the death
of Benhadad, hoped that he might now take Ramoth,
a city of Gilead, from the Syrians. Accordingly he
made an expedition against it, with a great army:
but as he was besieging it, an arrow was shot at
him by one of the Syrians, but the woimd was not
mortal: So he returned to have his wound healed
in Jezreel, but left his whole army in Ramoth, and
Jehu the son of Nimshi for their general, for he
had already taken the city by force; and he pro-
posed, after he was healed, to make war with the
Syrians; but Elisha the prophet sent one of his
disciples to Ramoth, and gave him holy oil to anoint
Jehu, and to tell him, that God had chosen him to
be their king. He also sent him to say other things

Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 27

to him, and bid him to take his journey as if he
fled, that when he came away he might escape the
knowledge of all men. So when he was come to
the city, he found Jehu sitting in the midst of the
captains of the army, as Elisha had foretold he should
find him. So he came up to him, and said, that he
desired to sj^eak with him about certain matters;
and when he was arisen, and had followed him into
an inward chamber, the young man took the oil, and
])oured it on his head, and said, that "God ordained
him to be king, in order to his destroying the house
of Ahab, and that he miglit revenge the blood of
the proj)hets, that were im justly slain by Jezebel,
that so their house miglit utterly perish, as those of
Jeroboam the son of Xebat, and of Baasha, had
perished for their wickedness, and no seed might
remain of Ahab's family." So when he had said
this, he went away hastily out of the chamber, and
endeavoured not to be seen bj^ any of the army.

2. But Jehu came out, and went to the place
where he before sat with the captains: and when
they asked him, and desired him to tell them, where-
fore it was that this young man came to him? and
added withal that he was mad: he replied, you guess
right, for the words he spake were the words of
a madman: and when they were eager about the
matter, and desired he would tell them, he answered,
that God had said, he had chosen him to be king
"over the multitude." AVhen he had said this, every
one of them ^ put off his garment, and strewed it
under him, and blew with trumpets, and gave notice,
t^at Jehu was king. So when he had gotten the
army together, he was preparing to set out immedi-

' Spanheim here notes that this putting off men's garments and
strewing them under a king, was an eastern custom, which he elsewhere
explained.

28 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

ately against Joram, at the city Jezreel, in which
city, as we said before, he was heahng of the wound
which he had received in the siege of Ramoth. It
happened also that Ahaziah, king of Jerusalem, was
now come to Joram, for he was his sister's son, as
we have said already, to see how he did after his
wound, and this upon account of their kindred; but
as Jehu was desirous to fall upon Joram and those
with him on the sudden, he desired that none of the
soldiers might run away and tell to Joram what had
happened, for that this would be an evident demon-
stration of their kindness to him, and would show
that their real inclinations were to make him king.

3. So they were pleased with what he did, and
guarded the roads, lest somebody should privately
tell the thing to those that were at Jezreel. Now
Jehu took his choice horsemen, and sat upon his
chariot, and went on for Jezreel, and when he was
come near, the watchman whom Joram had sent
there to spy out such as came to the city, saw Jehu
marching on, and told Joram that lie saw a troop
of horsemen marching on. Upon which he immedi-
ately gave orders, that one of his horsemen should
be sent out to meet them, and to know who it was
that was coming. So when the horseman came up
to Jehu, he asked him, in what condition the army
was? for that the king wanted to know it; but Jehu
bid him not at all to meddle with such matters, but
to follow him. When the watchman saw this, he
told Joram that the horseman had mingled himself
among the company, and came along with them.
And when the king had sent a second messenger,
Jehu commanded him to do as the former did; as
soon as the watchman told this also to Joram, he
at last got upon his chariot himself, together with
Ahaziah, the king of Jerusalem; for, as we said

Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 29

before, he was there to see how Joram did, after he
had been wounded, as being his relation. So he
went out to meet Jehu, who marched ^ slowly, and
in good order; and when Joram met him in the field
of Xaboth, he asked him, if all things were well in
the camp ? but Jehu reproached him bitterly, and
ventured to call his mother a witch, and an harlot.
Upon this the king fearing what he intended, and
suspecting he had no good meaning, he turned his
chariot about as soon as he could, and said to Ahaziah,
we are fought against by deceit and treachery: But
Jehu drew his bow, and smote him, the arrow going
through his heart: so Joram fell down immediately
on his knee, and gave up the ghost. Jehu also gave
orders to Bidkar, the captain of the third part of
his army, to cast the dead body of Joram into the
field of Xaboth, putting hnn in mind of the prophecy
which Elijah prophesied to Ahab his father, when
he had slain Naboth, that both he and his family
should perish in that place, for that as tliey sat
behind Ahab's chariot, they heard the prophet say
so, and that it was now come to pass according to
his prophecy. Upon the fall of Joram, Ahaziah was
afraid of his own life, and turned his chariot into
another road, supposing he should not be seen by
Jehu; but he followed after him, and overtook him
at a certain acclivity, and drcAv his bow, and wounded
him, so he left his chariot, and got upon his horse,
and fled from Jehu to IVIegiddo, and though he was

^ Our copies say, that this "driving of the chariots was like the
driving of Jehu the son of Ximshi, for he driveth furiously," 2 Kings
ix. 20, whereas Josephus' copy, as he understood it, was this, that, on
the contrary, Jehu marched slowly and in good order. Nor can it be
denied, that since there was interval enough for king Joram, to send
out two horsemen, one after another, to Jehu, and at length to go out
with king Ahaziah to meet him, and all this after he was come within
sight of the watchman, and before he was come to Jezreel, the proba-
bility is greatly on the side of Josephus' copy or interpretation.

30 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

under cure, in a little time lie died of that wound,
and was carried to Jerusalem, and buried there, after
he had reigned one year, and had proved a wicked
man, and worse than his father.

4. Now when Jehu was come to Jezreel, Jezebel
adorned herself and stood upon a tower, and said,
"he was a fine servant that had killed his master."
And when he looked up to her, he asked who she
was? and commanded her to come down to him.
At last he ordered the eunuchs to throw her down
from the tower, and being thrown down, she be-
sj3rinkled the wall with her blood, and was trodden
upon by the horses, and so died. When this was
done, Jehu came to the palace with his friends, and
took some refreshment after his journey, both with
other things, and by eating a meal. He also bid
his servants to take up Jezebel and bury her, because
of the nobility of her blood, for she was descended
from kings; but those that were appointed to burj^
her found nothing else remaining but the extreme
parts of her body, for all the rest were eaten by dogs.
When Jehu heard this, he admired the prophecy of
Elijah, for he foretold that she should perish in this
manner at Jezreel.

5. Now Ahab had seventy sons brought up in
Samaria. So Jehu sent two epistles, the one to
them that brought uj) the children, the other to the
rulers of Samaria, which said. That "they should
set up the most valiant of Ahab's sons for king, for
that they had abundance of chariots, and horses,
and armour, and a great army, and fenced cities,
and that by so doing they might avenge the murder
of Ahab." This he wrote to try the intentions of
those of Samaria. Now when the rulers, and those
that had brought up the children, had read the letter,
they were afraid, and considering that they were

Chap. VI. 01' THE JEWS. 31

not at all able to oppose him, and that he had al-
ready subdued two very great kings, they returned
him this answer. That "they owned him for their
lord, and would do whatsoever he bade them." So
he wrote back to them, such a reply as enjoined them
to obey what he gave order for, and to cut off the
heads of Ahabvs sons, and send them to him. Ac-
cordingly, the rulers sent for those that brought up
the sons of Ahab, and commanded them to slay them,
to cut off their heads, and send them to Jehu. So
they did whatsoever they were commanded, without
omitting any thing at all, and put them up in wicker
baskets, and sent them to Jezreel. And when Jehu,
as he was at supper witli his friends, was informed
that the heads of Ahai)'s sons were brought, he or-
dered them to make two heaps of them, one before
each of the gates, and in the morning he Mxnt out
to take a view of them, and when he sa%v them, he
began to say to the people that were present, That
"he did himself make an expedition against his master
[Joram], and slew him, but that it was not he that
slew all these: and he desired them to take notice,
that as to Ahab's family, all things had come to
pass according to God's prophecy, and his house
was perished, according as Elijah had foretold,"
And when he had farther destroyed all the kindred
of Ahab that were found in Jezreel, he went to
Samaria; and as he was upon the road, he met the
relations of Ahaziah king of Jerusalem, and asked
them, whither they were going? they replied, that they
came to salute Joram, and their own king Ahaziah,
for they knew not that he had slain them both: So
Jehu gave orders that they should catch these, and
kill them, being in number forty-two persons.

6. After these, there met him a good and a right-
eous man, whose name was Jchonadahj and who had

32 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

been his friend of old. He saluted Jehu, and began
to commend him, because he had done every thing
according to the will of God, in extirpating the house
of Ahab. So Jehu desired him to come up into
his chariot, and make his entry with him into Samaria;
and told him, That "he would not spare one wicked
man, but would punish the false prophets, and false
priests, and those that deceived the multitude, and
persuaded them to leave the worship of God Al-
mighty, and to worshij) foreign gods; and that it
was a most excellent and most pleasing sight to
a good and a righteous man to see the wicked pun-
ished." So Jehonadab was persuaded by these argu-
ments and came up into Jehu's chariot, and came
to Samaria. And Jehu sought out for all Ahab's
kindred, and slew them. And being desirous that
none of the false prophets nor the priests of Ahab's
god, might escape punishment, he caught them
deceitfully by this wile: for he gathered all the people
together, and said. That "he would worship twice
as many gods as Ahab worshipped, and desired that
his priests, and prophets, and servants might be
present because he would offer costly and great
sacrifices to Ahab's god, and that if any of his
priests were wanting, they should be punished with
death." Now Ahab's god was called Baal. And
when he had ajjpointed a day on which he would
offer those sacrifices, he sent messengers through all
the country of the Israehtes, that they might bring
the priests of Baal to him. So Jehu commanded
to give all the priests vestments; and when they had
received tliem, he went into the house [of Baal,]
with his friend Jehonadab, and gave orders to make
search whether there were not any foreigner or
stranger among them, for he would have no one of
a different religion to mix among their sacred offices.

Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 33

And when they said that there was no stranger there,
and they were beginning their sacrifices., he set four-
score men without, they being such of his soldiers
as he knew to be most faithful to him, and bid them
slay the prophets, and now vindicate the laws of
their country, which had been a long time in dis-
esteem. He also threatened, that if any one of
them escaped, their own lives should go for them.
So they slew them all with the sword, and burnt the
house of Baal; and by that means purged Samaria
of foreign customs, [idolatrous worship.] Now this
Baal was the god of the Tyrians; and Ahab, in
order to gratify his father-in-law, Ethbaal, who was
the king of Tyre and Sidon, built a temple for him
in Samaria, and appointed him prophets, and wor-
shipped him with all sorts of w^orship, although, when
this god was demolished, Jehu permitted the Israel-
ites to worship the golden heifers. However, be-
cause he had done thus, and taken care to punish
the wicked, God foretold by his prophet, that his
sons should reign over Israel for four generations:
And in this condition was Jehu at this time.

CHAPTER VII.

How Athaliah reigned over Jerusalem for five [six]
years, when Jehoiada the high priest slew her, and
made Jehoash the son of Ahaziah king.

1. Now when Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab,
heard of the death of her brother Joram, and of
her son Ahaziah, and of the royal family, she en-
deavoured that none of the house of David nught
be left alive, but that the whole family might be

34 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

exterminated, that no king might arise out of it
afterward; and, as she thought, she had actually
done it; but one of Ahaziah's sons was preserved,
who escaped death after the manner following:
Ahaziah had a sister by the same father, whose name
was Jeliosheha, and she was married to the high
priest Jehoiada. She went into the king's palace,
and found Jehoash, for that was the little child's
name, who was not above a year old, among those
that were slain, but concealed with his nurse; so she
took him with her into a secret })ed-chamber, and
shut him up there, and she and her husband Jehoiada
l)rought him up privately in the temple six years,
during which time Athaliah reigned over Jerusalem
and the two tribes.

2. Now on the seventh year, Jehoiada communi-
cated the matter to certain of the captains of hun-
dreds, five in number, and persuaded them to be
assisting to what attempts he was making against
Athaliah, and to join with him in asserting the king-
dom to the child. He also received such oaths from
them as are proper to secure those that assist one
another from the fear of discovery; and he was then
of good hope that they should depose Athaliah. Now
those men whom Jehoiada tlie priest had taken to
be his partners, went into all the coimtry, and gath-
ered together the priests and the Levites, and the
heads of the tribes out of it, and came and brought
them to Jerusalem to the high priest. So he de-
manded the security of an oath of them, to keep
private whatsoever he should discover to them, which
required both their silence and their assistance. So
when they had taken the oath, and had thereby made
it safe for him to speak, lie produced the child that
he had brought up of the family of David, and
said to them, "This is your king, of that house which

Chap. VII. OF TIIK JEW'S. 35

you know God hath foretold should reign over you
for all time to come: I exhort you therefore that
one third part of you guard him in the temple, and
that a fourth part keep watch at all the gates of
the temple, and that the next part of you keep
guard at the gate which opens and leads to the
king's palace, and let the rest of the multitude be
unarmed in the temple, and let no armed person
go into the temple, but the priest only. He also
gave them this order besides, that a part of the
priests and the Levites should be about the king
himself, and be a guard to him, with their drawn
swords, and to kill that man immediately, whoever
he be, that should be so bold as to enter armed into
the temple; and bid them be afraid of nobody, but
persevere in guarding the king." So these men
obeyed what the high priest advised them to, and
declared the reality of their resolution ])y their ac-
tions. Jehoiada also opened that armoury which
David had made in the temple, and distributed to
the captains of hundreds, as also to the priests and
Levites, all the spears and quivers, and what kind
of weapons soever it contained, and set them armed
in a circle round about the temple; so as to touch
one another's hands, and by that means excluding
those from entering that ought not to enter. So
they brought the child into the midst of them, and
put on him the royal crown, and Jehoiada anointed
him with the oil, and made him king; and the multi-
tude rejoiced; and made a noise, and cried, "God
save the king."

3. When Athaliah unexpectedly heard the tumult
and the acclamations, she was greatly disturbed in
her mind, and suddenly issued out of the royal palace
with her own army; and when she was come to the
temple, the priests received her, but as for those

36 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

that stood round about the temple, as they were
ordered by the high priest to do, they hindered the
armed men that followed her from going in. But
when Athaliah saw the child standing upon a pillar,
with the roj^al crown upon his head, she rent her
clothes, and cried out vehemently, and commanded
[her guards] to kill him that had laid snares for
her, and endeavoured to deprive her of the govern-
ment: But Jehoiada called for the captains of hun-
dreds, and commanded them to bring Athaliah to
the valley of Cedron, and slay her there, for he
would not have the temple defiled with the punish-
ment of this pernicious woman; and he gave order,
that if any one came near to help her, he should
be slain also: wherefore those that had the charge
of her slaughter, took hold of her, and led her to
the gate of the kings' mules, and slew her there.

4. Now as soon as what concerned Athaliah was
by this stratagem, after this manner despatched,
Jehoiada called together the people and the armed
men into the temple, and made them take an oath
that they would be obedient to the king, and take
care of his safety, and of the safety of his govern-
ment; after which he obliged the king to give se-
curity [upon oath] that he would worship God, and
not transgress the laws of ]Moses. They then ran
to the house of Baal, which Athaliah and her hus-
band Jehoram had built, to the dishonour of the
God of their fathers, and to the honour of Ahab,
and demolished it, and slew JNIatan, that had his
priesthood. But Jehoiada entrusted the care and
custody of the temple to the priests and Levites,
according to the appointment of king David, and
enjoined them to bring their regular burnt-offerings
twice a-day, and to offer incense according to the
law. He also ordained some of the Levites, with

Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 37

the porters, to be a guard to the temple, that no
one that was defiled might come there.

5. And when Jehoiada had set these things in
order, he, with the captains of hundreds, and the
rulers, and all the people, took Jehoash, out of the
temple into the king's palace, and when he had set
him into the king's throne, the people shouted for
joy, and betook themselves to feasting, and kept
a festival for many days; but the city was quiet upon
the death of Athaliah. Xow Jehoash was seven years
old when he took the kingdom: His mother's name
was Zibiah, of the city Beersheba. And all the
time that Jehoiada lived, Jehoash was carefu] that
the laws should be kept, and very zealous in the
worship of God; and when he was of age, he married
two wives, who were given to him by the high priest,
by whom were born to him both sons and daughters.
And thus much shall suffice to have related con-
cerning king Jehoash, how he escaped the treachery
of Athaliah, and how he received the kingdom.

CHAPTER VIII.

Hazael makes an expedition against the people of
Israel, and the inhabitants of Jerusalem. Jehu
dies, and JehoaJiaz succeeds in the government.
Jehoash, the king of Jerusalem, at first is careful
about the worship of God, but afterivards becomes
impious, and commands Zachariah to be stoned.
When Jehoash [king of Judah] tvas dead, Amaziah
succeeds him in the kingdom.

1. Xow Hazael, king of Syria, fought against
the Israelites and their king Jehu, and spoiled the

38 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

eastern parts of the country beyond Jordan, which
belonged to the Reubenites and Gadites, and to [the
half tribe of] Manassites; as also Gilead and Bashan,
burning and spoiling, and offering violence to all
that he laid his hands on; and this without im-
peachment from Jehu, who made no haste to defend
the country when it was under this distress: nay,
he was become a contemner of religion, and a despiser
of holiness, and of the laws; and died when he had
reigned over the Israelites twenty-seven years. He
was buried in Samaria: and left Jehoahaz his son
his successor in the government.

2. Now Jehoash, king of Jerusalem, had an in-
clination to repair the temple of God; so he called
Jehoiada, and bid him send the Levites and priests
through all the country, to require half a shekel of
silver for every head, towards the rebuilding and
repairing of the temple, which was brought to decay
by Jehoram, and Athaliah, and her sons. But the
high priest did not do this, as concluding that no
one would willingly pay the money; but on the
twenty-third year of .Jehoash's reign, when the king
sent for him and the Levites, and complained that
they had not obeyed what he enjoined them, and
still conmianded them to take care of the rebuilding
the temple, he used this stratagem for collecting the
money, with which the multitude was pleased. He
made a wooden chest, and closed it up fast on all
sides, but opened one hole in it; he then set it in the
temple beside the altar, and desired every one to
cast into it, through the hole, what he pleased, for
the repair of the temple. This contrivance was ac-
ceptable to the peo])le, and tliey strove one with
another, and brought in jointly large quantities of
silver and gold: and when the scribe and the priest
that were over the treasuries had emptied the chest.

Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. .39

and counted the money in tlie king's presence, they
then set it in its former place, and thus did they
every day. But when the multitude appeared to
have cast in as much as was wanted, the high priest
Jehoiada, and king Jehoash, sent to hire masons and
carpenters, and to buy large pieces of timber, and
of the most curious sort, and when they had repaired
the temple, they made use of the remaining gold
and silver, which was not a little, for bowls, and
basons, and cups, and other vessels, and they went
on to make the altar every day fat M^ith sacrifices
of gi-eat value. And these things were taken suit-
able care of, as long as Jehoiada lived.

3. But as soon as he was dead, which was when
he had lived one hundred and thirty years, having
been a righteous, and in every respect, a very good
man, he was buried in the king's sepulchre at Jeru-
salem, (because he had recovered the kingdom to
the family of David), king Jehoash betrayed his
[want of] care about God. The principal men of
the people were corrupted also together with him,
and offended against their duty, and what their
constitution determined to be most for their good.
Hereupon God was displeased with the change that
was made on the king, and on the rest of the people;
and sent prophets to testify to them what their
actions were, and to bring them to leave off their
wickedness: but they had gotten such a strong affec-
tion, and so violent an inclination to it, that neither
could the examples of those that had offered affronts
to the laws, and had been so severely punished, they
and their entire families, nor could the fear of what
the prophets now foretold, bring them to repentance,
and turn them back from their course of trans-
gression, to their former duty. But the king com-
manded that Zachariah, the son of the high priest

40 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

Jehoiada, should be stoned to death in the temple,
and forgot the kindnesses he had received from his
father; for when God had appointed him to prophesy,
he stood in the midst of the multitude, and gave
this counsel to them and to the king, that they
should act righteously, and foretold to them, that
if they would not hearken to his admonitions, they
should suffer a heavy punishment: But as Zachariah
was ready to die, he appealed to God, as a witness
of what he suffered, for the good counsel he had
given them, and how he perished after a most severe
and violent manner for the good deeds his father had
done to Jehoash.

4, However, it was not long before the king
suffered punishment for his transgression; for when
Hazael, king of Syria, made an irruption into his
country, and when he had overthrown Gath, and
spoiled it, he made an expedition against Jerusalem:
upon which Jehoash was afraid, and emptied all the
treasures of God, and of the kings [before him],
and took down the gifts that had been dedicated,
[in the temple], and sent them to the king of Syria,
and procured so much by them, that he was not be-
sieged, nor his kingdom quite endangered, but Hazael
was induced by the greatness of the sum of money
not to bring his army against Jerusalem: yet Jehoash
fell into a severe distemper, and was set upon by
his friends, in order to revenge the death of Zachariah
the son of Jehoiada. These laid snares for the king
and slew him. He was indeed buried in Jerusalem,
but not in the royal sepulchres of his forefathers,
because of his impiety. He lived forty-seven years,
and Amaziah his son succeeded him in the kingdom.

5. In the one and twentieth year of the reign
of Jehoash, Jchoahaz, the son of Jehu, took the gov-
ernment of the Israehtes in Samaria, and held it

Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 41

seventeen years. He did not [properly] imitate his
father, but was guilty of as wicked practices as
those that first had God in contempt: but the king
of S}Tia brought him low, and by an expedition
against him did so greatly reduce his forces, that
there remained no more of so great an army than
ten thousand armed men, and fifty horsemen. He
also took aM^ay from him his great cities, and many
of them also, and destroyed his army. And these
were the things that the people of Israel suffered,
according to the prophecy of Elisha, when he fore-
told that Hazael would kill his master, and reign
over the Sp'ians and Damascenes. But when Je-
hoahaz was under such unavoidable miseries, he had
recourse to prayer and supplication to God, and
besought him to deliver him out of the hands of
Hazael, and not overlook him, and give him up
into his hands. Accordingly, God accepted of his
repentance instead of virtue, and being desirous
rather to admonish those that might repent, and not
to determine that they should be utterly destroyed,
he granted him dehverance from wars and dangers.
So the country having obtained peace, returned again
to its former condition, and flourished as before.

6. Xow after the death of Jehoaliaz, his son Joash
took the kingdom, in the thirty-seventh year of
Jehoash, the king of the tribe of Judah. This Joash
then took the kingdom of Israel in Samaria, for he
had the same name with the king of Jerusalem, and
he retained the kingdom sixteen years. He was a
^ good man and in his disposition was not at all

* This character of Joash, the son of Jehoahaz, that he was a good
man, "and in his disposition not at all like to his father," seems a direct
contradiction to our ordinary copies, which say, 2 Kings xiii. 11, that
"he did evil in the sight of 'the Lord; and that he departed not from
all the sins of Jerohoam, the son of Xehat, who made Israel to sin, he
walked therein." Which copies are here the truest, it is hard positively
to determine. If Josephus' be true, this Joash is the single instance of

42 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

like his father. Now at this time it was, that when
EHsha the prophet, who was akeady very old, and
was now fallen into a disease, the king of Israel
came to visit him; and when he found him very near
death he began to weep in his sight, and lament,
"to call him his father, and his weapons, because it
was by liis means that he never made use of his
weapons against his enemies, but that he overcame
his own adversaries by his prophecies, without fight-
ing; and that he was now departing this life, and
leaving him to tlie Syrians, that were already armed,
and to other enemies of his that were under their
power: so he said it was not safe for him to live
any longer, but that it woidd ])e well for him to
hasten to his end, and depart out of this life with
him." As the king was thus bemoaning himself,
Elisha comforted him, and bitl the king bend a bow
that was brought him; and when the king had fitted
the bow for shooting, Elisha took hokl of his hands
and bid him shoot; and when he had shot three arrows,
and then left off, Elisha said, "If thou hadst shot
more arrows thou hadst cut the kingdom of Syria
up by the roots, but since thou hast been satisfied
with shooting three times only, thou slialt fight and
l)eat the Syrians no more times tliaii three, that thou
mayest recover that country which they cut off from
thy kingdom in the reign of thy father." So when

a good king o\'er the ten tribes: If tlie other be true, we have not one
such example. Tlie account that follows in all copies, of Elisha the
i)r()])het's concern for him, and his concern for Elisha, greatly favour
,Josej)hus' cojiies, and suppose this king to have been then a good man,
and no idolater, with whom God's ])ro})hets used not to be so familiar.
l'))on the whole, since it ajipears even by Josejihus' own account, that
Aiuaziah the good king of Judah, while he was a good king, was for-
i)idden to make use of the 100,000 auxiliaries, he had of tliis Joash
the king of Israel, as if lie and they wer<; then idohitcrs, 2 C'hron. xxv.
(i-i). It is most likely that these different cli;ir;ictcrs of Joash suited
the different parts of his reign, and that according lo onr couunou
coy)ies, he was at first a wicked king, and afterwards was reclaimed, and
became a good one, according to Josephus.

Chap. VIII. or THE JEWS. 43

the king had heard that, he departed; and a little
while after, the prophet died. He was a man cele-
brated for righteousness; and in eminent favour witli
God. He also performed wonderful and surprising
works by prophecy, and such as were gloriously pre-
served in memory by the Hebrews. He also ob-
tained a magnificent funeral, such a one indeed as
it was fit a person so beloved of God should have.
It also happened, that at that time certain robbers
cast a man whom they had slain into Elisha's grave,
and upon his dead body, coming close to Elisha's
body it revived again. And thus far have we en-
larged about the actions of Elisha the prophet, both
such as he did while he was alive, and how he had
a divine power after his death also.

7. Now upon the death of Hazael, the king of
Syria, that kingdom came to Adad his son, witli
whom Joash king of Israel made war, and when he
had beaten him in three battles, he took from him
all that country, and all those cities and villages
which his father Hazael liad taken from the kingdom
of Israel, which came to pass however according to
the prophecy of Elisha. But when Joash happened
to die, he was buried in Samaria, and the govern-
ment devolved on his son Jeroboam.

44 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

CHAPTER IX.

How Amaziah made an cwpedition against the E d om-
it es and Amalehites, and conquered them; hut when
he afterwards made xvar against Joash, he was
beaten, and not long after was slain, and Uzziah
succeeded hi the government,

1. Now in the second year of the reign of Joash
over Israel, Amaziah reigned over tlie tribe of Judah
at Jerusalem. His mother's name was Jehohaddan,
who was born at Jerusalem. He was exceeding care-
ful in doing what was right, and this when he was
very young; but when he came to the management of
affairs, and to the government, he resolved that he
ought first of all to avenge his father Jehoash, and
to punish those his friends that had laid violent hands
upon him; so he seized upon them all, and put them
to death, yet did he execute no severity on their
children, but acted therein according to the laws of
Closes, who did not think it just to punish children
for the sins of their fathers. After this he chose him
an army out of the tribe of Judah and Benjamin of
such as were in the flower of their age, and about
twenty years old; and when he had collected about
three hundred thousand of them together, he set
captains of hundreds over them. Pie also sent to
the king of Israel, and hired an hundred thousand of
his soldiers for an hundred talents of silver, for he
had resolved to make an expedition against the na-
tions of the Amalekites, and Edomites, and Gebalites:
But as he was preparing for his expedition, and ready
to go out to the war, a prophet gave him counsel to
dismiss the army of the Israelites, because they were

Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 45

bad men, and because God foretold that he should
be beaten, if he made use of them as auxiliaries; but
that he should overcome his enemies, though he had
but a few soldiers, when it so pleased God. And
when the king grudged at his having already paid
the hire of the Israelites, the prophet exhorted him
to do what God would have him, because he should
thereby obtain much wealth from God. So he dis-
missed them, and said, that he still freely gave them
their pay, and w^nt himself with his own army, and
made war with the nations before mentioned; and
when he had beaten them in battle, he slew of them
ten thousand, and took as many prisoners alive; whom
he brought to the great rock which is in Arabia, and
threw them down from it headlong. He also brought
away a great deal of prey, and vast riches, from those
nations. But while Amaziah was engaged in this
expedition, those Israelites whom he had hired, and
then dismissed, were very uneasy at it, and taking
their dismission for an affront, as supposing that this
would not have been done to them but out of con-
tempt, they fell upon his kingdom, and proceeded to
spoil the country as far as Beth-horon, and took much
cattle, and slew three thousand men.

2. Now upon the victory which Amaziah had got-
ten, and the great acts he had done, he was puffed
up, and began to overlook God, who had given him
the victory, and proceeded to worship the gods he had
brought out of the country of the Amalekites. So a
prophet came to him and said, That "he wondered
how he could esteem these to be gods, who had been
of no advantage to their own people, who paid them
honours; nor had delivered them from his hand, ])ut
had overlooked the destruction of many of them, and
had suffered themselves to be carried captive; for
that thev had been carried to Jerusalem, in the same

46 AXTIQUITIES Book ix.

manner as any one might have taken some of the
enemy ahve, and led them thither." This reproof
provoked the king to anger, and he commanded the
prophet to hold his peace, and threatened to punish
him if he meddled with his conduct. So he replied,
"That he should indeed hold his peace; but foretold
withal, that God would not overlook his attempts
for innovation." But Amaziah was not able to con-
tain himself under that prosperity which God had
given him, although he had affronted God thereupon;
hut in a vein of insolence he wrote to Joash, the
king of Israel, and "commanded that he and all his
people should be obedient to him, as they had for-
merly been obedient to his progenitors, David and
Solomon; and he let him know, that if he would
not be so wise as to do what he commanded him, he
must fight for his dominion." To which message
Joash returned this answer in writing: "King Joash
to king Amaziah. There was a vastly tall cypress
tree in mount Lebanon, as also a thistle: this thistle
sent to the cypress tree to give the cypress tree's
daughter in marriage to the thistle's son; but as the
thistle was saying this, there came a wild beast, and
trode down the thistle: And this may be a lesson
to thee, not to be so ambitious, and to have a care,
lest upon thy good success in the fight against the
Amalekites, thou growest so j^i'oi^id, as to bring
dangers upon thyself and upon thy kingdom."

3. When Amaziah had read tliis letter, he was
more eager upon this expedition, which, I suppose,
was by the impulse of God, that he might be pun-
ished for his offence against him. But as soon as
he led out his army against Joash, and they were
going to join battle witli him, there came such a
fear and consternation u])()n tlie army of Amaziah,
as God when he is displeased, sends upon men, and

Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 47

discomfited them, even before they came to a close
fight. Now it happened, that as they were scattered
about by the terror that was upon them, Amaziali
was left alone, and was taken prisoner by the enemy;
whereupon Joash threatened to kill him, unless he
would persuade the people of Jerusalem to oj^en
their gates to him, and receive him and his army
into the city. Accordingly, Amaziah was so dis-
tressed, and in such fear of his life, that he made
his enemy to be received into the city. So Joash
overthrew a part of the wall, of the length of four
hundred cubits, and drove his chariot through the
breach into Jerusalem, and led Amaziah captive
along witli him: by which means he became master
of Jerusalem, and took away the treasures of God,
and carried off all the gold and silver that was in
the king's palace, and tlien freed the king from
captivity, and returned to Samaria. Now these
things happened to the people of Jerusalem in the
fourteenth year of the reign of Amaziah, who after
this had a conspiracy made against him by his friends,
and fled to the city Lachish, and was there slain by
the conspirators, w^ho sent men thither to kill him.
So they took up his dead body, and carried it to
Jerusalem, and made a royal funeral for him. This
was the end of the life of Amaziah, because of his
innovations in religion, and his contempt of God,
when he had lived fifty-four years, and had reigned
twenty-nine. He was succeeded by his son, whose
name was Uzziah.

48 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

CHAPTER X.

Concerning Jeroboam, king of Israel, and Jonah the
prophet; and hotc, after the death of Jeroboam,
his son Zechariah took the government. How
Uzziah, king of Jerusalem, subdued the nations,
that were I'ound about him; and td^hat befell him
when he attempted to offer incense to God.

1. In the fifteenth year of the reign of Amaziah,
Jeroboam, the son of Joash, reigned over Israel and
Samaria, forty years. The king was guilty of ^ con-
tumely against God, and became very wicked in
worshipping of idols, and in many undertakings that
were absurd and foreign. He was also the cause of
ten thousand misfortunes to the people of Israel.
Now one Jonah, a prophet, foretold to him, that he
should make war with the Syrians, and conquer their
army, and enlarge the bounds of his kingdom on
the northern parts, to the city Hamath, and on the
southern, to the lake Asphaltitis, for the bounds of
the Canaanites originally were these as Joshua their
general had determined them. So Jeroboam made
an expedition against the Syrians and overran all
their country, as Jonah had foretold.

2. Now I cannot but think it necessary for me,

' What I have above noted concerning Jehoash, seems to nie to
have been true also concerning his son Jeroboam II. viz. that although
he began wickedly, as Josepluis agrees with our other copies, and, as he
adds "was the cause of a vast number of misfortunes to the Israelites,"
in those his first years, (the particulars of which are unhappily wanting
both in Joscphus and in all our copies), so does it seem to me that he
was afterwards reclaimed, and became a good king, and so was en-
couraged by the proj)het .Jonah, and had great successes afterward, when
"God had saved the Israelites by the hand of Jeroboam, the son of
Joash," 2 Kings xiv. -2~i, which encouragement by Jonah, and great suc-
cesses are etjually observable in Josejihus, and in the other copief

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 49

who have promised to give an accurate account of
our affairs, to describe the actions of the prophet, so
far as I have found them written down in the Hebrew
books. Jonah had been commanded bj" God to go
to the kingdom of Nineveh; and when he was there,
to pubhsh it in that city, how it should lose the do-
minion it had over the nations. But he went not,
out of fear; nay, he ran away from God to the
city of Joppa, and finding a ship there, he went
into it, and sailed to ^ Tarsus in Cilicia, and upon
the rise of a most terrible storm, which was so great
that the ship was in danger of sinking, the mariners,
the master, and the pilot himself, made prayers and
vows, in case they escaped the sea; but Jonah lay
still and covered [in the ship], without imitating
any thing that the others did: but as the waves grew
greater, and the sea became more violent by the
winds, they suspected, as is usual in such cases, that
some one of the persons that sailed with them, was
the occasion of this storm, and agreed to discover
by lot which of them it was. When they had ^ cast

' When Jonah is said in our Bibles to have gone to Tafshish, Jonah
i. 3, Josephus understood it that he went to Tarshish in Cilicia, or to
the Mediterranean Sea, upon which Tarsus lay: so that he does not
appear to have read the text, 1 Kings xxii. 48, as our copies do, that
ships of Tarshish could lie at Ezion-Geber, upon the Red Sea. But
as to Josephus' assertion that Jonah's fish was carried by the strength
of the current, upon a storm, as far as the Euxine Sea, it is no way
impossible: and since the storm might have driven the ship, while Jonah
was in it, near to the Euxine Sea, and since in three more days while
he was in the fish's belly, that current might bring him to the Assyrian
coast, and since withal that coast could bring him nearer to Nineveh
than could any coast of the Mediterranean, it is by no means an im-
probable determination in Josephus.

^ This ancient piece of religion, of supposing there was (/real sin
where there was great miscri/, and of casting lots to discover great
smners, not only among the Israelites, but among these heathen mariners,
rrems a remarkable remains of tl;e ancient tradition which prevailed of
old over all mankind, that prnvidcnce used to interpose visibly in all
human affairs, and never to liring, or at least not long to continue,
i.otorious judgments but f'^r notorious sins, which the most ancient
book of Job shows to liave been the state of mankind for about the
former 3000 years of the 'vorld, till the days of Job and Moses.

50 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

lots, the lot fell upon the prophet; and when they
asked him, Whence he came^' and what he had done?
he replied. That he was an Hebrew by nation, and
a prophet of Almighty God; and he persuaded them
to cast him into the sea, if they would escape the
danger they were in, for that he was the occasion
of the storm which was upon them. Now at the
first they durst not do so, as esteeming it a wicked
thing to cast a man who -was a stranger, and who
had committed his life to them, into such manifest
perdition; but at last, when their misfortune over-
bore them, and the ship was just going to be drowned,
and when they were animated to do it by the prophet
himself, and by the fear concerning their own safety,
they cast him into the sea ; upon which the sea be-
came calm. It is also related that Jonah was swal-
lowed down by a whale, and that when he had been
there three days, and as many nights, he was vomited
out upon the Euxine Sea, and this alive, and without
any hurt upon his body; and there, on his prayer
to God, he obtained pardon for his sins, and went
to the city Nineveh, where he stood so as to be
heard; and preached, That "in a very little time
they should lose the dominion of Asia." And when
he had published this, he returned. Now, I have
given the account about him, as I found it written
[in our books].

3. When Jeroboam the king had passed his life
in great happiness, and had ruled forty years, he
died and was buried in Samaria, and his son Zechariah
took the kingdom. After the same manner did
Uzziah, the son of Amaziah, begin to reign over the
two tribes in Jerusalem, in the foiu'teenth year of
the reign of Jeroboam. He was born of Jecoliah,
his mother, who was a citizen of Jerusalem. He
was a good ipan, and by nature righteous and

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 51

magnanimous, and very laborious in taking care of
the affairs of his kingdom. He made an expedition
also against the Philistines, and overcame them in
battle, and took the cities of Gath and Jabneh, and
brake down their walls: after which expedition, he
assaulted those Arabs that adjoined to Egypt. He
also built a city upon the Red Sea, and put a garri-
son into it. He after this overthrew the Ammonites,
and appointed that they sliould pay tribute. He
also overcame all the countries as far as to the
bounds of Egy})t, and then began to take care of
Jerusalem itself for the rest of his life, for he re-
l)uilt and repaired all those parts of the wall which
had either fallen down by length of time, or by
the carelessness of the kings, his predecessors, as
M'ell as all that part which had been thrown down
bv the king of Israel, when he took his father
Amaziah prisoner, and entered with him into the
city. Moreover, he built a great many towers, of
one hundred and fifty cu])its high, and built walled
tow^ns in desert places, and put garrisons into them,
and dug many channels for conveyance of water.
He had also many beasts for labour, and an immense
number of cattle; for his country was fit for pas-
turage. He was also given to husbandry, and took
care to cultivate the ground, and planted it with
all sorts of plants, and sowed it with all sorts of
seeds. He had also about liim an army composed
of chosen men, in number three hundred and seventy
thousand, who were governed by general officers
and captains of thousands, who were men of valour,
and of unconquerable strengtli, in number two thou-
sand. He also divided his whole army into bands,
and armed tliem, giving every one a sword, witli
brazen bucklers and breast-plates, with bows and
slings; and besides these, he made for them many

52 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

engines of war, for besieging of cities, such as cast
stones and darts, with grapplers, and other instru-
ments of that sort.

4. While Uzziah was in this state, and making
preparation [for futurity], he was corrupted in his
mind by pride, and became insolent, and this on
account of that abundance which he had of things
that will soon perish, and despised that power which
is of eternal duration (which consisted in piety
towards God, and in the observation of his laws),
so he fell by occasion of the good success of his
affairs, and was carried headlong into those sins of
his fathers which the splendour of that prosperity
he enjoyed, and the glorious actions he had done,
led him into, while he was not able to govern him-
self well about them. Accordingly, when a remark-
able day was come, and a general festival was to
be celebrated, he put on tlie holy garment, and went
into the temple to offer incense to God upon the
golden altar, which he was prohibited to do by
Azariah the high priest, who had fourscore priests
with him, and who told him that it was not lawful
for him to offer sacrifice, and that "none besides the
posterity of Aaron were permitted so to do." And
when they cried out, that he must go out of the
temple, and not transgress ag;ii]ist God, he was
wroth at them, and threatened to kill them, unless
they would hold their peace. In the mean time a
great ^ earthquake shook the ground, and a rent

' This account of an earthquake at .lerusalem at the very same time
when Uzziah usurped the ])riest's office, and went into the sanctuary to
burn incense, and of the consequences of that earthquake, is entirely
■wanting in our other copies, though it be exceeding like to a prophecy
of Jeremiah's now in Zech. xiv. 5, in which prophecy, mention is made
of "fleeing from that earthquake, as they fled from this earthquake in
the days of I'zziah king of Judah;" so that there seems to have lieen
some considerable rcsemllanre bc^''"ecn these historical aiid ])rophetical
earthquakes.

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 53

was made in the temple, and the bright rays of the
sun shone through it, and fell upon the king's face,
insomuch that the leprosy seized upon him immedi-
ately. And before the city, at a place called Eroye,
half the mountain broke off from the rest on the
west, and rolled itself four furlongs, and stood still
at the east mountain, till the roads, as well as the
king's gardens, were spoiled by the obstruction.
Now, as soon as the priests saw that the king's face
was infected with the leprosy, they told him of the
calamity he was under, and commanded that he
should go out of the city as a polluted person. Here-
upon he was so confounded at the sad distemper,
and sensible that he was not at liberty to contradict,
that he did as he was commanded, and underwent
this miserable and terrible punishment for an in-
tention beyond what befitted a man to have, and
for that impiety against God which was implied
therein. So he abode out of the city for some time,
and lived a private life, while his son Jotham took
the government; after which he died with grief and
anxiety at what had happened to him, when he had
lived sixty-eight years, and reigned of them fifty-
two; and was buried by himself in his own gardens.

54 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.-

CHAPTER XI.

How Zechanah, ShaUum, Menahem, Pehahiah, and
Pekah took the government over the Israelites;
and how Pul and Tiglath-Pileser made an expedi-
tion against the Israelites. IIoic Jotham, the son
of Uzziah, reigned over the tribe of Judah: and
what things Nahiwi prophesied against the As-
syrians.

1. Now when Zechariah, the son of Jeroboam,
had reigned six months over Israel, he was slain by
the treachery of a certain friend of his, whose name
was ShaUum, the son of Jabesh, who took the king-
dom afterward, but kept it no longer than thirty
days; for Menaliem, the general of his army, who
was at that time in the city Tirzah, and heard of
what had befallen Zechariah, removed thereupon
with all his forces to Samaria, and joining battle
with Shallum, slew him; and when he had made
himself king, he went thence, and came to the city
Tiphsah, but the citizens that were in it, shut their
gates, and barred them against the king, and would
not admit him; but in order to be avenged on them,
he burnt the country round about it and took the
city by force, upon a siege; and ])eing very much
displeased at what the inhabitants of Tiphsah had
done, he slew them all, and spared not so nmch as
the infants, without omitting the utmost instances
of cruelty and barbarity; for he used such severity
upon his own countrymen, as would not be pardon-
able with regard to strangers, who had been con-
quered by him. And after this manner it was that

Chap. XI. OP^ THE JEWS. 55

this Menahem continued to reign with cruelty and
barbarity for ten years: But when Pul, king of As-
syria, had made an expedition against him, he did
not meet to fight or engage in battle with the As-
syrians, but he persuaded him to accept of a thousand
talents of silver, and to go away, and so put an
end to the war. This sum the multitude collected
for Menahem, by ^ exacting fifty drachma^ as poll
money for every head: after which he died, and was
buried in Samaria, and left his son Pekahiah his
successor in the kingdom, who followed the barbarity
of his father, and so ruled but two years only, after
which he was slain with his friends at a feast, by
the treachery of one Pckdh, the general of his horse,
and the son of Remaliah, who laid snares for him.
Now this Pekah held the government twenty years,
and proved a wicked man, and a transgressor. But
the king of Assyria, whose name was Tiglath-Pileser,
when he had made an expedition against the Israel-
ites, and had overrun all the land of Gilead, and
the region beyond Jordan, and the adjoining country,
which is called Galilee, and Kadesh and Hazor, he
made the inhabitants prisoners, and transplanted
them into his own kingdom. And so much shall
suffice to have related here concerning the king of
AssjTi'ia.

2. Now Jotham, the son of Uzziah, reigned over
the tribe of Judah in Jerusalem, being a citizen

^ Dr. Wall in his critical notes on -2 Kings xv. iO, observes, "That
when this Menahem is said to have exacted the money of Israel of
all the mighty men of wealth, of each man 50 shekels of silver, to give
Pul, the king of Assyria, 1000 talents, this is the first public money
raised by any [Israelite] king by tax on the people; that they used
before to raise it out of the treasures of the house of the I,ord, or of
their own house; that it was a poll money on the rich men [and them
only] to raise £353,000, or as others count' a talent £4.00,000 at the rate
of £6 or £T per head; and that God commanded, l)y Ezekiel, ch. xlv. 8,
and xlvi. 18, that no such thing should be done [at the Jews' restoration,]
but the king should have land of his own."

56 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

thereof by his mother, whose name was Jerusha.
This king was not defective in any virtue, but was
rehgious towards God, and righteous towards men,
and careful of the good of the city, (for what parts
soever wanted to be repaired or adorned, he magnifi-
cently repaired and adorned them.) He also took
care of the foundations of the cloisters in the temple,
and repaired the walls that were fallen down, and
built very great towers, and such as were almost
impregnable; and if any thing else in his kingdom
had been neglected, he took great care of it. He
also made an expedition against the Ammonites,
and overcame them in battle, and ordered them to
pay tribute a hundred talents and ten thousand cori
of wheat, and as many of barley, every year, and
so augmented his kingdom, that his enemies could
not despise it, and his own people lived happily.

3. Now there was at that time a prophet, whose
name was Nahum, who spake after this manner con-
cerning the overthrow of the Assyrians, and Nineveh:
"^Nineveh shall be a pool of water in motion; so
shall all her people be troubled, and tossed, and
go away by flight, while they say one to another.
Stand, stand still, seize their gold and silver, for
there shall be no one to wish them well, for they will
rather save their lives than their money; for a terrible
contention shall possess them one with another, and
lamentation; and loosing of the members, and their
countenances shall be perfectly black with fear. And
there will be the den of the lions, and the mother
of the young lions! God says to thee, Nineveh,

' This passage is taken out of the prophet Nahum, ch. ii. 8-13, and
is the principal, or rather the only one that is given us almost verbatim,
hut a little abridged, in all .losephus' known writings: By which quota-
tion, we learn that he himself always asserts, viz. that he made use of
the Hebrew original, [and not of the Greek version]; as also we learn,
that his Hebrew copy considerably differed from ours.

Chap. XII. OF THE JEWS. 57

that they shall deface thee, and the lion shall no
longer go out from thee to give laws to the world."
And indeed this prophet prophesied many other
things besides these concerning Nineveh, which I do
not think necessary to repeat, and I here omit them
that I may not appear troublesome to my readers;
all which things happened about Nineveh a hundred
and fifteen years afterwards; so this may suffice to
have spoken of these matters.

CHAPTER XII.

How upo7i the death of Jotham, Ahaz reigned in his
stead; against whorn Rezin, king of Syria, and
Pehah, king of Israel, made war; and how Tiglath-
Pileser, king of Assyria, came to the assistance of
Ahaz, and laid Syria waste, and removing the
Damascenes into Media placed other nations in
their room.

1. Now Jotham died when he had lived forty-
one years, and of them reigned sixteen, and was
buried in the sepulchres of the kings; and the king-
dom came to his son Ahaz, who proved most impious
towards God, and a transgressor of the laws of his
country. He imitated the kings of Israel, and
reared altars in Jerusalem, and offered sacrifices upon
them to idols; to which also he offered his own son
as a burnt-offering, according to the practices of
the Canaanites. His other actions were also of the
same sort. Now as he was going on in this mad
course, Rezin, the king of Syria and Damascus, and
Pekah the king of Israel, who were now at amity
one with another, made war with him; and when

58 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

they had driven him into Jerusalem, tliey besieged
that city a long while, making Init a small progress,
on account of the strength of its walls; and when
the king of Syria had taken the city Rlath, upon
the Red Sea, and had slain the inhabitants, he peopled
it with Syrians, and when he had slain those in the
[other] garrisons, and the Jews in their neighbour-
hood, and had driven away much prey, he returned
with his army back to Damascus. Now when the
king of Jerusalem knew that the Syrians were
returned home, he supposing himself a match for
the king of Israel, drew out his army against him,
and joining battle with him was beaten; and this
happened because God was angry with him, on ac-
count of his many and great enormities. Accordingly,
there was slain by the Israelites one hundred and
twenty thousand, of his men that day, whose general,
Amaziah by name, slew Zechariah the king's son
in his conflict with Ahaz, as well as the governor
of the kingdom, whose name was Azricam. He also
carried Elcanah, the general of the troops of the
tribe of Judah, into captivity. They also carried the
women and children of the tribe of Benjamin cap-
tives; and when they had gotten a great deal of
prey, they returned to Samaria.

2. Now there was one Obed, who was a prophet
at that time in Samaria, he met the army before
the city walls, and with a loud voice told them, "that
they had gotten the victory not by their own strength,
but by reason of the anger God had against king
Ahaz. And he complained, that they were not satis-
fied with the good success they had against him, but
were so bold as to make captives out of their kinsmen
the tribe of Judah and Benjamin. He also gave
them counsel to let them go home without doing
them any harm, for that if they did not obev God

Chap. XII. OF THE JEWS. 59

lierein, they should be punished." So the people of
Israel came together to their assembly, and con-
sidered of these matters, when a man whose name
was Berechiah, and who was one of chief reputation
in the government, stood up, and three others with
him, and said, "We will not suffer the citizens to
bring these prisoners into the city, lest we all })e
destroyed by God: we have sins enough of our own
that we have committed against liim, as the j^i'ophets
assure us; nor ought we therefore to introduce the
practice of new crimes." When the soldiers heard
that, they permitted them to do what they thought
best. So the forenamed man took the captives and
let them go, and took care of them, and gave them
provisions, and sent them to their own country, with-
out doing them any harm. However, these four went
along with them, and conducted them as far as
Jericho, which is not far from Jerusalem, and re-
turned to Samaria.

3. Hereupon king Ahaz having been so thor-
oughly beaten by the Israelites, sent to Tiglath-
Pileser, king of the Assyrians, and sued for assistance
from him in his war against the Israelites, and
Syrians, and Damascenes, with a promise to send
him much money; he sent him also great j^i'^sents
at the same time. Now this king, upon the reception
of those ambassadors, came to assist Ahaz, and made
war upon the Syrians, and laid their country waste,
and took Damascus by force, and slew Rezin their
king, and transplanted the people of Damascus into
tlie upper Media, and brought a colony of Assyrians,
and planted them in Damascus. He also afflicted
the land of Israel, and took many captives out of
it. While he was doing thus witli the Syrians, king
Ahaz took all the gold that was in the king's treas-
in-es, and the silver, and what was in the temple of

60 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

God, and what precious gifts were there, and he
carried them with him, and came to Damascus, and
gave it to the king of Assyria, according to his agree-
ment. So he confessed that he owed him thanks
for all they had done for him, and returned to Jeru-
salem. Now this king was so sottish, and thoughtless
of what was for his own good, that he would not
leave off worshipping the Syrian gods when he was
beaten by them, but he went on in worshipping them,
as though they would procure him the victory: and
when he was beaten again he began to honour the
gods of the Assyrians; and he seemed more desirous
to honour any other gods than his own paternal and
true God, whose anger was the cause of his defeat;
nay, he proceeded to such a degree of despite and
contempt [of God's worship], that he shut up the
temple entirely, and forbade them to bring in their
appointed sacrifices, and took away the gifts that
had been given to it. And when he had offered
these indignities to God, he died, having lived thirtj^-
six years, and of them reigned sixteen; and he left
his son Hezekiah for his successor.

CHAPTER XIII.

How Pekah died hy tJie treachery of Hoshea, who
was a little after subdued by Shalmaneser : And
how Hezekiah reigned instead of Ahaz; and what
actions of piety and justice he did.

1. About the same time, Pekah, the king of
Israel, died, by the treachery of a friend of his,
whose name was Hoshea, who retained the kingdom
nine years time, but was a wicked man, and a de-

Chap. XIII. OF THE JEWS. 61

spiser of the divine worship. And Shahnaneser, the
king of Assyria, made an expedition against him,
and overcame him, (which must have been because
he had not God favourable or assistant to him), and
brought him to submission, and ordered him to pay
an appointed tribute. Now in tlie fourth year of
the reign of Hoshea, Hezekiah, the son of Ahaz,
began to reign in Jerusalem; and his mother's name
was Abijah, a citizen of Jerusalem. His nature was
good, and righteous, and religious; for when he
came to the kingdom, he thought that nothing was
prior, or more necessary, or more advantageous to
himself, and to his subjects, than to worship God.
Accordingly, he called the people together, and the
priests and the Levites, and made a speech to them,
and said, "you are not ignorant, how by the sins of
my father, who transgressed that sacred honour
which was due to God, you have had experience of
many and great miseries, while you were corrupted
in your mind by him, and were induced to worship
those which he supposed to be gods: I exhort you
therefore, who have learned by sad experience how
dangerous a thing impiety is, to put that immediately
out of your memory, and to purify yourselves from
your former pollutions, and to open the temple to
these priests and Levites who are here convened,
and to cleanse it with the accustomed sacrifices, and
to recover all to the ancient honour which our fathers
paid to it; for by this means we may render God
favourable, and he Avill remit the anger he hath had
to us."

2. When the king had said this, the priests opened
the temple; and when they had set in order the vessels
of God, and cast out what was impure, they laid the
accustomed sacrifices upon the altar. The king also
sent to the country that was under him, and called

62 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

the people to Jerusalem to celebrate the feast of
unleavened bread, for it had been intermitted a long
time, on account of the wickedness of the foremen-
tioned kings. He also sent to the Israelites, and
exhorted them to leave off their present way of
living, and return to their ancient practices, and to
worship God, for that he gave them leave to come
to Jerusalem, and to celebrate, all in one body, the
feast of unleavened bread; and this, he said, was
by way of invitation only, and to be done of their
own good-will, and for their own advantage, and
not out of obedience to him, because it would make
them happy. But the Israelites, upon the coming
of the ambassadors, and upon their laying before
them what they had in charge from their own king,
were so far from complying therewith, that they
laughed the ambassadors to scorn, and mocked them
as fools: as also they affronted the prophets which
gave them the same exhortations, -and foretold ^vhat
they would suffer if they did not return to the worship
of God, insomuch that at lengtli they caught them,
and slew them: nor did this degree of transgressing
suffice them, but they had more wicked contrivances
than what have been described: Nor did they leave
off, before God, as a punishment for their impiety,
brought them under their enemies; but of that more
hereafter. However, many there were of the tribe
of Manasseh, and of Zebulon, and of Issachar, who
were obedient to what the prophets exhorted them
to do, and returned to the worship of God. Now
all these came running to Jerusalem, to Hezekiah,
that they might worship God [there].

3. When these men were come, king Hezekiah
went up into the temple, with the riders and all the
people, and offered for himself seven bulls, and as
many rams, with seven laml)s, and as many kids

Chap. XIII. or THE JEWS. m

of the goats. The king also himself, and the rulers,
laid their hands on the heads of the sacrifices, and
permitted the priests to complete the sacred offices
about them. So they both slew the sacrifices, and
burnt the bin-nt-offerings, while the Levites stood
round al)out them, with their musical instruments,
and sang hymns to God, and played on their psal-
teries, as they were instructed by David, to do, and
this while the rest of the priests returned the music,
and sounded the trumpets which they had in their
liands: and when this was done, the king and the
multitude threw themselves down upon their face
and w()rshi])ped God. He also sacrificed seventy
bulls, one hundred rams, and two hundred lambs.
He also granted the iiiultitude sacrifices to feast
upon, six hundred oxen, and three thousand other
cattle; and the priests performed all things according
to the law. Now the king was so pleased herewith,
that he feasted with the people, and returned thanks
to God: But as the feast of unleavened bread was
now come, when they had offered that sacrifice which
is called the Passover, they after that offered other
sacrifices for seven days: When the king had be-
stowed on the multitude, besides what they sanctified
of themselves, two thousand ])ulls, and seven thousand
other cattle, the same thing was done by the rulers;
for they gave them a thousand bulls, and a thousand
and forty other cattle. Nor had this festival been
so well observed from the days of king Solomon, as
it was now first observed with great splendour and
magnificence: and when the festival was ended, they
went out into the country, and ]jurged it; and cleansed
the city of all the pollution of the idols. The king
also gave order that the daily sacrifice should be
offered, at his own charges, and according to the
law; and appointed that the tithes, and the first

64 ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

fruits should be given by the multitude to the priests
and Levites, that they might constantly attend upon
divine service, and never be taken off from the
worship of God. Accordingly, the multitude brought
together all sorts of their fruits to the priests and
the Levites. The king also made garners and recep-
tacles for these fruits, and distributed them to every
one of their priests and Levites, and to their children
and wives. And thus did they return to their old
form of divine worship. Xow wlien the king had
settled these matters after the manner already de-
scribed, he made war upon the Philistines, and beat
them, and possessed himself of all the enemies' cities
from Gaza to Gath; but the king of Assyria sent
to him, and threatened to overturn all his dominions,
unless he would pay him the tribute which his father
paid him formerly; but king Hezekiah was not con-
cerned at his threatenings, but depended on his piety
towards God, and upon Isaiah the prophet, by whom
he inquired, and accurately knew all future events.
And thus much shall suffice for the present con-
cerning this king Hezekiah.

CHAPTER XIV.

How Slialmaneser took Samaria hy force, and how
lie transplanted the ten tribes into Media, and
brought the nation of the Cutheans into their
country [in their room].

1. When Shalmaneser, the king of Assyria, had
it told him, that [Hoshea], the king of Israel, had
sent privately to So, the king of Egypt, desiring his
assistance against him, he was very angry, and made

Chap. XIV. OF THE JEWS. 65

an expedition against Samaria, in the seventh year
of the reign of Hoshea; but when he was not ad-
mitted [into the city] by tlie king, ^ he besieged
Samaria three years, and took it by force in the ninth
year of the reign of Hoshea, and in the seventh
j^ear of Hezekiah king of Jerusalem, and quite de-
mohshed the government of the Israehtes, and trans-
planted all the people into Media, and Persia, among
whom he took king Hoshea alive; and when he had
removed these people out of this their land, he
transplanted other nations out of Cuthath, a place
so called, (for there is [still] a river of that name
in Persia) into Samaria, and into the country of
the Israelites. So the ten tribes of the Israelites
were removed out of Judea, nine hundred and forty-
seven years after their forefatliers were come out of
the land of Egypt, and possessed themselves of this
country, but eight hundred years after Joshua had
been their leader, and, as I have already observed,
two hundred and forty years, seven months, and
seven days, after they had revolted from Rehoboam,
the grandson of David, and had given the kingdom
to Jeroboam. And such a conclusion overtook the
Israelites, when they had transgressed the laws, and
would not hearken to the pro2)hets, who foretold that
this calamity would come upon them, if they w^ould
not leave off their evil doings. What gave birth to
these evil doings, was that sedition which they raised
against Rehoboam the grandson of David, when "they

^ The siege of Samaria, though not given a particuhir account of,
either in our Hebrew or Greek Bibles, or in Josephus, was so very long,
no less than three years, that it was no way improbable but parents,
;ind particularly mothers, might therein be reduced to eat their own
children, as the law of Moses had threatened upon their disobedience,
Levit. xxvi. 29, Deut. xxviii. 53-57, and as was accomplished in the other
shorter sieges of both the cajiital cities, Jerusalem and Samaria; the
former mentioned, Jer. xix. 9, Antiq. B. IX. ch. 4, sect, i, and the latter,
2 Kings vi. 26-29.

ee ANTIQUITIES Book ix.

set up Jeroboam his servant to ])e their king, who,
by sinning against God, and l)ringing them to imi-
tate his bad example, made God to be their enemy,
while Jeroboam underwent that punishment which
he justly deserved.

2. And now the king of Assyria invaded all Syria
and Phenicia in a hostile manner. The name of this
king is also set down in the archives of Tyre, for
he made an expedition against Tyre, in the reign of
Eluleus; and INIenander attests to it, who, when he
wrote his Chronology, and translated the archives
of Tyre into the Greek language, gives us the fol-
lowing history: "One whose name v/as Eluleus,
reigned tliirty-six years: this king upon the revolt of
the Citteans, sailed to them, and reduced them again
to a submission. Against these did the king of As-
syria send an army, and in a hostile manner overrun
all Phenicia, but soon made peace with them all,
and returned back : but Sidon and Ace, and Pala?tyrus,
revolted; and many other cities there were which
delivered themselves up to the king of Assyria. Ac-
cordingly, when the Tyrians would not submit to
him, the king returned, and fell upon them again,
while the Phenicians had furnished him with three-
score ships, and eight hundred men to row them;
and when the Tyrians had come upon them in twelve
ships, and the enemies' ships were dispersed, they
took five hundred men prisoners, and the reputation
of all the citizens of T^^•e was thereby increased: but
the king of Assyria returned, and ])laced guards at
their riv^er and aqueducts, who should hinder the
Tyrians from drawing water. This continued for
five years, and still the Tyrians bore the siege, and
drank of the water they had out of tbe wells they
dug." And this is wbat is written in the Tyrian
arcliives concerning Sbah)ianescr, tlie king of Assyria.

Chap. xiv. OF THE JEWS. 07

3. But now the Cutheans who removed into
Samaria (for that is the name they have been called
by to this time, because they were brought out of
the country called Cuiliath, which is a country of
Persia, and there is a river of the same name in it),
each of them, according to their nations, which were
in number five, brought their own gods into Samaria;
and ])y worsliipping them, as w^as the custom of their
own coimtries, they provoked Almighty God to be
angry and displeased at them, for a plague seized
upon them, by which they were destroyed; and when
they found no cure for their miseries, they learned
by the oracle that they ought to worship Almighty
God, as the method for their deliverance. So they
sent ambassadors to the king of Assyria, and desired
him to send them some of those priests, of the Israel-
ites whom he had taken captive. And when he there-
upon sent them, and the people were by them taught
the laws, and the holy worship of God. they wor-
shipped him in a respectful manner, and the plague
ceased immediately; and indeed they continue to
make use of the very same customs to this very time,
and are called in the Hebrew tongue Ciitheans'. but
in the Greek tongue Samnrifans, And when they
see the Jews in prosperity, they pretend that they
are changed, and allied to them, and call them kins-
men, as though they were derived from Joseph, and
had by that means an original alliance with them:
but when they see them falling into a low condition,
they say they are no way related to them, and that
the Jews have no right to expect any kindness or
marks of kindred from them, but they declare tliat
they are sojourners, that come from other coimtries.
But of these we shall have a more seasonable oppor-
tunity to discourse hereafter.

BOOK X.

COXTAINIXG THE INTERVAL OF ONE HUNDRED AND
EIGHTY-TWO YEARS AND A HALF.

[FROM THE CAPTIVITY OF THE TEN TRIBES TO THE FIRST

OF CYRUS.]

CHAPTER I.

How Sennacherib made an ejppeditlon against Heze-
kiah; what threatenings Rahshakeh made to Heze-
liiah when Sennacherib was gone against the
Egyptians; how Isaiah the 2^^'ophet encouraged
him; how Sennacherib, having failed of success in
Egypt, returned thence to Jerusalem; and how,
upon his finding his army destroyed, he returred
home; and what befell him, a little afterward.

1. It was now the fourteenth year of the gov-
ernment of Hezekiah, king of the two tribes, when
the king of Assyria, whose name was Sennacherib,
made an expedition against him with a great army,
and took all the cities of the tribe of Judah and
Benjamin by force; and when he was ready to bring
his army against Jerusalem, Hezekiah sent ambas-
sadors to him beforehand, and promised to submit,
and pay what tribute he should appoint. Hereupon
Sennacherib, when he heard of what offers the am-

68

Chap. I. OF THE JEWS. 69

bassadors made, resolved not to proceed in the war,
but to accept of the proposals that were made him;
and if he might receive three hundred talents of
silver, and thirty talents of gold, he promised that
he would depart in a friendly manner; and he gave
secin'ity upon oath to the ambassadors that he would
then do him no harm, but go away as he came. So
Hezekiah submitted, and emptied his treasures, and
sent the money, as supposing he should be freed
from his enemy, and from any farther distress about
his kingdom. Accordingly, the AssjTian king took
it; and yet had no regard to what he had promised;
but while he himself went to the war against the
Egyptians and Ethiopians, he left his general Rab-
shakeh, and two other commanders, with great forces,
to destroy Jerusalem. The names of the two other
commanders were Tartan and Rabsaris.

2. Now as soon as they were come before the
walls, they pitched their camp, and sent messengers
to Hezekiah, and desired that they might speak with
him: but he did not himself come out to them for
fear, but he sent three of his most intimate friends,
the name of one was Eliakim, who was over the
kingdom, and Shebna, and Joah the recorder. So
these men came out, and stood over against the com-
manders of the Assyrian army; and when Rab-
shakeh saw tliem, he bid them go and speak to
Hezekiah in the manner following: That "Sennach-
erib the ^ great king, desires to know of him, on
whom it is that he relies and depends in flying from
his lord, and will not hear him, nor admit his army
into the city? Is it on account of the Egyptians,
and in hopes that his army would be beaten by

* This title of Great Kin;/, both in our Bibles, 2 Kings xviii. 19, Isa.
xxxvi. 4, and here in Josephus, is the very same that Herodotus gives
this Sennacherib as Spanheim takes notice on this place.

70 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

them? Whereupon he lets him know, that if this
be what he expects, he is a foohsh man, and hke
one who leans on a broken reed, while such a one
will not only fall down, but will have his hand
pierced and hurt by it. That he ought to know, he
makes this exjDedition against him by the will of
God, who hath granted this favour to him, that he
shall overthrow the kingdom of Israel, and that in
the very same manner he shall destroy those that
are his subjects also." When Rabshakeh had made
this speech, in the Hebrew tongue, for he was skilful
in that language, Eliakim was afraid lest the multi-
tude that heard him should be disturbed, so he de-
sired him to speak in the Syrian tongue; but the
general understanding what he meant, and perceiv-
ing the fear that he was in, he made his answer with
a greater, and a louder voice, but in the Hebrew
tongue; and said, that "since they all heard what
were the king's commands, they would consult their
own advantage in delivering up themselves to us,
for it is plain that both you and your king dissuade
the people from submitting by vain hopes, and so
induce them to resist: but if you be courageous, and
think to drive our forces away, I am ready to de-
liver to you two thousand of these horses that are
with me for your use, if you can set as many horse-
men on their backs, and show your strength, but
what you have not, you cannot produce. AVhy there-
fore do you delay to deliver up yourselves to a
superior force, who can take you without your con-
sent? although it will be safer for you to deliver
yourselves up voluntarily, while a forcible capture,
when you are beaten, must appear more dangerous,
and will bring farther calamities upon you."

3. When the people, as well as the ambassadors,
heard what the Assyrian commander said, thev re-

Chap. I. OF THE JEWS. 71

iated it to Hezekiah, who thereupon put off his royal
apparel, and clothed himself with sackcloth and took
the habit of a mourner; and, after the manner of
his country, he fell uj^on his face, and besought God,
and entreated him to assist them, now they had no
other hope of relief. He also sent some of his
friends, and some of the priests, to the prophet Isaiah,
and desired, that he would pray to God, and offer
sacrifices for their common deliverance, and so put
up supplications to him, that he would have indig-
nation at the expectations of their enemies, and ha^'e
mercy on his people. And when the prophet had
done accordingly, an oracle came from God to him,
and encouraged the king and friends that were about
him; and foretold, that "their enemies should be
beaten without fighting, and should go away in an
ignominious manner, and not with that insolence
which they now show, for that God would take care
that they should be destroyed." He also foretold,
that "Sennacherib the king of Assyria, should fail
of his purpose against Egypt, and that when he
came home he should perish by the sword."

4. About the same time also, the king of Assyria
wrote an epistle to Hezekiah, in w^hich he said, "he
was a foolish man in supposing that he should escape
from being his servant, since he had already brought
under many and great nations; and he threatened,
that when he took him, he would utterly destroy him,
unless he now opened the gates, and willingly re-
ceived his army into Jerusalem." When he read this
epistle, he despised it on account of the trust that
he had in God, but he rolled up the epistle, and
laid it up within the temple. And as he made his
farther prayers to God for the city, and for the
preservation of all the people, the prophet Isaiah
said, that "God had heard his prayer, and that h^

72 AXTIQUITIES Book x.

should not be ^ besieged at this time by the king of
Assyria; that for the future he might be secure of
not being at all disturbed by him; and the people
might go on peaceably, and without fear, with their
husbandry and other affairs." But after a little
while, the king of Assyria, when he had failed of
his treacherous designs against the Egyptians, re-
turned home without success, on the following oc-
casion: He spent a long time in the siege of Pelusium;
and when the banks that he had raised over against
the walls were of a great height, and w^hen he was
ready to make an immediate assault upon them,
but heard that Tirhaka, king of the Ethiopians, was
coming and bringing great forces to aid the Egj^p-
tians, and was resolved to march through the desert,
and so to fall directly upon the Assp'ians, this king
Sennacherib was disturbed at the news, and, as I
said before, left Pelusium, and returned back with-
out success. Xow concerning this Sennacherib,
Herodotus also says, in the second book of his his-
tories, "How this King came against the Egyptian
king, who was the priest of Vulcan, and that as he
was besieging Pelusium, he broke up the siege on
the following occasion; this Egyptian priest prayed
to God, and God heard his prayer, and sent a judg-
ment upon the Arabian king." But in this Herod-
otus was mistaken when he called this king not king

^ What Josephus says here, how Isaiah the prophet assured Hezekiah,
that "at this time he should not be besieged by the king of Assyria, that
for the future he miglit be secure of being not at all disturbed by him;
and that [afterward] the people might go on peaceably, and without
fear, with their husbandry and other affairs," is more distinct in our
other copies, both of the Kings and of Isaiah, and deserves very great
consideration. The words are these: "This shall be a sign unto thee; ye
shall eat this year such as growetli of itself; and the second year that
which springeth of the same; and in the third year sow ye, and reap,
and plant vineyards, and eat the fruit thereof," 2 Kings xix. 20, Isa.
xxxvii. 30, which seem to me plainly to design a sabbatic year, a year of
Jubilee, next after it, and tlie succeeding usual labours and fruits of them
on the third and following years.

THE ANXiEL DESTROYING THE AS>VKIAN CAMP
From the Painting by P. T. Loutherbourg, R. A. Engraved by W. Sharpe.

Chap. I. OF THE JEWS. 73

of the Ass\Tian.s, but of the Arabians; for he saith,
that "a multitude of mice gnawed to pieces in one
night both the bows and the rest of the armour of
the Assyrians, and tliat it was on that account that
the king, wlien he had no bows left, drew off his
army from Pelusium." And Herodotus does indeed
give us this history; nay, and Berosus, who wrote
of the affairs of C ha Idea, makes mention of this
king Sennacherib, and that he ruled over the As-
syrians, and that he made an expedition against all
Asia and Egypt; and ' says thus:

5. "Now when Sennacherib was returning from
his Egyptian war to Jerusalem, he found his army
under Babshakeh his general, in danger [by a
plague], for God had sent a pestilential distemper
upon his army; and on the very first night of the
siege, a hundred fourscore and five thousand, with
their captains and generals, were destroyed: So the
king was in a great dread, and in a terrible agony
at this calamity; and being in great fear for his
whole army, he fled wdth the rest of his forces to
his own kingdom, and to his citj^ Xineveh: And
when he had abode there a little while, he was
treacherously assaulted, and died by the hands of
his elder sons ^ Adrammelech and Seraser, and was
slain in his own temple, which was called Araske.
Now these sons of his were driven away on account
of the murder of their father by the citizens, and
went into Armenia, while Assarachoddas took the

^ That this terrible calamity of the slaughter of the 18,5,000 Assyrians
is here delivered in the words of Berosus the Chaldean ; and that it was
certainly and frequently foretold by the Jewish proj)hets, and that it
was certainly and undeniably accomplished, see Authentic. Rec. Part II.
Y>. 838.

^ We are here to tike notice, that these two sons of Sennacherib, that
ran away into Armenia, became the heads of two famous families there,
the Arzerunii and Genunii; of which see the particular histories in Moses
Chorenensis, p. 60.

74 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

kingdom of Sennacherib." And this proved to be
the conclusion of this Assyrian expedition against
the people of Jerusalem.

CHAPTER II.

How Hezekiah was sick and read/j to die; and how
God bestowed upon him fifteen years longer life,
\_and seemed that promise^ by the going back of
the shadow ten degrees.

1. Now king Hezekiah being thus delivered, after
a surprising manner, from the dread he was in,
offered thank-offerings to God, with all his people,
because nothing else had destroyed some of their
enemies, and made the rest so fearful of undergoing
the same fate, that they departed from Jerusalem,
by that divine assistance: Yet, while he was very
zealous and diligent about the worship of God, did
he soon afterward fall into a severe ^ distemper,
insomuch that the physicians despaired of him, and
expected no good issue of his sickness as neither did
his friends; and besides the distemper itself, there
was a very melancholy circumstance that disordered
the king, which was the consideration that he was

* Josephus, and all our coj)ies jilace the alckness of Hezekiah after
the destruction of Sennacherib's armi/, because it appears to have been
after his first assault, as he was going into Arabia and Egypt, where he
pushed his conquests as far as they would go; and in order to despatch
ills story altogether; yet does no cojiy but this of Josephus say it was
after that destrviction, but only that it ha])pcned in those (la;/s. or about
the time of Hezekiah's life. Xor will the fifteen years prolongation of
his life after his sickness, allow that sickness to have licen later than the
former part of the 15th j^ear of his reign, since chronology does not
allow him in all above 39 years and a few months, whereas the first
assault of Sennacherib was on the 11th year of Hezekiah, but tlic de-
Ntruction of Sunnachcrib's army was not till llic 18th year.

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 75

childless, and was going to die, and leave his house
and his government without a successor of his own
body; so he was troubled at the thoughts of this his
condition, and lamented himself, and entreated of
God that he would prolong his life for a little while
till he had some children, and not suffer him to
depart this life before he was become a father. Here-
upon God had mercy upon him, and accepted of
his supplication, because the trouble he was under
at his supposed death was not because he was soon
to leave the advantages he enjoyed in the kingdom,
nor did he on that account pray that he might have
a longer life afforded him, but in order to have sons,
that might receive the government after him. And
God sent Isaiah the prophet, and commanded him
to inform Hezekiah, that "within three days' time
he should get clear of his distemper, and should
survive it fifteen years, and that he should have
children also." Now upon the prophet's saying this,
as God had commanded him; he could hardly believe
it, both on account of the distemper he was under,
which was very sore, and by reason of the sur-
prising nature of what was told him, so lie desired
that Isaiah would give him some sign of wonder,
that he might believe him in what he had said, and
be sensible that he came from God: for things that
are beyond expectation, and greater than our hopes,
are made credible by the actions of like nature. And
when Isaiah had asked him, What sign he desired
to be exhibited f he desired that he would make the
shadow of the sun, which he had already made to
go down ten steps [or degrees] in his house, to
^ return again to the same place, and to make it as

' As to this regress of the shadow, either upon a sun-dial, or the steps
of the royal palace huilt by Ahaz, whetlier it were ]ihysii-ally done by
the real niiraciilons revolution of the earth in its diurnal motion baek-

76 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

it was before. And when the prophet prayed to
God to exhibit this sign to the king, he saw what
he desired to see, and was freed from his distemper,
and went up to the temple where he worshipped
God and made vows to him.

2. At this time it was that the dominion of the
Assyrians ^ was overthrown by tlie Medes, but of
these things I shall treat elsewhere. But the king
of Babylon, whose name was BaJadon, sent am-
bassadors to Hezekiah, with presents, and desired
he would be his ally and his friend. So he received
the ambassadors gladly, and made them a feast, and
showed them his treasures, and his armoury, and
the other wealth he was possessed of, in precious
stones, and in gold, and gave them presents to be
carried to Baladon, and sent them back to him.
Upon which the prophet Isaiah came to him, and
inquired of him, "Whence those ambassadors came?"
To which he replied, That "they came from Babylon,
from the king; and that he had showed them all he

ward from east to west, for a while, and its return again to its old
natural revolution from west to east, or whether it were not apparent
only ; and liprformed by an aerial phosphorus, which imitated the sun's
motion backward, while a cloud hid the real sun, cannot now be de-
termined. Philosophers and astronomers will naturally incline to the
latter hypothesis. However, it must be noted, that Josephus seems to
have understood it otherwise than we generally do; that the shadow was
accelerated as much at first forward as it was made to go backward
afterward, and so the day was neither longer nor shorter than usual,
which it must be confessed, agrees best of all to astronomy, whose eclipses
older than that time were observed at the times of the day as if this
miracle had never happened. After all, this wonderful signal was not, it
seems, peculiar to Judea, l)ut eitlier seen, or at last heard of, at Babylon
also, as appears by -2 Chron. xxxii. 31, where we learn, that the Babylonian
ambassadors were sent to Hezekiah among other things, to inquire of the
wonder that was done in the hnuJ.

' This expression of Josephus' that the Medes, upon this destruction
of the Assyrian army, overthrew the Assyrian empire, seems to be too
strong, for although they immediately cast off the Assyrian yoke, and
set up Deioces a king of their own, yet it was some time before the Medes
«nd Iial)ylonians overthrew Xineveh, and some generations ere the Medes
and Persians under Cyaxares and Cyrus overthrew the Assyrian or Baby-
lonian empire.

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 77

had, that by the sight of his riches and forces they
might thereby guess at [the plenty he was in], and
be able to inform the king of it." But the proj^het
rejoined, and said, "Know thou, that, after a little
while, these riches of thine shall be carried away to
Babylon, and thy posterity shall be made eunuchs
there, and lose their manhood, and be servants to
the king of Babylon, for that God foretold such
things would come to pass." Upon which words
Hezekiah was troubled, and said. That "he was him-
self unwilling that his nation should fall into such
calamities, yet since it is not possible to alter what
God had determined, he prayed that there might be
peace while he lived." Berosus also makes mention
of this Baladon king of Babylon. Now as to this
prophet, [Isaiah], he was by the confession of all
a divine and wonderful man in speaking truth; and
out of the assurance that he had never written what
was false, he wrote down all his prophecies, and
left them behind in books that their accomplishment
might be judged of from the events, by posterity:
nor did this prophet do so alone, but the others,
which were twelve in number, did the same. And
whatsoever is done among us, whether it be good,
or whether it be bad, comes to pass according to
their prophecies; but of every one of those we shall
speak hereafter.

78 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

CHAPTER III.

How Manasseh reigned after Ilezehiah; and how,
when he was in captivity, he returned to God, and
was restored to his hingdom, and left it to [liis
50??] Ainon.

1. When king Hezekiah had survived the in-
terval of time ah'eady mentioned, and had dwelt all
that time in peace, he died, having completed fifty-
fonr years of his life, and reigned twenty-nine: but
when his son Manasseh, whose mother's name was
Hephzibah, of Jerusalem, had taken the kingdom,
lie departed from the conduct of his father, and fell
into a course of life quite contrary thereto, and
showed himself in his manners most wicked in all
respects, and omitted no sort of impiety, but imi-
tated those transgressions of the Israelites, by the
commission of which against God, they had been
destroyed; for he was so hardy as to defile the temple
of God and the city, and the whole country; for,
by setting out from a contempt of God, he bar-
barously slew all the righteous men who were among
the Hebrews, nor would he spare the prophets, for
he every day slew some of them, till Jerusalem was
overthrown with blood. So God was angry at these
proceedings, and sent prophets to the king, and to
the multitude, by wliom he threatened the very same
calamities to them, which their brethren the Israel-
ites, upon the like affronts offered to God, were now
imder. But these men woidd not believe their words,
by which })elief they might luive reaped the advantage
of escaping all those miseries, yet did they in earnest
learn that what tlie prophets had told them was true.

Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 79

2. And when they persevered in the same course
of Hfe, God raised up war against them, from the
king of Babylon and Chaldea, who sent an army
against Judea, and laid waste the country; and
caught king Manasseh by treachery, and ordered him
to be brought to him, and had him under his power
to inflict what punishment he pleased upon him.
But then it was that Manasseh perceived what a
miserable condition he was in, and esteeming himself
the cause of all, he besought God to render his
enemy humane and merciful to him. Accordingly,
God heard his prayer, and granted him what he
prayed for. So Manasseh was released by the king
of Babylon, and escaped the danger he was in:
And when he was come to Jerusalem, he endeavoured,
if it were possible, to cast out of his memory those
his former sins against God, of which he now re-
pented, and to apply himself to a very religious
life. He sanctified the temple, and purged the city,
and for the remainder of his days he was intent on
nothing but to return his thanks to God for his
deliverance, and to preserve him propitious to him
all his life long. He also instructed the nmltitude
to do the same, as having very nearly experienced
what a calamity he w^as fallen into by a contrary
conduct. He also rebuilt the altar, and offered the
legal sacrifices, as Moses commanded. And when he
had re-established wdiat concerned the divine worship,
as it ought to be, he took care of the security of
Jerusalem: he did not only repair the old w^alls with
great diligence, but added another wall to the former.
He also built very lofty towers, and the garrisoned
places before the city he strengthened, not only in
other respects, but with provisions of all sorts that
they wanted. And indeed, when he had changed his
former course, he so led liis life for the time to

80 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

come, that from the time of his return to piety
towards God, he was deemed a happy man, and a
pattern for imitation: when therefore he had Hved
sixty-seven years, he departed this Hfe, having reigned
fifty-five years, and was huried in his own garden; and
the kingdom came to his son Amon, whose mother's
name was Mesliumeleth, of the city of Jobath.

CHAPTER IV.

How Amon reigned instead of Manasseh; and after
Amon, reigned Josiali; he was both righteous and
religious. As also coneerning Huldah the prophet-
ess.

1. This Amon imitated those works of his father
which he insolently did when he was young: so he
had a conspiracy made against him by his own
servants, and was slain in his own house, when he
had lived twenty-four years, and of them had reigned
tv/o: But the multitude punished those that slew
Amon, and buried him with his father, and gave
the kingdom to his son Josiah, who was eight years
old. His mother was of the city of Boscath; and
her name was Jedidah. He was of a most excellent
disposition, and naturally virtuous, and followed the
actions of king David, as a pattern and rule to him
in the whole conduct of his life. And when he was
twelve years old, he gave demonstrations of his re-
ligious and righteous behaviour; for he brought the
people to a sober way of living, and exhorted them
to leave off the opinion tlicy had of their idols, be-
cause tliey Mere not gods, but to worship their own
God. And by reflecting on the actions of his pro-

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 81

genitors, he prudently corrected what they did wrong,
hke a very elderly man, and like one abundantly able
to understand what was fit to be done, and when
he found they had well done, he observed all the
country over, and imitated the same. And thus he
acted in following the wisdom and sagacity of his
own nature, and in following the laws it was that
he succeeded so well in the order of his government,
and in piety with regard to the divine worship. And
this happened because the transgressions of the
former kings were seen no more, but quite vanished
away; for the king went about the city, and the
whole country, and cut doM'n the groves which were
devoted to strange gods, and overthrew their altars;
and if there were any gifts dedicated to them by
his forefathers, he made them ignominious and
plucked them down, and by this means he brought
the people back from their opinion about them to
the worship of God. He also offered his accustomed
sacrifices and burnt-offerings upon the altar. More-
over, he ordained certain judges and overseers, that
they might order the matters to them severally be-
longing, and have regard to justice above all things,
and distribute it with the same concern they would
have about their own soul. He also sent over all
the country, and desired such as pleased to bring
gold and silver for the repairs of the temple, ac-
cording to every one's inclinations and abilities. And
when the money was brought in, he made one
Maaseiah the governor of the city, and Shaphan the
scribe, and Joash the recorder, and Eliakim the high
priest, curators of the temple, and of the charges
contributed thereto: who made no delay, nor put
ofip the work at all, but prepared architects, and Avhat-
soever was proper for those repairs, and set closely
about the work. So the temple was repaired by

82 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

tliis means, and became a public demonstration of
the king's piety.

2. But when he was now in the eighteenth year
of his reign, lie sent to Eliakim the high priest, and
gave order, that out of what money was overplus,
lie should cast cups and dishes, and vials, for minis-
tration [in the temple]; and besides, that they should
bring all the gold and silver which was among the
treasures, and expend that also in making cups and
the like vessels: But as the high priest was bring-
ing out the gold, he light upon the holy books of
]Moses that were laid up in the temple, and when
he had brought them out, he gave them to Shaphan
the scribe, who, when he had read them, came to
the king, and informed him that all was finished
which he had ordered to be done. He also read
over the books to him, M'ho, when he had heard them
read, rent his garment: and called for Eliakim the
high priest, and for [Shaphan] the scribe, and for
certain [other] of his most particular friends, and
sent them to Huldah the prophetess, the wife of
Shallum, (which Shallum was a man of dignity and
of an eminent family), and bid them go to her and
say. That [he desired] "she would appease God,
and endeavour to render him propitious to them, for
that there was cause to fear, lest, upon the trans-
gression of the laws of ]Moses by their forefathers,
they should be in peril of going into captivity, and
of being cast out of their own country; lest they
should be in want of all things, and so end their
days miserably." When the prophetess had heard
this from the messengers that were sent to her by
the king, she bid them go back to the king, and
say, that "God had already given sentence against
them, to destroy the people, and cast them out of
their country, and deprive them of all the happiness

Cliap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 88

they enjoyed; which sentence none could set aside
by any prayers of theirs, since it was passed on
account of the transgressions of the laws, and of
their not having repented in so long a time, while
the prophets had exhorted them to amend, and had
foretold the punishment that 'would ensue on their
impious practices; which threatening God would cer-
tainly execute upon them that they might be per-
suaded that he is God, and had not deceived them
in any respect as to what he had denounced ])y his
propliets: that yet because Josiah was a righteous
man, he would at present delay those calamities, but
that after liis death, he would send on the multitude
what miseries he had determined for them."

3. So these messengers ujDon this prophecy of the
woman, came and told it to the king; whereupon he
sent to the people every where, and ordered that
the priests and the Levites should come together to
Jerusalem; and commanded that those of every age
should be present also: And when they had gathered
together, he first read to them the holy books; after
which he stood upon a pulpit, in the midst of the
multitude, and obliged them to make a covenant,
with an oath, that they would worship God, and
keep the laws of jNIoses. Accordingly, they gave
their assent willingly, and undertook to do what
the king had recommended to them. So they im-
mediately offered sacrifices, and that after an ac-
ceptable manner, and besought God to be gracious
and merciful to them. He also enjoined the high
priest, that if there remained in tlie temple any
vessel that was dedicated to idols, or to foreign gods,
they should cast it out: So when a great number of
such vessels were got together, he burnt tliem, and
scattered their ashes abroad, and slew the ])riests
of the idols, that were not of the family of Aaron.

84 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

4. And when he had done thus in Jerusalem, he
came into the country, and utterly destroyed what
buildings had been made therein by king Jeroboam,
in honour of strange gods; and he burnt the bones
of the false prophets upon that altar which Jeroboam
first built. And as the prophet [Jadon], who came
to Jeroboam when he was offering sacrifice, and
when all the people heard him, foretold what would
come to pass, viz. That "a certain man of the house
of David, Josiah by name, should do what is here
mentioned." And it happened that those predictions
took effect after three hundred and sixty-one years.

5. After these things, Josiah went also to such
other Israelites as had escaped captivity and slavery
under the Assyrians, and persuaded them to desist
from their impious practices, and to leave off the
honours they paid to strange gods, but to worship
rightly their own Almighty God, and adhere to him.
He also searched the houses and the villages, and
the cities, out of a suspicion that somebody might
have one idol or other in private; nay, indeed, he
took away the ^ chariots [of the sun] that were set
up in his royal palace, which his predecessors had
framed; and what thing soever there was besides,
which they worshipped as a god. And when he had
thus purged all the country, he called the people to
Jerusalem, and there celebrated the feast of un-
leavened bread, and that called the Passover. He
also gave the people for Paschal sacrifices, young
kids of the goats and lambs, thirty thousand, and

* It is hard to reconcile the account in the second hook of Kings, ch.
xxiii. 11, with this account of Joseplius, and to translate this passage
truly in Josephus, whose co])ics are sup])()sed to he here imperfect: How-
ever, the general sense of l)f)th seems to he tliis, that tliere were certain
chariots witli their iiorses, dedicated to the idol of the sun, or to Moloch:
which idol must he carried ahout in jirocession, and worsliipped hy the
people; which chariots were now taken awa;i, as Josephus says, or as
the book of the Kings says, burnt with fire by Josiah.

Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 85

three hundred oxen for burnt offerings. The prin-
cipal of the priests also gave to the priests against
the passover, two thousand and six hundred lambs;
the principal of the Levites also gave to the Levites
five thousand lambs and five hundred oxen, by which
means there was great plenty of sacrifices; and they
offered those sacrifices according to the laws of Moses,
while every priest explained the matter, and min-
istered to the multitude. And indeed there had been
no other festival tluis celel)rated by the Hebrews
from the times of Samuel the prophet; and the plenty
of sacrifices now was the occasion that all things were
performed according to the laws, and according to
the custom of their forefathers. So when Josiah had
after this lived in peace; nay, in riches and reputation
also among all men, he ended his life in the manner
following.

CHAPTER V.

How Josiah fought tvith Neco [hing of Egyp^, and
was wounded and died in a little afterward: As
also how Neco carried Jehoahaz, who had been
made Mug, into Egypt, and delivered the hingdom
to Jehoiakim: And [lastly] concerning Jeremiah
and Ezekiel.

1. Now Neco, king of Egypt, raised an army,
and marched to the river Euphrates, in order to
fight with the Medes and Babylonians, who had
^ overthrown the dominion of the AssjTians, for he

' This is a remarkable passage of clironolog-y in Josephus, that about
the latter end of the reign of Josiah, the Mecies and Babylonians over-
threw the empire of the Assyrians; or in the words of Tobit's eon-

80 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

had a desire to reign over Asia. Now when he was
come to the city Mendes, which belonged to the king-
dom of Josiah, he brought an army to hinder him
from passing through his own country, in his ex-
pedition against the Medes. Now Neco sent a
herald to Josiah, and told him, Tliat "he did not
make this expedition against him, but was making
haste to Euphrates; and desired that he would not
provoke him to fight against Iiim, because he ob-
structed his march to the place whither he had re-
solved to go." But Josiah did not admit of this
advice of Neco's, but put himself into a posture to
hinder him from this intended marcli. I suppose it
was fate that pushed him on to this conduct, that
it might take an occasion against him; for as he
was setting his ^ army in array, and rode about in
his chariot, from one wing of his army to another,
one of the Egyptians shot an arrow at him, and put
an end to his eagerness of fighting: for being sorely
wounded, he commanded a retreat to be sounded for
his army, and returned to Jerusalem, and died of
that wound; and was magnificently buried in the
sepulchre of his fathers, when he had lived thirty-
nine years, and of them had reigned thirty-one. But
all the 2^eople mourned greatly for him, lamenting
and grieving on his account many days: and Jere-
miah the prophet ^ composed an elegy to lament

tinuator, tliat "before Tobias died, lie heard of the destruction of
Nineveh, wliich was taken by Nebuciiodoiiosor tiie Babylonian, and As-
suerus the Mede," Tob. xiv. 15 — See Prideaux' Connection at the year 613.

' This battle is justly esteemed the very same that Herodotus, B. II.
sect. 15(), mentions, when he says, that "Xeeo Joined battle with the
Syrians [or Jews] at Magdolum (Megiddo,) and beat them," as Dr.
Hudson here observes.

' AVhether Jose])hus, from 2 Chron. xxxv. 9.5, here means the book oi
the Lamentations of Jeremiah, still extant, which chiefly lielongs to tl.:'
destruction of .Jerusalem under Xel)uchadnezy,ar, or to any other like
melancholy ])oem now lost, but extant in the days of Joscphus, belonging
peculiarly to Josiah, cannot now lu- determined.

Chup. V. OF THE JEWS. 87

him, which is extant till this time also. Moreover,
this prophet denounced beforehand the sad calamities
that were coming upon the city. He also left behind
him in writing a description of that destruction of
our nation which has lately happened in our days,
and the taking of Babylon; nor was he the only
pr()])het who delivered such predictions beforehand
to the multitude, but so did Ezekiel also, who was
the first person that wrote, and left behind him in
writing two books concerning these events. Now
these two prophets were priests by birth; but of them
Jeremiah dwelt in Jerusalem, from the thirteent]i
year of the reign of Josiah, until the city and temple
were utterly destroyed. However as to what befell
this pro]:)het, we will relate it in its proper place.

2. Upon the death of Josiah, which we have al-
ready mentioned, his son, Jehoahaz by name, took
the kingdom: being about twenty-three years old:
He reigned in Jerusalem; and his mother was Hanm-
tal, of the city Libnah. He was an impious man,
and imj^ure in his course of life; but as the king of
Egypt returned from the battle, he sent for Je-
hoahaz to come to him, to the city called ^ Hamath,
which belongs to Syria; and when he was come, he
put him in bonds, and delivered the kingdom to a
brother of his, by the father's side whose name Mas
Elialxim, and changed his name to Jelwidldm, and
laid a tribute upon the land of a hundred talents of
silver, and a talent of gold, and the sum of money
Jehoiakim paid by way of tribute: but Xeco carried
away Jehoahaz into Egypt, where he died when he
had reigned three months and ten days. Now Je-
hoiakim's mother was called Zcbudali, of the city

' This ancient citv Hamatli, wliicli is joined witli Arpad, or Aradus,
and witli Danifiscus, "-' Kings xviii. IS, Isa. xxxvi. 10, Jer. xlix. 2S, eities
of Syria and Phenieia near the borders of Judea, was also itself evi-
dentlv near the same borders though long ago utterly destroyed.

88 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

Rumah. He was of a wicked disposition, and ready
to do mischief: nor was he either rehgious towards
God, or good natured towards men.

CHAPTER VI.

Hotc Nebuchadnezzar, when he had conquered the
king of Egypt, made an ecVpedition against the
Jews, and slew Jehoiakini, and made Jehoiachin
his son king.

1. Now in the fourth j^ear of the reign of Je-
hoiakim, one whose name was Nebuchadnezzar, took
the government over the Babylonians, who at the
same time went up with a great army to the city
Carchemish, which w^as at P^uphrates, upon a reso-
lution he had taken to fight with Neco king of
Egypt, under whom all Syria then was. And when
Neco understood the intention of the king of Baby-
lon, and that this expedition was made against him,
he did not despise his attempt, but made haste with
a great band of men to Euphrates to defend himself
from Nebuchadnezzar; and when they had joined
battle, he was beaten, and lost many ten thousands
[of his soldiers] in the battle. So the king of Baby-
lon passed over Euphrates, and took all Syria, as
far as Pelusium, excepting Judea. But when Neb-
uchadnezzar had already reigned four years, which
was the eighth of Jehoiakim's government over the
Hebrews, the king of Babylon made an expedition
with mighty forces against the Jews, and required
tribute of Jehoiakim, and threatened on his refusal
to make war against him. He was affrighted at his
threatening, and bought his peace with money, and

Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 89

brought the tribute he was ordered to bring for
three years.

2. But on the third year, upon hearing that the
king of the Babylonians made an expedition against
the Egyptians, he did not pay his tribute, yet was
he disappointed of his hope, for the Egyptians durst
not fight at this time. And indeed the prophet
Jeremiah foretold every day, how vainly they relied
on their hopes from Egypt, and how the city would
be overthrown by the king of Babylon, and Jehoiakim
the king would be subdued by him. But what he
thus spake proved to be of no advantage to them,
because there were none that should escape; for
both the multitude, and the rulers, when they heard
him, had no concern about what they heard; but
being displeased at what was said, as if the prophet
were a diviner against the king, they accused Jere-
miah, and bringing him before tlie court they required
that a sentence and a punisliment might be given
against him. Now all the rest gave their votes
for his condemnation, but the elders refused, who
prudently sent away the prophet from the court of
[the prison] and persuaded the rest to do Jeremiah
no harm; for they said, that "he was not the only
person who foretold what would come to the city,
but that Micah signified the same before him, as
well as many others, none of M'hich suffered any
thing of tlie kings that then reigned, but were hon-
oured as the prophets of God." So they molhfied
the multitude with these words, and delivered Jere-
miah from the punishment to which he was con-
demned. Now when this prophet had written all
his prophecies, and the people were fasting, and
assembled at tlie temple, on the ninth month of the
fifth year of Jehoiakim, he read the book he had
composed of his predictions, of what was to befall

00 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

the city, and the temple, and the multitude. And
when the rulers heard of it, they took the book from
him, and bid him and Baruch the scribe to go their
ways, lest they should be discovered by one or other;
but they carried the book, and gave it to the king,
so he gave order, in the presence of his friends, that
his scribe should take it, and read it. When the
king heard what it contained, he was angry, and
tore it, and cast it into the fire, where it was con-
sumed. He also commanded, that they should seek
for Jeremiah and Baruch the scribe, and bring them
to him, tliat tliey might be punished. However they
escaped his anger.

3. Xow a little time afterward, the king of Baby-
Ion made an expedition against Jehoiakim, whom he
received [into the city,] and this out of fear of the
foregoing predictions of this prophet, as supposing
that he should suffer nothing that was terrible, be-
cause he neither shut the gates, nor fouglit against
him; yet when he was come into the city, he did not
observe the covenants he had made, but he slew such
as were in the flower of their age, and such as were
of the greatest dignity, together with their king
Jehoiakim, whom he commanded to be thrown before
the walls, without any burial; and made his son
Jelioiachin king of the country, and of the city: he
also took the principal persons in dignity for cap-
tiA'es, three thousand in number, and led them away
to Babylon; among whom was the prophet Ezekiel,
who was then but young. And this was the end
of king Jehoiakim, when he had lived thirty-six years,
and of them reigned eleven: but Jehoiachin succeeded
him in the kingdom, whose mother's name was Xe-
hushta: she was a citizen of Jerusalem. He reigned
three months and ten days.

Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 91

CHAPTER VII.

That the king of Babylon repented of niaking Je-
hoiachin king, and took hhn atcai/ to Babylon,
and delivered the kingdom to Zedekiah. This king
would not believe tcJiat teas predicted by Jeremiah
and Ezekiel, but joined himself to the Egyptians;
ti'ho, zchen they came into Judea, were vanquished
by the king of Babylon: as also xchat befell Jere-
miah.

1. But a terror seized on the king of Babylon,
who had given the kingdom to Jehoiachin, and that
immediately: he was afraid that lie should })ear him
a grudge, because of his killing his father, and
thereupon should make the country revolt from him;
wherefore he sent an army, and besieged Jehoiachin
in Jerusalem; but because he was of a gentle and
just disposition, he did not desire to see the city
endangered on his account, but he took his mother,
and kindred, and delivered them to the commanders
sent by the king of Babylon, and accepted of their
oaths, that neither should they suffer any harm,
nor the city; which agreement they did not observe
for a single year, for the king of Babylon did not
keep it, but gave orders to his generals to take all
that were in the city captives, both the youth and
the handicraftsmen; and bring them bound to him;
their number was ten thousand eiglit hundred and
thirty-two; as also Jehoiachin, and his mother and
friends: And when these were brought to him, he
kept them in custody, and a])pointed Jchoiachin's
uncle Zedekiah to be king; and made him take an

92 AXTIQUITIES Book x.

oath, that he would certainly keep the kingdom for
him, and make no innovation, nor have any league
of friendship with the Egyptians.

2. Xow Zedekiah was twenty and one years old
when he took the govermiient: and had the same
mother with his brother Jehoiakim, but was a de-
spiser of justice and of his duty, for truly those of
the same age with him were wicked about him, and
the whole multitude did what unjust and insolent
things they pleased; for which reason the prophet
Jeremiah came often to him, and protested to him,
and insisted. That "he must leave off his impieties
and transgressions, and take care of what was right,
and neither give ear to the rulers, (among whom
were wicked men), nor give credit to their false
prophets, who deluded them, as if the king of Baby-
lon would make no more war against them, and as
if the Egyptians would make w^ar against him, and
conquer him, since what they said was not true, and
the events would not prove such [as they expected]."
Xow as to Zedekiah himself, while he heard the
prophet speak he believed him, and agreed to every
thing as true, and sujjposed it was for his advantage;
but then his friends perverted him, and dissuaded
him from what the prophet advised, and obliged him
to do what they pleased. Ezekiel also foretold in
Babylon what calamities were coming upon the people,
which when he heard, he sent accounts of them into
Jerusalem: But Zedekiah did not believe their proph-
ecies, for the reasons following: It happened that
the two prophets agreed with one another in what
they said, as in all other things, that the city should
be taken, and Zedekiah himself should be taken
captive; but Ezekiel disagreed with him, and said
that "Zedekiah should not see Babyk)n/' while Jere-
miah said, to him. That "the king of Babylon should

Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 93

carry him away thither in bonds." And because they
did not both say the same thing as to this circmn-
stance, he disbeheved what they both appeared to
agree in, and condemned them as not speaking
trutli therein, although all the things foretold him
did come to pass according to their prophecies, as
we shall show upon a fitter opportunity.

3. Xow when Zedekiah preserved the league of
mutual assistance he had made with the Babylonians,
for eight years, he brake it, and revolted to the
Egyptians, in hopes, by their assistance, of over-
coming the Babylonians. When the king of Babylon
knew this, he made war against him; he laid his
country waste, and took his fortified towns, and came
to the city Jerusalem itself to besiege it: But when
the king of Egypt heard what circumstances Zede-
kiah his ally was in, he took a great army with him,
and came into Judea, as if he would raise the siege:
upon which the king of Babylon departed from
Jerusalem, and met the Egyptians, and joined battle
with them, and beat them, and when he had put them
to flight, he pursued them, and drove tliem out of all
Syria. Now as soon as the king of Babylon was
departed from Jerusalem, the false j^rophets deceived
Zedekiah, and said, That "the king of Babylon would
not any more make war against him or his people,
nor remove them out of their own country into
Babylon, and that those then in captivity would
return, with all those vessels of the temple, of which
the king of Babylon had despoiled that temple."
But Jeremiah came among them, and prophesied
what contradicted those predictions, and what proved
to be true. That "they did ill, and deluded the king;
that the Egyptians would be of no advantage to
them, but that the king of Babylon would renew the
war against Jerusalem, and besiege it again, and

94 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

would destroy the people by famine, and carry away
those that remained into captivity, and would take
away what they had as spoils, and would carry off
those riches that were in the temjjle; nay, that, be-
sides this, he would burn it, and utterly overthrow
the city, and that they should serve him and his
posterity seventy years; that then the Persians and
the Medes should put an end to their servitude, and
overthrow the Babylonians, and that we shall be dis-
missed, and return to this land, and ' rebuild the
temple and restore Jerusalem.' When Jeremiah
said this, the greater part believed him, but the rulers,
and those that were wicked#^ despised him, as one
disordered in his senses. Now he had resolved to
go elsewhere, to his own country, which was called
Anathoth, and was twenty furlongs distant from
Jerusalem; and as he was going, one of the rulers
met him, and seized upon him, and accused him
falsely, as though he were going as a deserter to
the Babylonians: but Jeremiah said, that he accused
him falsely, and added, that he was only going to
his own country, but the other would not believe
him, but seized upon him, and led him away to the
rulers, and laid an accusation against him, under
whom he endured all sorts of torments and tortures,
and was reserved to be punished; and this was the
condition he was in for some time, wJiile he suffered
what I have already described unjustly.

4. Now in the ninth year of the reign of Zede-
kiah, on the tenth day of the tenth month, the king
of Babylon made a second expedition against Jeru-
salem, and lay before it eighteen months, and be-

^ Josephus says here, that Jeremiah prophesied not only of the return
of the Jews from the B;il)ylonian captivity, and this under the Persians
and Medes, as in our other (■oi)ie.s; but of their rel)uilding the temple,
and even the city Jerusalem, which do not apj)ear in our copies under
his name, sec the note on Aiiti*!. \^. XI. cli. i. sect. 2.

Chap. VII. OY TllK .IKWS. 05

siegerl it with the utmost appHcation. There came
upon them also two of the greatest calamities at the
same time that Jerusalem was besieged, a famine
and pestilential distemper, and made great havock
of them: And though the prophet Jeremiah was in
prison, he did not rest, but cried out, and proclaimed
aloud, and exhorted the multitude to open their
gates, and admit the king of Babylon, for that if
they did so, they should be preserved, and their
whole families, but if they' did not so, they should
be destroyed, and he foretold, that if any one stayed
in the city, he sliould certainly perish by one of
these ways, either be consumed by the famine, or
slain ])y tlie enemy's sword, but that if he would fly
to the enemy he should escape death: Yet did not
these riders who heard believe him, even when they
were in the midst of their sore calamities, but they
came to the king, and in their anger, informed him
what Jeremiah said, and accused him, and complained
of the prophet as of a madman, and one that dis-
heartened their minds, and ])y the denunciation of
miseries, weakened the alacrity of the multitude, who
were otherwise ready to expose themselves to dangers
for him, and for their country, while he, in a way of
threatening, warned them to fly to the enemy, and
told them that the city should certainly be taken,
and be utterly destroyed.

5. But for the king himself, he was not at all
irritated against Jeremiah, such was his gentle and
righteous disposition; yet that he might not be en-
gaged in a quarrel with those rulers at such a time,
by opposing what they intended, he let them do with
the prophet, whatsoever they would: Whereupon,
when the king had granted them such a permission,
they presently came into the prison and took him;
and Jet him down with a cord into a pit full of mire,

96 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

that he might be suffocated, and. die of himself. So
he stood up to the neck in the mire, which was all
about him, and so continued: but there was of the
king's servants, who was in esteem with him, an
Ethiopian by descent, who told the king what a
state the prophet was in, and said, that his friends
and his rulers had done evil in putting the prophet
into the mire, and by that means contriving against
him that he should suffer a death more bitter than
that by his bonds only. When the king heard this,
he repented of his having delivered up the prophet
to the rulers, and bid the Ethiopian take thirty men
of the king's guards, and cords with them, and what-
soever else they understood to be necessary for the
prophet's preservation, and draw him up immedi-
ately. So the Ethiopian took the men he was or-
dered to take, and drew up the prophet out of the
mire, and left him at liberty [in the prison].

6. But when the king had sent to call him pri-
vately, and inquired what he could say to him from
God, which might be suitable to his present cir-
cumstances, and desired him to inform him of it,
Jeremiah replied, that "he had somewhat to say:"
but he said withal; he "should not be believed, nor
if he admonished them, should be hearkened to; for,
said he, thy friends have determined to destroy me,
as though I had been guilty of some wickedness:
and where are now those men who deceived us, and
said that, the king of Babylon would not come and
fight against us any more; but I am afraid now
to speak the truth, lest thou shouldst condemn me
to die." And when the king had assured him upon
oath, that he would neither himself put him to death,
nor deliver him up to the rulers, he became bold
upon that assurance that was given him; and gave
him this advice, that "he should deliver the city up

Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 97

to the Babylonians; and he said, that it was God
that prophesied this by him, that (he must do so)
if he would be preserved and escape out of the dan-
ger he was in, and that then neither should the
city fall to the ground, nor should the temple be
burned; but that (if he disobeyed,) he would be the
cause of these miseries coming upon the citizens,
and of the calamit>^ that would befall his whole
house." When the king heard this, he said, that
"he would willingly do what he persuaded him to,
and what he declared would be to his advantage,
but that he was afraid of those of his own country
that had fallen away to the Babylonians, lest he
should be accused by them to the king of Babylon,
and be punished." But the prophet encouraged him,
and said, "He had no cause to fear such punishment,
for that he should not have the experience of any
misfortune, if he would deliver all up to the Baby-
lonians, neither himself, nor his children, nor his
wives, and that the temple should then continue
unhurt." So when Jeremiah had said this, the king
let him go, and charged him, "To betray what they
had resolved on to none of the citizens, nor to tell
any of these matters to any of the rulers, if they
should have learned that he had been sent for, and
should inquire of him what it was that he was sent
for, and Avhat he had said to him? but to pretend to
them, that he besought him that he might not be
kept in bonds and in prison." And indeed he said
so to them; for they came to the prophet, and asked
him, what advice it was that he came to give the
king relating to them? and thus 1 have finished what
concerns this matter.

98 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

CHAPTER VIII.

How the hing of Bahijidti took Jerusalem and burnt
the temple, and removed the people of Jerusalem,
and Zedekiali to Bahijlon. As also, who they were
that had succeeded in the high priesthood under
the kings.

1. Now the king of Babylon was very intent and
earnest upon the siege of Jerusalem: and he erected
towers upon great banks of earth, and from them
repelled those that stood upon the walls: he also
made a great number of such banks round about
the whole city, whose height was equal to those walls.
However, those that were within, bore the siege
with courage and alacrity, for they were not dis-
couraged, either by the famine, or by the pestilential
distemper, but were of cheerful minds in the prose-
cution of the war, although those miseries within
oppressed them also, and they did not suffer them-
selves to be terrified, either by the contrivances of
the enemy, or by their engines of war, but contrived
still different engines to oppose all the other withal,
till indeed there seemed to be an entire struggle
between the Babylonians, and the people of Jeru-
salem, which had the greater sagacity and skill; the
former party supposing they should ])e thereby too
hard for the other, for the destruction of the city;
the latter jjlacing their hopes of deliverance in
nothing else but in persevering in such inventions in
opposition to the other, as might demonstrate the
enemies' engines were useless to them. And this
siege they endured for eighteen months, until they

Chap. Yiii. OF THE JEWS. DO

were destroyed by the famine, and by the darts which
the enemy threw at them from the towers.

2. Now the city was taken in the ninth day of
the fourth month, in the eleventh year of the reign
of Zedekiah. They were indeed only generals of
the king of Babylon, to w^hom Xebuchadnezzar com-
mitted the care of the siege, for he abode himself
in the city of Riblah. The names of these generals
who ravaged and subdued Jerusalem, if any one
desire to know them, were these, Nergal Sharezer,
Samgar Xebo, Rabsaris, Sarsechim, and Rabmag.
And when the city was taken about midnight, and
the enemies' generals were entered into the temj^le,
and when Zedekiah was sensible of it, he took his
wives and his children, and his captains and his
friends, and with them fled out of the city, through
the fortified ditch, and through the desert: and when
certain of the deserters had informed the Baby-
lonians of this, at break of day, they made haste
to pursue after Zedekiah, and overtook him not far
from Jericho, and encompassed him about; but for
those friends and captains of Zedekiah who had
fled out of the city wnth him, when they saw their
enemies near them, they left him and dispersed
themselves, some one way and some another, and
every one resolved to save himself; so the enemy
took Zedekiah alive, when he was deserted by all
but a few% with his children and his waves, and
brought him to the king. When he was come, Xeb-
uchadnezzar began to "call him a wicked wretch,
and a covenant breaker, and one that had forgotten
his former words, when he promised to keep the
country for him. He also reproached him for his
ingratitude, that when he had received the kingdom
from him, who had taken it from Jehoiachin, and
given it him, he had made use of the power he gave

100 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

him against him that gave it, but, said he, God is
great, who hated that conduct of thine, and hath
brought thee under us." And when he had used
these words to Zedekiah, he commanded his sons
and his friends to be slain, while Zedekiah and the
rest of the captains looked on, after which he put
out the eyes of Zedekiah: and bound him, and carried
him to Babylon. And these things happened to
him,^ as Jeremiah and Ezekiel had foretold to him,
that he should l)e caught, and brought before the
king of Babylon, and should speak to him face to
face; and should see his eyes with his own eyes; and
thus far did Jeremiah prophesy; but he was also
made blind, and brought to Babylon, but did not
see it, according to the prediction of Ezekiel.

3. We have said thus much, because it was suffi-
cient to show the nature of God to such as are ig-
norant of it, that it is various, and acts many different
ways, and that all events happen after a regular
manner, in their proper season, and that foretells
what must come to pass. It is also sufficient to
show the ignorance and incredulity of men, whereby
they are not permitted to foresee any thing that is
future, and are, without any guard, exposed to
calamities, so that it is impossible for them to avoid
the experience of those calamities.

4. And after this manner have the kings of
David's race ended their lives, being in number
twenty-one, until the last king, who altogether reigned
five hundred and fourteen years, and six months,
and ten days; of whom Saul, who was their first

' Tliis observation of Josephus' about the seeming disagreement of
Jeremiah, eh. xxii. 4, and xxxiv. 3, and Ezek. xii. 13, hut real agreement
at last, concerning the fate of Zedekiah, is very true, and very remark-
able. See ch. vii. sect. 3. Nor is it at all unlikely that the courtiers
and false prophets might make use of this seeming contradiction to
dissuade Zedekiah from believing either of those prophets, as Josephus
here intimates he was dissuaded thereby.

Chap. vm. OF THE JEWS. 101

king, retained the government twenty years, though
he was not of the same tribe with the rest.

5. And now it was that the king of Babylon
sent Nebuzaradan, the general of his army, to Jeru-
salem, to pillage the temple, who had it also in com-
mand to burn it and the royal palace, and to lay
the city even with the ground, and to transplant
the people into Babylon. Accordingly, he eame to
Jerusalem in the eleventh year of king Zedekiah,
and pillaged the temple, and carried out the vessels
of God, both gold and silver, and particularly that
large laver which Solomon dedicated, as also the
pillars of brass, and their chapiters, with the golden
tables and the candlesticks; and when he had carried
these off, he set fire to the temple in the fifth month,
the first day of the month, on the eleventh year of
the reign of Zedekiah, and in the eighteenth year
of Nebuchadnezzar; he also burnt the palace, and
overthrew the citj^ Now the temj)le was burnt four
hundred and seventy years, six months and ten days,
after it was built. It was then one thousand and
sixty-two years, six months and ten days, from the
departure out of Egypt; and from the deluge to
the destruction of the temple, the whole interval
was one thousand nine hundred fifty-seven years,
six months and ten days; but from the generation
of Adam, until this befell the temple, there were
three thousand five hundred and thirteen years, six
months and ten days; so great was the number of
years hereto belonging. And what actions were
done during these years, we have particularly re-
lated. But the general of the Babylonian king now
overthrew the city to the very foundations, and re-
moved all the people, and took for prisoners the
high priest Seraiah, and Zephaniah the priest that
was next to him, and the rulers that guarded the

102 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

temple, who were three in number, and the eunuch
who was over the armed men, and seven friends of
Zedekiah, and his scribe, and sixty other rulers, all
which, together with the vessels which they had pil-
laged, he carried to the king of Babylon to Riblah,
a city of Syria. So the king commanded the heads
of the high priest and of the rulers to be cut off
there; but he himself led all the captives, and Zede-
kiah to Babylon. He also led Josedek the higli
priest away bound. He was the son of Seraiah
the high priest, whom the king of Babylon had slain
in Riblah, a city of Syria, as we have just now
related.

6. And now, because we have enumerated the
succession of the kings, and who they were, and
how long they reigned, I think it necessary to set
down the names of the high priests, and who they
were that succeeded one anotlier in the high priest-
hood under the kings. The first high priest then at
the temple which Solomon built, was Zadoc; after
him liis son Achimas received tliat dignity; after
Achimas was Azarias; his son was Joram, and Joram's
son was Isus, after him was Axioramus; his son
was Phideas, and Phideas' son was Sudeas, and
Sudeas' son was Juelus, and Juelus' son was Jotham,
and Jotham's son was Urias, and Urias' son was
Nerias, and Nerias' son was Odeas, and his son was
Sallumus, and Sallumus' son was Elcias, and his
son ^ [was Azarias, and his son] was Sareas, and
his son was Josadoc, who was carried captive to
Babylon. All these received the high priesthood
by succession, the sons from their father.

* I have here inserted hi brackets this liigh priest Azarias, though
lie be omitted in all Joscphus' cojiies, out of the Jewish chronicle, Sedar
Olain, because we know from Josc])hiis himself, that the mmiber of
the high ])ricsts belonging to this interval was eighteen, Antiq. 15. XX.
ch. X. whereas his coi)ics Iwne here but sc\cnlccn.

Chap. IX. OF THE .TEWS. 103

7. When the king was come to Babylon, lie kept
Zedekiah in prison until he died, and buried him
magnificently, and dedicated the vessels he had pil-
laged out of the temple of Jerusalem to his own
gods, and planted the people in the country of Baby-
lon, but freed the high priest from his bonds.

CHAPTER IX.

How Nehuzaradan set Gedaliah over the Jews that
were left in Judea, whieh Gedaliah was a little
afterward slain hij Ishmael: and, how Johanan, after
Ishmael was driven away, went down into Egypt
with the people, which people Nebuchadnezzar,
when he made an eiVpedition against the Egyptians,
took captive, and brought them away to Babylon.

1. NoAV the general of the army, jSTebuzaradan,
when he had carried the people of the Jews into
captivity, left the poor, and those that had deserted,
in the country, and made one, whose name was
Gedaliah, the son of Ahikam, a person of a noble
family, their governor; which Gedaliah was of a
gentle and righteous disposition. He also com-
manded them that they should cultivate the ground,
and pay an appointed tribute to the king. He also
took Jeremiah the prophet out of prison, and would
have persuaded him to go along with him to Babylon,
for that he had been enjoined by the king to supply
him with whatsoever he wanted: and if he did not
like to do so, he desired him to inform him where
he resolved to dwell, that he might signify the same
to the king: but the prophet had no mind to follow

104 AXTIQUITIES Book x.

him, nor to dwell any where else, but would gladly
live in the ruins of his country, and in the miserable
remains of it. When the general understood what
his purpose was, he enjoined Gedaliah, whom he
left behind, to take all possible care of him, and
to supply him with whatsoever he wanted: So when
he had given him rich presents, he dismissed him.
Accordingly, Jeremiah abode in a city of that country,
which was called Mis pah; and desired of Xebuzara-
dan, that he would set at liberty his disciple ^ Baruch,
the son of Xeraiah. one of a very eminent family,
and exceeding skilful in the language of his country.
2. When Xebuzaradan had done thus, he made
haste to Babylon: But as to those that fled away
during the siege of Jerusalem, and had been scat-
tered over the country, when they heard that the
Babylonians were gone away, and had left a remnant
in the land of Jerusalem, and those such as were to
cultivate the same, they came together from all
parts to Gedaliah to JNIispah. Xow the rulers that
were over them were Johanan, the son of Kareah,
and Jazeniah, and Seraiah, and others beside them.
Now there was of the royal family one Ishmael, a
wicked man, and very crafty, who during the siege
of Jerusalem, fled to Baalis, the king of the Am-
monites, and abode with him during that time: And
Gedaliah persuaded them now they were there, to
stay with him, and to have no fear of the Babylonians,
for that if they would cultivate the country, they
should suffer no harm. This he assured them of by
oath; and said, that they should have him for their
patron, and that if any disturbance should arise,
they should find him ready to defend them. He

' Of this character of Baruch the son of Xeraiah, and the genuineness
of his book that stands now in the Apocrypha, and that it is really a
canonical book, and an appendix to Jeremiah, see Authent. Rec. Part I.
pp. 1-11.

Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 10.5

also advised them to dwell in any city, as every one
of them pleased; and that they would send men
along with his own servants, and rebuild their houses
upon the old foundations, and dwell there, and he
admonished them beforehand, that they should make
preparation, while the season lasted, of corn, and
wine, and oil, that they might have whereon to feed
during the winter. When he had thus discoursed
to them, he dismissed them, that every one might
dwell in what place of the country he pleased.

3. Xow when this report w^as spread abroad as
far as the nations that bordered on Judea, that
Gedaliah kindly entertained those that came to him,
after they had fled away, upon this (only) condi-
tion, that they should pay tribute to the king of
Babylon, they also came readily to Gedaliah, and
inhabited the country. And when Johanan and the
rulers that were with him observed the country, and
the humanity of Gedaliah, they were exceedingly
in love w4th him, and told him that Baalis, the king
of the Ammonites, had sent Ishmael to kill him
by treachery, and secretly, that he might have the
dominion over the Israelites, as being of the royal
famih^; and they said that he might deliver himself
from this treacherous design, if he would give them
leave to slay Ishmael, and nobody should know it,
for they told him they were afraid that when he
was killed by the other, the entire ruin of the re-
maining strength of the Israelites would ensue: But
he professed. That "he did not beheve what they
said, when they told him of such a treacherous de-
sign, in a man that had been well treated by him;
because it was not probable that one who, under
such a want of all things, had failed of nothing
that was necessary for him, should be found so
wicked and ungrateful towards his benefactor, tliat

106 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

when it would be an instance of wickedness in him
not to save him, had he been treacherously assaulted
by others to endeavour, and that earnestly, to kill
him with his own hand: That how^ever, if he ought
to suppose this information to be true, it was better
for himself to be slain by the other, than to destroy
a man who fled to him for refuge, and entrusted
his own safety to him, and committed himself to
his disposal."

4. So Johanan, and the rulers that were with
him not being able to persuade Gedaliah, went away:
but after the interval of thirty days was over, Ish-
mael came again to Gedaliah, to the city Mispah
and ten men with him, and when he had feasted
Ishmael, and those that were with him in a splendid
manner, at his table, and had given them presents,
he became disordered in drink, while he endeavoured
to be very merry with them; and when Ishmael
Saw him in that case, and that he was drowned in
his cups to the degree of insensibility, and fallen
asleep, he rose on a sudden, with his ten friends,
and slew Gedaliah and those that were with him
at the feast, and when he had slain them, he went
out by night, and slew all the Jews that were in
the city, and those soldiers also which were left
therein by the Babylonians: But the next day four-
score men came out of the country with presents to
Gedaliah, none of them knowing what had befallen
him; when Ishmael saw them, he invited them in
to Gedaliah, and when they were come in, he shut
up the court, and slew them, and cast their dead
bodies down into a certain deep pit, that they might
not be seen; but of these fourscore men Ishmael
spared tliose that entreated him not to kill them;
till they had delivered up to him what riches they
had concealed in the fields, consisting of their furni-

Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 107

tiire, and garments, and corn: but he took captive
the people that were in Mispah, with their wives
and children; among whom were the daughters of
king Zedekiah, whom Nebuzaradan, the general of
the army of Babylon, had left with Gedaliah: And
when he had done this, he came to the king of the
Ammonites.

5. But when Johanan and the rulers with him
heard of what was done at Mispah by Ishmael, and
of the death of Gedaliah, they had indignation at
it, and every one of them took his own armed men
and came suddenly to fight with Ishmael, and over-
took him at the fountain in Hebron: And when
those that were carried away captives by Ishmael,
saw Johanan and the rulers, they were very glad;
and looked upon them as coming to their assistance;
so they left him that had carried them captives, and
came over to Johanan: then Ishmael, with eight
men, fled to the king of the Ammonites; but Jo-
hanan took those whom he had rescued out of the
hands of Ishmael, and the eunuchs, and their wives
and children, and came to a certain place called
31 an (Ira, and there they abode that day, for they
had determined to remove from thence, and go into
Egypt, out of fear lest the Babylonians should slay
them in case they continued in the country, and
that out of anger at the slaughter of Gedaliah, who
had been by them set over it for governor.

6. Now while they were under this deliberation,
Johanan, the son of Kareah, and the rulers that
were with liim, came to Jeremiah the prophet, and
desired that he would pray to God that because they
were at an utter loss about what they ought to do,
he would discover it to tliem, and they sware that
they would do whatsoevei- Jeremiah should say to
them. And when the ])ro])het said he would be

108 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

their intercessor with God, it came to pass, that
after ten days God appeared to him, and said, "That
he would inform Johanan and the other rulers, and
all the people, that he would be with them while
they continued in that country, and take care of
them, and keep them from being hurt by the Baby-
lonians, of whom they were afraid, ])ut that he would
desert them, if they went into Egypt, and out, of
his wrath against them, would inflict the same pun-
ishments upon them which they knew their brethren
had already endured." So when the prophet had
informed Johanan and the people that God had
foretold these things, he was not believed, when he
said that God commanded them to continue in that
country, but they imagined that he said so to gratify
Baruch, his own disciple, and belied God, and that
he persuaded them to stay there, that they might
be destroyed by the Babylonians. Accordingly, both
the people and Johanan disobeyed the counsel of
God, which he gave tliem by the prophet, and re-
moved into Egypt, and carried Jeremiah and Baruch
along with him.

7. And when they were there, God signified to
the prophet, tliat the king of Babylon was about
making an expedition against the Egyptians, and
commanded him to foretell to the people that Egypt
should be taken, and tlie king of Babylon should slay
some of them, and should take others captive, and
bring them to Babylon; which things came to pass
accordingly: for on the fifth year after the destruc-
tion of Jerusalem, which was the twenty-third of
the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, he made an expedition
against Celoesyria, and when he had possessed him-
self of it, he made war against the Ammonites and
Moabites; and when he had brought all these na-
tions under subjection, he fell upon Egypt, in order

Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 109

to overthrow it; and he slew the ^ king that then
reigned, and set up another; and he took those Jews
that were there captives, and led them away to
Bahylon. And such was the end of the nation of
the Hebrews, as it hath been delivered down to us,
it having gone twice beyond Euphrates; for the
people of the ten tribes were carried out of Samaria
by the Assyrians, in the days of king Hoshea; after
which the people of the two tribes that remained
after Jerusalem was taken, [were carried away] by
Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon and Chaldea.
Now as to Shalmanezer, he removed the Israelites
out of their country, and placed therein the nation
of the Cutheans, who had formerly l^elonged to
the inner parts of Persia and Media, but were then
called Samaritans, by taking the name of the country
to which they were removed; but the king of Baby-
lon, who brought out the two tribes,- placed no
other nation in their country, by which means all
Judea and Jerusalem, and the temple, continued
to be a desert for seventy years: but the entire in-
terval of time which passed from the captivity of
the Israelites, to the carrying away of the two tribes,
proved to be an hundred ancl thirty years six months
and ten days.

* Herodotus says, this king of Efiypt [Pharaoh Hophra, or Apries]
was slain by the Egyptians, as Jeremiah foretold his slaughter by his
enemies, Jer. xliv. x?9, 30, and that as a sign of the destruction of Egv'pt
[by Nebuchadnezzar,] Josephus says, this king was slain by Nebuchad-
nezzar himself.

* We see here that Judea was left in a manner desolate after the
captivity of the two tril,es, and was not repeopled with foreign colonies,
perhaps as an indication of Providence that the Jews were to repeople
it without opposition themselves. I also esteem the latter and present
desolate condition of the same country, without being repeopled by
foreign colonies, to be a like indication, that the same Jews are here-
after to repeople it again themselves, at their so long expected future
restoration.

110 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

CHAPTER X.

Concerning Daniel, and what befell him at Babylon.

1. But now Xebuchadnezzar king of Babylon took
some of the most noble of the Jews that were children
and the kinsmen of Zedekiah their king, such as were
remarkable for the beauty of their bodies, and the
comeliness of their countenances, and delivered them
into the hands of tutors, and to the improvement to
be made by them. He also made some of them to
be eunuchs; which course he took also with those of
other nations, wliom he had taken in the flower of
their age, and afforded them their diet from his own
table, and had them instructed in the institutes of
the country, and taught the learning of the Chaldeans;
and they had now exercised themselves sufficiently in
that wisdom which he had ordered they should apply
themselves to. Nom^ among these there were four of
the family of Zedekiah, of most excellent dispositions,
one of whom was called Daniel, another was called
Ananias, another Mcsacl, and the fourth Azarias:
And the king of Babylon changed their names, and
commanded that they should make use of other names:
Daniel he called Baltasar, Ananias, Shadrach, INIesael,
Meshach, and Azarias, ^ibcdnego. These the king
had in esteem, and continued to love, because of tlie
very excellent temper they were of, and because of
their application to learning, and the progress they
had made in wisdom.

2. Now Daniel and his kinsmen, had resolved to
use a sevei-e diet, and to a])stain from those kinds of
food wliicli came fi-om tlie king's table, and entirely
to f()r])ear to eat of all living creatures: So he came

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. Hi

to Aslipenaz, who was that ^ eunuch to whom the
care of them was committed, and desired him to take
and spend what was brought for them from the king,
but to give them pulse and dates for their food, and
any thing else, besides the flesh of living creatures,
that he pleased; for that their inclinations were to
that sort of food, and that they despised the other.
He replied, that he was ready to serve them in what
they desired, but he suspected that they would be
discovered by the king, from their meagre bodies,
and the alteration of their countenances, because it
could not be avoided but their bodies and colours must
be changed with their diet, especially while they would
be clearly discovered by the finer appearance of the
other children, who would fare better, and thus they
should bring him in danger, and occasion him to be
punished: yet did they persuade Arioch, who was
thus fearful, to give them what food they desired for
ten days, by way of trial, and in case the habit of
their bodies were not altered, to go on in the same
way, as expecting that they should not be hurt thereby
afterwards, but if he saw them look meagre, and worse
than the rest, he should reduce them to their former
diet. Xow, when it appeared that they were so far
from becoming worse by the use of this food, that
they grew plumper and fuller in body than the rest,
insomuch that he thought those who fed on what came
from the king's table seemed less plump and full,
while those that were with Daniel looked as if they
had lived in plenty, and all sorts of luxury; Arioch,
from that time, securely took himself what the king

* Thfit Daniel was made one of these eunuchs of which Tsaiah proph-
esied, Isa. xxxix. 7, and the three children his companions also, seems
to me plain, both here in Josephus, and in our copies of Daniel, Dan.
i. 3, fi, T-11, 18, although it must he {^ranted that some married ))ersons,
that liad cliildrcn were soniftimes calk-d eunuchs, in a general accei)tation
for courtiers, on account that so nuuiy of the ancient courtiers were real
eunuchs. See Gen. xxxix. 1.

112 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

sent every day from his supper, according to custom,
to the children, but gave them the forementioned diet,
while they had their souls in some measure more pure,
and less burdened, and so fitter for learning, and had
their bodies in better tune for hard labour, for they
neither had the former oppressed and heavy with
variety of meats, nor were the other effeminate on
the same account; so they readily understood all the
learning that was among the Hebrews, and among
the Chaldeans, as especially did Daniel, who being
already sufficiently skilful in wisdom, was very busy
about the interpretation of dreams; and God mani-
fested himself to him.

3. Now two years after the destruction of Egypt,
king Nebuchadnezzar saw a wonderful dream, the
accomplishment of which God showed him in his
sleep, but when he arose out of his bed, he forgot the
accomplishment: So he sent for the Chaldeans and
magicians, and the prophets, and told them, that he
had seen a dream, and informed them that he had
forgotten the accomplishment of what he had seen,
and he enjoined them to tell him, both what the dream
was, and what was its signification; and they said that
this was a thing impossible to be discovered by men,
but they promised him, that if he would explain to
them what dream he had seen, they would tell him its
signification. Hereupon he threatened to put them to
death; unless they told him his dream: and he gave
command to have them all put to death, since they
confessed they could not do what they were com-
manded to do. Now when Daniel heard that the
king had given a command, that all the wise men
should be put to death, and that among them himself
and his three kinsmen were in danger, he went to
Arioch, who was captain of the king's guards, and
desired to know of him what was the reason why the

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 113

king had given command that all the wise men, and
Chaldeans, and magicians, should be slain. So when
he had learned that the king had had a dream, and had
forgotten it, and that when they were enjoined to
inform the king of it, they had said they could not
do it, and had thereby provoked him to anger; he
desired of Arioch that he would go in to the king, and
desire respite for the magicians for one night, and to
put off their slaughter so long, for that he hoped
within that time to obtain, by prayer to God, the
knowledge of the dream. Accordingly, Arioch in-
formed the king of what Daniel desired: So the king
bid them delay the slaughter of the magicians till he
knew what Daniel's promise would come to; but the
young man retired to his own house, with his kinsmen,
and besought God that whole night to discover the
dream, and thereby deliver the magicians and Chal-
deans, with whom they were themselves to perish,
from the king's anger, by enabling him to declare his
vision, and to make manifest what the king had seen
the night before in his sleep, but had forgotten it.
Accordingly, God out of pity to those that were in
danger, and out of regard to the wisdom of Daniel,
made known to him the dream and its interpretation,
that so the king might understand by him its significa-
tion also. When Daniel had obtained this knowledge
from God, he arose very joyful, and told it his brethren,
and made them glad, and to hope well, that they
should now preserve their lives, of which they despaired
before, and had their minds full of nothing but the
thoughts of dying. So when he had with them re-
turned thanks to God who had commiserated their
youth, when it was day he came to Arioch, and desired
him to bring him to the king, because he would dis-
cover to him that dream which he had seen the night
before.

lU ANTIQUITIES Book x.

4. When Daniel was come in to the king, he
excused himself first, that "he did not pretend to be
wiser than the other Chaldeans and magicians, when,
upon their entire inability to discover his dream, he
was undertaking to inform him of it, for this was not
by his own skill, or on account of his having better
cultivated his understanding than the rest, but he said,
God hath had pity upon us, when we were in danger
of death, and when I prayed for the life of myself,
and of those of my own nation, hath made manifest
to me both the dream, and the interpretation thereof,
for I was not less concerned for thy glory than for
the sorrow that we were by thee condemned to die,
while thou didst so unjustly command men, both good
and excellent in themselves, to be put to death, when
thou enjoinedst them to do what was entirely above
the reach of human wisdom, and requiredst of them
what was the work only of God. Wherefore, as thou
in thy sleep wast solicitous concerning those that should
succeed thee in the government of the whole world,
God was desirous to show thee all those that should
reign after thee, and to that end exhibited to thee the
following dream: Thou seemedst to see a great image
standing before thee, the head of which proved to be
of gold, the shoulders and arms of silver, and the belly
and the thighs of brass, but the legs and the feet of
iron; after which thou sawest a stone broken off from
a mountain, which fell upon the image and threw it
down and brake it to pieces, and did not permit any
part of it to remain whole, but the gold, the silver,
the iron, and the brass, became smaller than meal,
which upon the blast of a violent wind, was by force
carried away, and scattered abroad, but the stone did
increase to such a degree, that the whole earth beneath
it seemed to be filled therewith. This is the dream
which thou sawest, and its interpretation is as follows;

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 11.5

The head of gold denotes thee, and the kings of Babylon
that have been before thee ; but the two hands and arms
signify this, that your government shall be dissolved
by two kings; but another king that shall come from
the west, armed with brass, shall destroy that govern-
ment; and another government that shall be like unto
iron shall put an end to the power of the former, and
shall have dominion over all the earth, on account of
the nature of iron, wliich is stronger than that of gold,
of silver, and of brass." Daniel did also declare the
meaning of the ^ stone to the king, but I do not think
proper to relate it, since I have only undertaken to de-
scribe things past or things present, but not things that
are future : yet if any one be so very desirous of knowing
truth, as not to waive such points of curiosity, and can-
not curb his inclination for understanding the uncertain-
ties of futurity, and whether they will happen or not,
let him be diligent in reading the book of Daniel,
which he will find among the sacred writings.

5. When Nebuchadnezzar heard this, and recol-
lected his dream, he was astonished at the nature of
Daniel, and fell upon his face, and saluted Daniel in
the manner that men worship God, and gave commanrl
that he should be sacrificed to as a god. And this
was not all, for he also imposed the name of his own
god upon him, [Baltasar], and made him and liis
kinsmen rulers of liis whole kingdom; which kinsmen
of his happened to fall into great danger by the envy
and malice of [their enemies] ; for they offended the
king upon the occasion following: he made an image

' Of this most remarkable jKissage in Josephus, concerning tiie t:luii('
cut ovt of the moiintahi, ami dentroifed the imaffc, wliich he would not
explain, hut intimated to be a ])rophecy of futurity, and probably not
safe for him to explain, as belonging- to the destruction of the Honuin
empire, take the words of Havercam]), ch. x. sect. 4, "Nor is this to be
wondered at. that he would not now meddle with things future, for lie
had no mind to provoke the Roiuans, by sjieaking of the destruction of
that citv wliich tlicv called the r/rnidl rll;/."

116 ANTIQUITIES Book X.

of gold, whose height was sixty cubits, and its breadth
six cubits, and set it in the great plain of Babylon;
and when he was going to dedicate the image, he in-
vited the principal men out of all the earth that was
under his dominions, and commanded them in the first
place, that when they should hear the sound of the
trumpet they should then fall down and worship the
image; and he threatened, that those who did not so,
should be cast into a fiery furnace. When therefore
all the rest, upon the hearing of the sound of the
trumpet, worshipped the image, they related that
Daniel's kinsmen did not do it, because they would
not transgress the laws of their country: So these
men were convicted and cast immediately into the
fire, but were saved by divine providence, and after
a surprising manner escaped death, for the fire did
not touch them: and I suppose that it touched them
not, as if it reasoned with itself, that they were cast
into it without any fault of theirs, and that therefore
it was too weak to burn the young men when they
were in it. This was done by the power of God, who
made their bodies so far superior to the fire, that it
could not consume them. This it was which recom-
mended them to the king as righteous men, and men
beloved of God, on which account they continued in
great esteem with him.

6. A little after this the king saw in his sleep again
another vision; how he should fall from his dominion,
and feed among the wild beasts, and that when he had
lived in this manner in the desert for ^ seven years,

^ Since Joscphus here explains the seven prophetic times which were
to pass over Ncl)uc}iadnczzar, Dan. iv. 16, to be seven years, we thence
learn how he most probably must have understood those other parallel
phrases, of a time, times and an half, Antiq. B. VII. ch. xxv. of so
many prophetic i/ears also, though he withal lets us know, by this hint
at the inter])rctnti()n of the .^tereiiti/ ircck.f. as belonging to the fourrth
monurch\', juul the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in tlie days
of Jose])l;us, cH. ii. sect. 7, tiat he did not think those i/ears to be bara

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 117

he should recover his dominion again. When he had
seen this dream, he called the magicians together
again, and inquired of them about it, and desired them
to tell him what it signified; but when none of them
could find out the meaning of the dream, nor discover
it to the king, Daniel was the only person that ex-
plained it: and as he foretold so it came to pass; for
after he had continued in the wilderness the fore-
mentioned interval of time, while no one durst attempt
to seize his kingdom during those seven years, he
prayed to God that he might recover his kingdom,
and he returned to it. But let no one blame me for
writing down every thing of this nature, as I find
it in our ancient books; for as to that matter, I have
plainly assured those that think me defective in any
such point, or complain of my management, and have
told them in the beginning of this history, that I in-
tended to do no more than translate the Hebrew books
into the Greek language, and promised them to explain
those facts, without adding any thing to them of my
own, or taking any thing away from them.

years, but rather clai/s for years; by which reckoning, and by which
alone, could 70 weeks, or 490 days reach to the age of Josephus. But
as to tlie truth of those seven years' banishment of Nebuchadnezzar from
men, and his living so long among the beasts, the very small remains
we have any where else of this Nebuchadnezzar, prevent our expectation
of any otlier full account of it. So far we know by Ptolemy's canon, a
contemporary record, as well as by Josephus presently, that he reigned
in all 43 years, that is, eight years after we meet with any account of
his actions; one of the la^t, of which was the 13 years siege of Tyre,
Antiq. B. X. ch. xi. where yet the Old Latin has but three years and
ten montiis, yet were his actions before so remarkable, l)oth in sacred and
profane authors, that such vacuity of eight years at the least, at tne
latter end of his reign, must be allowed to agree very well with Daniel's
accounts, that after a seven years' brutal life, he might return to his
reason, and to the exercise of his royal authority, for one whole year at
least before his death.

118 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

CHAPTER XL

Concerning N ehuchadnczzar and his successors: and
how their government was dissolved by the Persians;
and what things befell Daniel in Media, and what
2)roj)hecies he delivered there.

1. Now when king Nebncliadnezzar had reigned
^ forty-three years, he ended liis hfe. He was an
active man, and more fortunate than the kings that
were before him. Now Berosus makes mention of
his actions in the third book of his Chaldaic history,
where he says thus: "When his father Nebuchodonosor
[Nabojjollassar] heard that the governor whom he
had set over Egypt, and the pLaces about Celoesyria
and Phenicia, had revolted from him, while he was
not himself able any longer to undergo the hardships
[of war], he committed to his son Nebuchadnezzar,
who was still but a youth, some parts of his army,
and sent them against them. So when Nebuchadnez-
zar had given battle, and fought with the rebel, he
beat him, and reduced the country from under his
subjection, and made it a branch of his own kingdom;
but about that time it happened, that his father Neb-
uchodonosor [Nabopollassar] fell ill, and ended his
life in the city Babylon, when he had reigned " twenty-

' These 4^5 years for tlie duration of the reign of Xebuchadnezzar are,
as I have just now ohserxed, the very same nunii)er in Ptolemy's canon.
Moses Chorenensis does also confirm this capti\ity of the Jews under
Xehuchadnezzar, and adds, what is very remarkable, tliat one of those
Jews that were carried by him into cajitivity jjot away into Armenia,
and raised the jrreat family of the Bagradita^ there.

"^ These 21 years here ascribed to one named Xahonld.ttti'r in the first
book against A))ion, or to \al)oi)ollassar, the father of the great Nebuchad-
nezzar, are also the very same with Ihose given him in Ptolemy's canon.
And note here, that what Dr. Prideaux says, at the year 613, that
Nebucliadnez/.ar must have l)een n conuMon name of the other kings of

Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 119

one years; and when he was made sensible, as he was
in a httle time, that his father Nebuchodonosor [Nab-
opollassar] was dead, and having settled the affairs
of Egypt, and the other countries, as also those
that concerned the captive Jews and Phenicians,
and Syrians, and those of the Egyptian nations, and
having committed the conveyance of them to Babylon
to certain of his friends, together with the gross of
his army, and the rest of their ammunition and pro-
visions, he went himself hastily, accompanied with a
few others, over the desert, and came to Babylon.
So he took upon him the management of public affairs,
and of the kingdom which had been kept for him
by one that was the principal of the Chaldeans, and
he received the entire dominions of his father, and
appointed, that when the captives came, they should
be j^laced as colonies, in the most proper places of
Babylonia: but then he adorned the temple of Belus,
and the rest of the temples, in a magnificent manner,
with the spoils he had taken in war. He also added
another city to that which was there of old, and
rebuilt it, that such as would besiege it hereafter
might no more turn the course of the river, and
thereby attack the city itself: He therefore built
three walls round about the inner city, and three
others about that which was the outer, and this he
did with burnt brick. And after he had, after a
becoming manner, walled the city, and adorned its
gates gloriously, he built another palace before his
father's palace, but so that they joined to it; to
describe whose vast heiglit, and immense riches, it
would perhaps be too much for me to attempt; yet
as large and lofty as they were, they were completed

Babylon, besides the great Nebuehadnezzar himself, is a frroundless
mistake of some modern chronologers only, and destitute of all proper
original authority.

120 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

in ^ fifteen days. He also erected elevated places for
walking, of stone, and made it resemble mountains,
and built it so that it might be planted with all sorts
of trees. He also erected what was called a pensile
paradise, because his wife was desirous to have things
like her own country, she having been bred up in the
palaces of JMedia." JNIegasthenes also, in his fourth
book of his accounts of India, makes mention of these
things, and thereby endeavours to show that this king
[Nebuchadnezzar] exceeded Hercules, in fortitude,
and in the greatness of his actions; for he saith, that
"he conquered a gi*eat part of Lybia and Iberia."
Diodes also, in the second book of his accounts of
Persia, mentions this king; as does Philostrates in his
accounts both of India and of Phenicia, say, that
"this king besieged Tyre thirteen years, while at the
same time Ethball reigned at Tyre." These are all
the histories that I have met with concerning this
king.

2. But now after the death of Nebuchadnezzar,
Evil-Merodach his son succeeded in the kingdom, who
immediately set Jeconiah at liberty, and esteemed him
among his most intimate friends: He also gave him
many presents, and made him honourable above the
rest of the kings that were in Babylon; for his father
had not kept his faith with Jeconiah, when he volun-
tarily delivered up himself to him, with his wives and
children, and his whole kindred, for the sake of his
country, that it might not be taken by siege, and

' These fifteen days for finishing such vast buildings at Babylon, in
Josephus' copy of Berosus, would seem too absurd to be supposed to be
the true number, were it not for the same testimony extant also in the
first book against Apion, sect. 19, with the same number. It thence in-
deed appears, that Josephus' copy of Berosus had this small number,
but that it is the true number I still doubt. Josephus assures us, that
the walls of so much a smaller city as Jerusalem were two years and
four months in building liy Nehemiah, who yet hastened the work all
he could, Antiq. B_. XI. ch. v, sect. 8. I should think 115 days, or a
year and 15 days, much more proportionable to so great a work.

Ciiap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 121

utterly destroyed, as we said before. When Evil-
Merodach was dead, after a reign of eighteen years,
Xighssar his son took the government, and retained it
forty years, and then ended his hfe: and after him
the succession in the kingdom came to his son Lab-
ofordacus, who continued in it in all but nine months;
and when he was dead it came to ^ Baltasar, who, by
the Babylonians, was called Xaboandelus ; against him
did Cyrus, the king of Persia, and Darius, the king of
^Nledia, make war; and when he was besieged in Baby-
lon, there happened a wonderful and prodigious vision.
He was sat down at supper in a large room, and there
were a great many vessels of silver, such as were made
for royal entertainments, and he had with him his
concubines, and his friends; whereupon he came to u
resolution, and commanded that those vessels of God
which Nebuchadnezzar had plundered out of Jerusa-
lem, and had not made use of, but had put them into
his own temple, should be brought out of that temple.
He also grew so haughty as to proceed to use them
in the midst of his cups drinking out of them, and
blaspheming against God. In the mean time he saw
a hand proceed out of the wall, and writing upon the

' It is here remarkable, that Josephus, without the knowledge of
Ptolemv's canon, should call the same king whom he himself here (Bar.
i. 11, and Dan. v. 1, -2, 9, 1^, 22, 29, 30,) styles Beltazar, or Behhazzar,
from the Babylonian god Bel, Neboaiiflehis also; but in the first book
against Apion sect. 19, vol. iii. from the same citation out of Berosus,
A(tbo7inedon, from the Babylonian god Xabo or Xebo. This last is not
remote from the original pronunciation itself in Ptolemy's canon, Na-
bonadiiis. for both the place of this king in that canon, as the last of
the Assyrian or Babylonian kings, and the number of years of his reign,
seventeen, the same in both, demonstrate that it is one and the same
king that is meant by them all. It is also worth noting, that Josephus
knew that Darius, the partner of Cyrus, was the son of Astyages, and
was called by another name among the Greeks, though it does not appear
he knew what that name was, as having never seen the best history of
this period, which is Xenophon's: But then what Josephus' present copies
say presently, sect. 4, that it was only within no long time after the
hand writing on the wall that Beltasar was slain, does not so agree with
our copies of Daniel, which say it was the same night, Dan. v. 30.

122 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

wall certain syllables: at which sight ])eing disturbed,
he called the magicians and Chaldeans together, and
all that sort of men that are among these Barbarians,
and were able to interpret signs and dreams, that
they might explain the writing to him. But when
the magicians said they could discover nothing, nor
did understand it, the king was in great disorder of
mind, and under great trouble at this surprising ac-
cident, so he caused it to be proclaimed through all
the country, and promised, that to him who could
explain the writing, and give the signification couched
therein, he would give him a golden chain for his neck,
and leave to wear a purple garment, as did the kings
of Chaldea, and would bestow on him the third part
of his own dominions. When this proclamation was
made, the magicians ran together more earnestly, and
werp very ambitious to find out the importance of the
writing, but still hesitated about it as much as before.
Now when the king's ^ grandmother saw him cast
down at this accident, she began to encourage him,
and to say, that "there was a certain captive who came
from Judea, a Jew by birth, but brought away thence
by Xebuchadnezzar, when he had destroyed Jerusalem,
whose name was Daniel, a wise man, and one of great
sagacity in finding out what was impossible for others
to discover, and what was known to God alone; who
brought to light and answered such questions to Neb-
uchadnezzar, as no one else was able to answer, when
they were consulted. She therefore desired that he
would send for him, and inquire of him concerning
the writing, and to condemn the unskil fulness of those
that could not find their meaning, and this, although

^ This grandmother or mother of Baltasar, the queen Dowager of
Bahj'lon, (for she is distinguished from his queen, Dan. v. 10, 23,) seems
to have heen the famous Xitceris, who fortified Babylon against the
Medes and Persians, and in all probability governed under Bnltasar, who
seems to have been a weak and effeminate prince.

Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 123

what God signified thereby should be of a melancholy
nature."

3. When Baltasar heard this, he called for Daniel;
and when he had discoursed to him what he had learned
concerning him and his wisdom, and how a divine
spirit was with him; and that he alone was fully
capable of finding out what others would never have
thought of. he .desired him to declare to him what
tliis writing meant: That if he did so, he would give
liim leave to wear purple, and to put a chain of gold
about his neck, and would bestow on him the third
part of his dominion, as an honorary reward for his
wisdom, that thereby he might become illustrious to
those who saw him, and who inquired upon what oc-
casion he obtained such honours. But Daniel desired,
That "he would keep his gifts to himself: for what
is the effect of wisdom, and of divine revelation, admits
of no gifts, and bestows its advantages on petitioners
freely, but that still he would explain the writing to
him: which denoted, that he should soon die, and this
because he had not learnt to honour God, and not to
admit things above human nature, by what punish-
ments his j)rogenitors had undergone, for the injuries
he had offered to God; and because he had quite for-
gotten how Xebuchadnezzar was removed to feed
among w^ld beasts, for his impieties, and did not re-
cover his former life among men, and his kingdom,
but upon God's mercy to him, after many supplica-
tions and prayers; who did thereupon praise God all
the days of his life, as one of almighty power, and
who takes care of mankind. [He also put him in
mind] how he had greatly blasphemed against God,
and had made use of his vessels, amongst his con-
cubines: that therefore God saw tliis, and was angry
with him, and declared by this wi-iting l)e forehand
what a sad conclusion of liis life lie should come

124 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

to. And he explained the writing thus; — MAX EH.
This, if it be expounded in the Greek language, may
signify, a X limber^ because God hath numbered so
long a time for thy hfe, and for thy government, and
that there remains but a small portion. THEKEL.
This signifies, a Weight, and means that God hath
weighed thy kingdom in a balance, and finds it going
down already. PH^IRES. This also, in the Greek
tongue, denotes a Fragment; God will therefore break
thy kingdom in pieces, and divide it among the JNIedes
and Persians."

4. When Daniel had told the king, that the writing
upon the wall signified these events, Baltasar w\as in
great sorrow and affliction, as was to be expected,
when the interpretation was so hea\y upon him.
However, he did not refuse what he had promised
Daniel, although he were become a foreteller of mis-
fortunes to him. but bestowed it all upon him: as
reasoning thus, that what he was to reward was pecul-
iar to himself, and to fate, and did not belong to
the prophet; but that it was the part of a good and a
just man to give what he had promised, altliough the
events were of a melancholy nature. Accordingly,
the king determined so to do. Xow after a little
while, both himself, and the city, were taken by Cyrus,
the king of Persia, who fought against him; for it
was Baltasar, under whom Babylon was taken, when
he had reigned seventeen years. And this is the end
of the posterity of king Nebuchadnezzar, as history
informs us; Init when Babylon was taken by Darius,
and when he, with his kinsman Cyrus, had put an end
to the dominion of the Babylonians, he was sixty-two
years old. He was the son of Astyages, and had
another name among the Greeks. ^Moreover, he took
Daniel the prophet, and carried him with him into
Media, and honoured him very greatly, and kept him

Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 125

with him; for he was one of the three presidents
whom he set over his three hundred and sixty prov-
inces, for into so many did Darius part them.

5. However, while Daniel was in so great a
dignity, and in so great favour with Darius, and was
alone intrusted with every thing by him, as having
somewhat di\'ine in him, he was envied by the rest;
for those that see others in greater honour than them-
selves with kings, envy them: and when those that
were grieved at the great favour Daniel was in with
Darius, sought for an occasion against him, he af-
forded them no occasion at all, for he was above all
the temptations of money, and despised bribery, and
esteemed it a very base thing to take any thing by
w^ay of reward, even when it might be justly given
him, he afforded those that envied him not the least
handle for an accusation. So when they could find
nothing for which tliey might calumniate him to the
king; nothing that was shameful or reproachful, and
thereby deprive him of the honour he was in with him,
they sought for some otlier method whereby they
might destroy him. When therefore they saw that
Daniel prayed to God three times a-day, they thought
they had gotten an occasion by which they might
ruin him; so they came to Darius, and told him. That
"the princes and governors had thought proper to
allow the multitude a relaxation for thirty days, that
no one might offer a petition or prayer either to him-
self, or to the gods, but that he who shall transgress
this decree shall be cast into the den of lions, and
there perish."

6. Whereupon, the king, being not acquainted with
their wicked design, nor suspecting that it was a con-
trivance of theirs against Daniel, said, he was pleased
with this decree of theirs, and he promised to confirm
what they desired; he also published an edict to

126 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

promulgate to the people that decree which the princes
liad made. Accordingly, all the rest took care not
to transgress those injunctions, and rested in quiet;
but Daniel had no regard to them, but, as he was
wont, he stood and prayed to God in the sight of
them all: but the princes having met with the occa-
sion they so earnestly sought to find against Daniel,
came presently to the king, and accused him, that
Daniel was the only person that transgressed the
decree, while not one of the rest durst pray to their
gods. This discovery they mrde, not because of his
impiety, but because they had watched him, and ob-
served him out of en^y; for sup230sing that Darius
did thus out of a greater kindness to him than they
expected, and that he was ready to grant him pardon
for this contempt of his injunctions, and envying
this very pardon to Daniel, they did not become more
favourable to him, but desire^^ hr might be cast into
the den of lions according to the law. So Darius,
lioping that God would deliver him, and that he would
undergo nothing that was terrible by the wild l^easts,
bid him bear this accident cheerfully: And when he
was cast into the den, he put his seal to the stone that
lay upon the mouth of the den, and went his way;
but he passed all the night without food, and without
sleep, being in great distress for Daniel. But when
it was day, he got up, and came to the den, and found
the seal entire, which lie had left the stone sealed
witlial; he also opened the seal, and cried out, and
called to Daniel, and asked him. If he were alive?
And as soon as he heard the king's voice, and said
that he had suffered no harm, the king gave order
tliat he should be drawn up out of tlie den. Xow
wlien his enemies saw that Daniel liad suffered nothing
which was terrible, they would not own tliat he was
preserved by God, and by his providence; but they

Chap. XT. OF THE JEWS. 127

said, that 'ihe hons had been filled full with food,
and on that account it was, as they supposed, that
the lions would not touch Daniel, nor come to him;
and this they alleged to the king: But the king, out
of an abhorrence of their wickedness, gave order, that
they should throw in a great deal of flesh to the lions;
and when they had filled themselves, he gave farther
order, that Daniel's enemies should be cast into the den,
that he might learn whether the lions, now they were
full, would touch them or not. And it appeared plain to
Darius, after the princes had been cast to the wild
beasts, that it was God who preserved Daniel, ^ foi-
the lions spared none of them, but tore them all to
pieces, as they had been very hungry, and wanted
food. I suppose therefore it was not their hunger,
which had been a little before satisfied with abundance
of flesh, but the wickedness of these men that pro-
voked them [to destroy the princes] ; for if it so
please God, that ^vickedness might, by even those ir-
rational creatures, be esteemed a plain foundation for
their punishment.

7. When therefore those that had intended thus
to destroy Daniel by treachery, were themselves de-
stroyed, king Darius sent [letters] over all the coun-
try, and praised that God whom Daniel worshipped;
and said. That "he was the only true God, and had
all power." He had also Daniel in very great esteem,
and made him the principal of his friends. Now when
Daniel was become so illustrious and famous, on ac-
count of the opinion men had that he was beloved

^ It is no way improbalile that Daniel's enemies might suggest this
reason to the i<ing, why the lions did not meddle with him, and that
they suspected the king's kindness to Daniel had procured these lions
to be so filled beforehand, and that thence it was that he encouraged
Daniel to submit to this exjieriment. in Iiojies of coming off safe; and
that this was the true reason of nuiking so terrible an experiment upon
those his enemies, and all their families. Dan. vi. 2i, though our other
copies do not directly take notice of it.

128 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

of God, he built a tower at Ecbatana in Media: it
was a most elegant building, and wonderfully made,
and it is still remaining, and preserved to this day;
and to such as see it, it appears to have been lately
built, and to have been no older than that very day
when any one looks upon it, it is ^ so fresh, flourishing,
and beautiful, and no way grown old in so long time,
for buildings suffer the same as men do; they grow
old as well as they, and by numbers of years their
strength is dissolved, and their beauty withered. Xow
they bury the kings of ]Media, of Persia, and Parthia,
in this tower to this day; and he who was entrusted
'vnth the care of it, was a Jewish priest; which thing
is also observed to this day: But it is fit to give an
account of what this man did, vrhich is most admirable
to hear, for he was so happy as to have strange revela-
tions made to him, and those as to one of the greatest
of the prophets, insomuch, that while he was alive
he had the esteem and applause both of the kings and
of the multitude, and now he is dead, he retains a
remembrance that will never fail, for the several books
that he wrote and left behind him are still read by
us till this time, and from them we believe that Daniel
conversed with God; for he did not only prophesy of
future events, as did the otlier prophets, but he also
determined the time of their accomplishment: And
M'hile prophets used to foretell misfortunes, and on
til at account were disagreeable both to the kings and
to the multitude, Daniel was to them a prophet of

' What Josei>hu.s here says, that the stones of the sepulchres of the
kings of Persia at this tower, or those perhaps of the same sort that
are now commonly called the ruins of Persepolis, continued so entire
■ind unaltered in "his days, as if they were lately put there, "I, says
R eland, here can show to he true, as to those stones of the Persian
kings' mausoleum which Corn. Brunius brake off and gave me." He
iiscrihed this to the hardness of the stone, which scarcely yields to iron
tools, and proves frequently too hard for cutting by the chissel, but
oftentimes breaks into pieces.

Chap. XI. OF THP: jews. 129

good things, and this to such a degree, that by the
agreeable nature of his predictions, he procured the
good-will of all men, and l^y the accomplishment of
them, he procured the belief of their truth, and the
opinion of [a sort of] divinity for himself, among
the multitude. He also wrote and left behind him
what made manifest tlie accuracy and undeniable
veracity of his predictions; For he saith, That "when
he was in Susa, the metropolis of Persia, and went
out into the field with his companions, there was, on
the sudden, a motion and concussion of the earth,
and that he was left alone by himself, his friendrj
flying away from him; and that he was disturbed.
and fell on his face, and on his two hands, and that
a certain person touched him, and, at the same time,
bid him rise, and see what would befall his country-
men after many generations. He also related, that
when he stood up, he was shown a great ram, with
many horns growing out of his head, and that the
last was higher than the rest: that after this he looked
to the w^est, and saw a he-goat carried through the air
from that quarter; that he rushed upon the ram with
violence, and smote him twice with his horns, and
overthrew him to the ground, and trampled upon
him: that afterward he saw a very great horn grow-
ing out of the head of the he-goat, and that when it
w^as broken off, four horns grew up that were ex-
posed to each of the four winds, and he wrote that
out of them arose another lesser horn, which, as he
said, waxed great ; and that God showed to him, that
it should fight against his nation, and take their city
by force, and bring the temple- worship to confusion
and forbid the sacrifices to be offered for one thousan I
two hundred and ninety-six days." Daniel wrote
that he saw these visions in the plain of Susa; and
he hath informed us, that God interpreted the ap-

130 ANTIQUITIES Book x.

pearance of this vision after the following manner;
"He said that tlie ram signified the kingdoms of the
JNledes and Persians, and the horns those kings that
were to reign in them: and that the last horn signified
the last king, and that he should exceed all the kings
in riches and glory: that the goat signified that one
should come and reign from the Greeks, who should
twice fight with the Persian, and overcome him in
battle, and should receive his entire dominion; that
by the great horn which sprang out of the forehead
of the he-goat was meant the first king; and that the
springing up of four horns upon its falling off, and
the conversion of every one of tliem to the four quar-
ters of the earth, signified the successors that should
arise after the deatli of tlie first king, and the parti-
tion of the kingdom among them, an(l that they should
be neither his children, nor of his kindred, that should
reiffn over the habitable earth for manv years; and
that from among them there should arise a certain
king that should overcome our nation and their laws,
and should take away their political government, and
should spoil the temple, and forliid the sacrifices to
be offered for three years' time." And indeed so
it came to pass, that our nation suffered these things
under Antiochus Epiphanes, according to Daniel's
vision, and what he wrote many years before they
came to pass. In the very same manner Daniel also
wrote concerning the Roman government, and that
our country should be made desolate by them. All
these things did this man leave in wTiting, as God
had showed them to him, insomuch, that such as read
his prophecies, and see how they have been fulfilled,
would wonder at the honour wherewith God honoured
Daniel: and may thence discover liow the Epicureans
are in an erroi-, who cast providence out of human
life, and do not believe that (iod takes care of the

Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 131

affairs of the world, nor that the universe is governed
and continued in being by that blessed and immortal
nature, but say that the world is carried along of its
own accord, without 'a ruler and a curator: which,
were it destitute of a guide to conduct it, as they
imagine, it would be like ships without pilots, which
we see drowned by the winds, or like chariots without
drivers, which are overturned, so would the world be
dashed in pieces by its being carried without a Prov-
idence, and so perish, and come to nought. So that,
by the forementioned predictions of Daniel, those
men seem to me very much to err from the truth, who
determine, that God exercises no providence over
human affairs ; for if that were the case, tliat the world
went on by mechanical necessity, w^e should not see
tliat all things would come to pass according to his
prophecy. Now as to myself, I have so described
these matters as I have found them and read them;
but if any one is inclined to another opinion about
them, let him enjoy his different sentiments without
anv blame fi*om me.

BOOK XL

COyTATVTXG THE TXTKRVAT, OF TWO IIT'yDRED AXD FIFTY-
THREE YEARS AXn FIVE MONTHS.

(FROM THE FIRST OF CYRUS TO THE DEATH OF ALEXAN-
DER THE GREAT.]

CHAPTER I.

How Cijrus, king of the Persians, delivered the Jews
out of Bahijlon, and suffered them to return to
their own country, and to build their temple, for
which work he gave them money.

1. Ix the first year of the reign of ^ Cjtus, which
was the seventieth from tlie day that our people
were removed out of their own land into Babylon,
God commiserated the captivity and calamity of
these poor people, according as he had foretold
to them by Jeremiah the prophet, before the de-
struction of the city; that after they had served
Nebuchadnezzar and his posterity, and after they
had undergone that servitude seventy years, he would
restore them again to the land of their fathers, and
they should build their temple, and enjoy their ancient

' This Cyrii.s is called God's shepherd, by Xenophon, as well as by
Isaiah, Isa. xliv. 28, as also it is said of him by the same prophet, that
"I will make a man more precious than fine gold, even a man tlian the
golden wedge of Ophir," Isa. xiii. 12, which character makes Xenophon's
most excellent history of him very credible.

" 132

Chap. I. OF THE JEWS. 133

prosperity. And these things God did afford them:
for he stirred up the mind of Cyrus, and made him
write this throughout all Asia, "Thus saith Cyrus
the king, since God Almighty hath appointed me
to be king of the habitable earth, I believe that he
is that God which the nation of the Israelites worship,
for indeed he foretold my name by the prophets, and
that I should build him an house at Jerusalem, in
the country of Judea."

2. This was known to Cjtus by his reading the
book which Isaiah left behind him of his prophecies;
for this prophet said, that God hath spoken thus
to him in a secret vision; "My will is, that Cyrus,
whom I have appointed to be king over many and
great nations, send back my people to their own
land; and build my temple." This was foretold by
Isaiah one hundred and forty years before the temple
was demolished. Accordingly when Cjtus read this,
and admired the divine power, an earnest desire
and ambition seized upon him, to fulfil what was
so written; so he called for the most eminent Jews
that were in Babylon, and said to them, that "he
gave them leave to go back to their own country,
and to rebuild ^ their city Jerusalem, and the temple
of God, for that he would be their assistant, and
that he would write to the rulers and governors that
were in the neighbourhood of their country of Judea,

^ This leave to build Jerusalem, sect. 2, 3, and the epistle of Cyrus
to Sisinnes and Sathrabuzanes, to the same purpose, are most unfor-
tunately omitted in all our coi)ies, but this best and completest copy of
Josephus, and by such omission the famous prophecy of Isaiah, Isa. xliv.
23, wliere we are informed, that God said of, or to Cyrus, "He is my
shepherd, and shall jierform all my pleasure; even saying to Jerusalem,
thou shalt be built, and to the temple, thy foundation shall be laid,"
could not hitherto be demonstrated from tlie sacred history to have been
completely fulfdled ; I mean as to that part of it which concerned his
giving leave or conmiission for rebuilding the city Jerusalem as distinct
from the temple, whose rebuilding is alone permitted or directed in tiie
decree of Cyrus in all our copies.

134 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

that they should contribute to them gold and silver
for the building of the temple, and besides that,
beasts for their sacrifices."

3. When Cyrus had said this to the Israelites,
the rulers of the two tribes of Judah and Benjamin,
with the Levites, and priests, went in haste to Jeru-
salem, yet did many of them stay at Babylon, as
not willing to leave their possessions; and when they
were come thither, all the king's friends assisted
them, and brought in, for the building of the temple,
some gold and some silver, and some a great many
cattle and horses. So they performed their vows
to God, and offered the sacrifices that had been
accustomed of old time; I mean this upon the re-
building of their city, and the revival of the ancient
practices relating to their worship. Cyrus also sent
back to them the vessels of God which king Neb-
uchadnezzar had pillaged out of the temple, and
had carried to Babylon. So he committed these
things to Mithridates, the treasurer, to be sent away,
with an order to give them to Sanabassar, that he
might keep them till the temple was built; and
when it was finished, he might deliver them to the
priests and rulers of the multitude, in order to their
being restored to the temple. Cyrus also sent an
epistle to the governors that were in Syria, the con-
tents whereof here follow:

"King Cyrus to Sisixxes and Sathrabuzaxes,
scndetk greeting.

"I have given leave, to as many of the Jews that
dwell in my country as please to return to their
own country, and to rebuild their city, and to build
the temple of God at Jerusalem, on the same place
where it was before. I have also sent mv treasurer

Chap. I. OF THE JEWS. 135

Mithridates, and Zorobabel, the governor of the
Jews, that they may hiy the foundations of the
temple, and may build it sixty cubits high, and of
the same latitude, making three edifices of polished
stones, and one of the wood of the country, and
the same order extends to the altar, whereon they
offer sacrifices to God. I require also, that the
sacrifices for these things may be given out of my
revenues. Moreover, I have also sent the vessels
which king Nebuchadnezzar pillaged out of the
temple, and have given them to Mithridates,- the
treasurer, and to Zorobabel the governor of the Jews,
that they may have them carried to Jerusalem, and
may restore them to the temple of God. Xow their
number is as follows: fifty chargers of gold, and
five hundred of silver; forty Thericleon cups of gold,
and five hundred of silver; fifty basons of gold, and
five hundred of silver, thirty vessels for pouring,
[the drink offerings], and three hundred of silver;
thirty vials of gold, and two thousand four hundred
of silver; with a thousand other large vessels. I
permit them to have the same honour which they
were used to have from their forefathers, as also
for their small cattle, and for wine and oil, two
hundred and five thousand and five hundred drachmae;
and for wheat flour, twenty thousand and five hun-
dred artabee; and I give order, that these expenses
shall be given them out of the tributes due from
Samaria. The priests shall also offer these sacrifices
according to the laws of Moses in Jerusalem: and
when they offer them, they shall pray to God for
the preservation of the king and of his family, that
the kingdom of Persia may continue. But my will
is, that those who disobey these injunctions, and
make them void, shall be hung upon a cross, and
their substance brought into the king's treasury,"

*136 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

And such was the import of this epistle. Now the
number of those that came out of captivity to Jeru-
salem, were forty-two thousand four hundred and
sixty-two.

CHAPTER II.

How upon the death of Cyrus, the Jews were hin-
dered in huildiug of the temple hy the Cutheans,
and the neighbouring governors: and how Cambyses
entirely forbade the Jews to do any such thing.

1. When the foundations of the temple were
laying, and when the Jews were very zealous about
building it, the neighbouring nations, and especially
the Cutheans, whom Shalmanezer, king of AssjTia,
had brought out of Persia and INIedia, and had planted
in Samaria, when he carried the people of Israel
captives, besought the governors, and those that had
the care of such affairs, that they would interrupt
the Jews, both in the rebuilding of their city, and
in the building of their temple. Now as these men
were corrupted by them with money, they sold the
Cutheans their interest for rendering this building
a slow and a careless work, for Cyrus, who was
busy about other wars, knew nothing of all this;
and it so happened, that when he had led his army
against the ^ Massageta? he ended his hfe. But

' Josephus here follows Herodotus, and tliose that related how Cyrus
made war with the Scythians and Massagets, near the Caspian sea, and
perished in it; while Xenophon's account, which appears never to have
been seen by Josephus, that Cyrus died in ])eace, in his own country of
Persia, is attested to by the writers of the affairs of Alexander the Great,
when they agree that he found Cyrus' sepulchre at Pasargadae, near
Persepolis. This account of Xenophon's is also confirmed by the circum-
stances of Cambyses, upon his succession to Cyrus, who, 'instead of a

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 137

when Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, had taken the
kingdom, the governor in Syria, and Phenicia, and
in the countries of Amnion, and Moab, and Samaria,
wrote an epistle to Cambyses; whose contents were
as follows: "To our Lord Cambyses; we thy servants,
Rathumus the historiographer, and Semellius the
scribe, and the rest tliat are thy judges in Syria and
Phenicia, sendeth greeting: It is fit, O King, that
thou shouldest know that these Jcavs which were
carried to Babylon, are come into our country, and
are building that rebellious and wicked city, and
its market places, and setting up its walls, and
raising up the temple: know therefore, that when
these things are finished, they will not be willing to
pay tribute, nor will they submit to thy commands,
but will resist kings, and will choose rather to rule
over others, than be ruled over themselves. We
therefore thought it proper to write to thee, O King,
while the works about the temple are going on so
fast, and not to overlook this matter, that thou
mayest search into the books of thy fathers, for thou
wilt find in them, that the Jews have been rebels,
and enemies to kings, as hath their city been also,
which, for that reason, hath been till now laid waste.
We thought proper also to inform thee of this
matter, because thou mayest otherwise perhaps be
ignorant of it, that if this city be once inhabited,
and be entirely encompassed with walls, thou wilt
be excluded from thy passage to Celesyria and
Phenicia."

war to avenge his father's death upon the Scj'thians and Massagets, and
to prevent tliose nations from overrunning his nortiiern provinces, which
would have heen the natural consequence of his father's ill success and
death there, went immediately to an EgAptian war, long ago begun by
Cyrus, according to Xcnophon, p. fili, and conquered that kingdom, nor
is there, that I ever heard of the least mention in the reign of Cambyses
of any war against the Scythians and ^Massagets that he was ever engaged
in all his life.

138 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

2. When Cambyses had read the epistle, being
naturally wicked, he was irritated at what they
told him; and wrote back to them as follows: "Cam-
byses the king, to Rathumus the historiographer, to
Beeltethmus, to Semellius the scribe, and the rest
that are in commission, and dwelling in Samaria
and Phenicia, after this manner; I have read the
epistle that was sent from you; and I gave order
that the books of my forefathers should be searched
into, and it is there found, that this city hath always
been an enemy to kings, and its inhabitants have
raised seditions and wars. We also are sensible
that their kings have been powerful, and tyrannical,
and have exacted tribute of Celesyria and Phenicia:
Wherefore I give order that the Jews shall not be
permitted to build that city, lest such mischief as
they used to bring upon kings be greatly augmented."
When this epistle was read, Rathumus, and Semel-
lius the scribe, and their associates, got suddenly
on horseback, and made haste to Jerusalem; they
also brought a great company with them, and for-
bade the Jews to build the city, and the temple.
Accordingly, these works were hindered from going
on till the second year of the reign of Darius, for
nine years more; for Cambyses reigned six years,
and within that time overthrew Egypt, and when he
was come back, he died at Damascus.

Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 139

CHAPTER III.

How, after the death of Camhyses, and the slaughter
of the Magi, hut under the reign of Darius, Zoro-
hahel was superior to the rest in the solution of
problems, and thereby obtained this favour of the
king, that the temple should be built.

1. After the slaughter of the Magi, who, upon
the death of Cambyses, attained the government of
the Persians for a year, those famihes which were
called the seven families of the Persians, appointed
Darius, the son of Hystaspes, to be their king. Now
he, while he was a private man, had made a vow to
God, that if he came to be king, he would send all
the vessels of God that were in Babylon to the temple
at Jerusalem. Xow it so fell out, that about this
time Zorobabel, who had been made governor of the
Jews that had been in captivity, came to Darius,
from Jerusalem: for there had been an old friendship
between him and the king. He was also, with two
others, thought worthy to be guards of the king's
body; and obtained that honour which he hoped for.

2. jVow in the first year of the king's reign, Darius
feasted those that were about him, and those born
in his house, with the rulers of the INIedes, and princes
of the Persians, and the toparchs of India and
Ethiopia, and the generals of the armies of his hun-
dred and twenty-seven provinces: But when they
had eaten and drank to satiety, and abundantly, they
every one departed to go to bed at their own houses,
and Darius the king went to bed; but after he had
rested a little part of the night, he awaked, and not
being able to sleep any more he fell into conversa-

140 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

tion with the three guards of his body, and promised,
that to him who should make an oration, about
points that he should inquire of, such as should be
most agreeable to truth, and to the dictates of wis-
dom, he would grant it as a reward of his victory,
to put on a purple garment, and to drink in cups
of gold, and to sleep upon gold, and to have a
chariot with bridles of gold, and to sit next to him-
self, on account of his wisdom; and, says he, he shall
be called my cousin. Now when he had promised
to give them these gifts, he asked the first of them.
Whether wine was not the strongest? The second,
Whether kings were not such? And the third,
Whether women were not such? Or whether truth
was not the strongest of all? When he had proposed
that they should make their inquiries about those
problems, he went to rest; but in the morning he
sent for his great men, his princes, and toparchs of
Persia and Media, and set himself down in the place
where he used to give audience, and bid each of the
guards of his body to declare what they thought
proper concerning the proposed questions, in the
hearing of them all.

3. Accordingly, the first of them began to speak
of the strength of wine, and demonstrated it thus:
"When, said he, I am to give my opinion of wine,
O you men, I find that it exceeds every thing, by
the following indications: It deceives the minds of
those that drink it, and reduces that of the king to
the same state with that of the orphan, and he who
stands in need of a tutor, and erects that of the
slave to the boldness of him that is free, and that
of the needy becomes like that of the rich man, for
it changes and renews the soids of men when it
gets into them, and it (luenches the sorrow of those
that arc under calamities, and makes men forget

Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 141

the debts they owe to others, and makes them think
themselves to be of all men the richest; it makes
them talk of no small things, but of talents, and
such other names as become wealthy men only; nay,
more, it makes them insensible of their commanders,
and of their kings, and takes away the remembrance
of their friends and companions, for it arms men
even against those that are dearest to them, and
makes them appear the greatest strangers to them,
and when they are become sober, and they have
slept out their wine in the night, they arise without
knowing any thing they have done in their cups;
I take these for signs of power, and by them dis-
cover that wine is the strongest, and most insuperable
of all things."

4. As soon as the first had given the fore-men-
tioned demonstrations of the strength of wine, he
left off; and the next to him began to speak about
the strength of a king, and demonstrated that it
was the strongest of all, and more powerful than
any thing else that appears to have any force or
wisdom. He began his demonstration after the fol-
lowing manner; and said, "They are men who govern
all things; they force the earth and the sea to be-
come profitable to them in what they desire, and
over these men do kings rule, and over them they
have authority. Now those men who rule over that
animal which is of all the strongest and most power-
ful, must needs deserve to be esteemed insuperable
in power and force; for example, when these kings
command their subjects to make war, and undergo
dangers, they are hearkened to, and when they send
them against their enemies, their power is so great
that they are obeyed. They command men to level
mountains, and to pull down walls and towers; nay,
when thev are commanded to be killed and to kill,

142 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

they submit to it, that they may not appear to
transgress the king's commands, and when they
liave conquered, they bring what they have gained
in the war to the king. Those also who are not
sokliers, ])ut cultivate the ground, and plough it,
and when, after they have endured the labour, and
all the inconveniences of such works of husbandry,
they have reaped and gathered in their fruits, they
bring tributes to the king. And whatsoever it is
which the king says or commands, it is done of
necessity, and that without any delay, while he in
the mean time is satiated with all sorts of food and
pleasures, and sleeps in quiet. He is guarded by
such as watch, and such as are, as it were fixed down
to the place through fear, for no one dares leave
him, even when he is asleep, nor does any one go
away and take care of his own affairs, but he esteems
this one thing tlie only work of necessity, to guard
the king, and accordingly to this he wholly addicts
himself. How then can it be otherwise, but that
it must appear that the king exceeds all in strength,
while so great a multitude obeys his injunctions f

5. Xow when this man had held his peace, the
third of them, who was Zorobabel, began to instruct
them about women, and about truth, who said thus:
"Wine is strong, as is the king also, whom all men
obey, but women are superior to them in power, for
it was a woman that brought the king into the world;
and for those that plant the vines and make the
wine, they are women who bear them, and bring
them up: nor indeed is there any thing which we
do not receive from them : for these women weave
garments for us, and our household affairs are by
their means taken care of, and preserved in safety;
nor can we live se])arate from women. And when
we have gotten a great deal of gold and silver, and

Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 148

any other thing that is of great vakie, and deserving
regard, and see a beautiful woman, we leave all
these things, and with open mouth fix our eyes upon
her countenance, and are willing to forsake what we
have, that we may enjoy her beauty, and procure
it to ourselves. We also leave father, and mother,
and the earth that nourishes us, and frecjuently
forget our dearest friends, for the sake of women:
nay, we are so hardy as to lay down our lives for
them. But what will chiefly make you take notice
of the strength of women is this that follows: Do
not we take pains, and endure a great deal of
trouble, and that both by land and sea, and when
we have procured somewhat as the fruit of our la-
bours, do we not bring them to the women, as to
our mistresses; and bestow them upon them? nay, I
once saw the king, who is lord of so many people,
smitten on the face by Apame, the daughter of
Rabsases Themasius, his concubine, and his diadem
taken away from him, and put upon her own head,
while he bore it patiently; and when she smiled he
smiled, and when she was angry he v/as sad; and
according to the change of her passions, he flattered
his wife, and drew her to reconciliation by the great
humiliation of himself to her, if at any time he saw
her displeased at him."

6. And when the princes and rulers looked one
upon another, he began to speak about truth; and
he said, "I have already demonstrated how powerful
women are; but both these women themselves, and
the king himself, are weaker than truth; for although
the eartli be large, and the heaven high, and the
course of the sim swift, yet are all these moved
according to the will of God, who is true and right-
eous, for which cause we also ought to esteem truth
to be strongest of all things, and that what is un-

144 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

righteous is of no force against it. Moreover, all
things else that have any strength are mortal, and
short-lived, but truth is a thing that is immortal, and
eternal. It affords us not indeed such a beauty as
will wither away by time, nor such riches as may
be taken away by fortune, but righteous rules and
laws. It distinguishes them from injustice, and puts
what is unrighteous to rebuke." ^

7. So when Zorobabel had left off his discourse
about truth, and the multitude had cried out aloud
that he had spoken the most wisely, and that it
was truth alone that had immutable strength, and
such as never would wax old, the king commanded,
that he should ask for somewhat over and above
what he had promised, for that he would give it him
because of his wisdom, and that prudence wherein
he exceeded the rest; and thou shalt sit with me,
said the king, and shalt be called my cousin. When
he had said this, Zorobabel put him in mind of the
vow he had made in case he shoidd ever have the

' The reader is to note, that although the speeches or papers of these
three of the king's guard are much the same, in the third book of Esdras,
ch. iii. and iv. as tliey are liere in Josephus, yet that tlie introduction of
them is entirely different, while in our Esdras the whole is related as the
contrivance of the three of the king's guard themselves: and even the
mighty rewards iire spoken of as proposed by themselves, and the speeches
are related to have been delivered by themselves to the king In writing,
while all is contrary in Josephus. I need not say whose account is the
most probable, the matters speak for themselves; and there can be no
doubt but Josephus' history is here to be very much preferred before
the other. Nor indeed does it seem to me at all unlikely, that the
whole was a contrivance of king Darius' own, in order to be decently
and inoffensively j)ut in mind by Zorobabel, of fulfilling his old vow for
the rebuilding of Jerusalem and the temple, and the restoration of the
worship of the One True God there. Nor does the full meaning of
Zorobabel, when he cries out, 3 Esdras iv. 40. "Blessed be the God of
truth;" and here "God is true and righteous," or even of all the people,
li Esdras iv. 41. "Great is truth, and mighty above all things," seem
to me much different from this, "There is but One Tiiui: God," the God
of Israel. To wliich doctrine, such as Cyrus, and Darius, etc. the Jews'
great patrons, seem not to have l)ecn very averse, though the entire
idolatry of their kingdoms made them generally conceal it.

Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 145

kingdom. Now this vow was, "to rebuild Jerusalem,
and to build therein the temple of God; as also to
restore the vessels whicli Nebuchadnezzar had pil-
laged, and carried to Babylon." And this, said he,
is that request which thou now permittest me to
make, on account that I have been judged to be
wise, and understanding.

8. So the king was pleased with what he had
said, and arose and kissed him; and wrote to the
toparchs, and governors, and enjoined them to con-
duct Zorobabel and those that were going with him
to build the temple. He also sent letters to those
rulers that were in Syria and Phenicia to cut down
and carry cedar trees from Lebanon to Jerusalem,
and to assist him in building the city. He also
wrote to them, that all the captives who should go
to Judea should be free; and he prohibited his
deputies and governors to lay any king's taxes upon
the Jews; he also permitted, that they should have
all that land which they could possess themselves
of without tributes. He also enjoined the Idumeans
and Samaritans, and the inhabitants of Celesyria,
to restore villages which they had taken from the
Jews; and that besides all this, fifty talents should
be given them for the building of the temple. He
also permitted them to offer their appointed sacri-
fices, and that whatsoever the high priest and the
priests wanted, and those sacred garments wherein
they used to worship God, should be made at his
own charges; and that the musical instruments which
the Levites used in singing hymns to God should
be given them. Moreover he charged them, tliat
portions of land should be given to those that guarded
the city and the temple, as also a determinate sum of
money every year for their maintenance: and withal he
sent the vessels. And all that Cyrus intended to do

146 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

before liim relating to the restoration of Jerusalem,
Darius also ordained should be done accordingly.

9. Now when Zorobabel had obtained these grants
from the king, he went out of the palace, and look-
ing up to heaven, he began to return thanks to
God for the wisdom he had given him, and the vic-
tory he had gained thereby, even in the presence of
Darius himself; for, said he, "I had not been thought
worthy of these advantages, O l^ord, unless thou
liadst been favoura])le to me." When therefore he
had returned these thanks to God for the present
circumstances he was in, and had prayed to him to
afford him the like favoiu- for the time to come, he
came to Babylon, and l)rought tlie good news to
his countrymen of what grants he had procured for
them from the king; who, when they heard the same,"*
gave thanks also to God that he restored the land
of their forefathers to them again: So they betook
themselves to drinking, and eating, and for seven
days they continued feasting, and kept a festival, for
the rebuilding and restoration of their country: after
this they chose themselves rulers, who should go up
to Jerusalem, out of the tribes of their forefathers,
with their wives and children, and cattle, who trav-
elled to Jerusalem with joy and pleasure, under
the conduct of those whom Darius sent along with
them, and making a noise with songs, and pipes,
and cymbals. The rest of the Jewish multitude also
besides accompanied them with rejoicing.

10. And thus did these men go, a certain and
determinate number out of every family, though I
do not think it proper to recite particularly the name
of those families, that I may not take off the mind
of my readers from the connexion of the historical
facts, and make it hard for them to follow the co-
herence of mv narrations; but the sum of those

Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 147

that went up, above the age of twelve years, of
the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, was ^ four hun-
dred sixty-two myriads and eight thousand; the
Levites were seventy-four: the number of the women
and children mixed together was forty thousand
seven hundred and forty-two; and besides these,
there were singers of the Levites one hundred and
twenty-eight, and porters one hinidred and ten;
and of the sacred ministers three hundred and ninety-
two; there were also others besides these, who said
they were of the Israelites, but were not able to
show their genealogies, six hundred and sixty-two;
some there were also, who were expelled out of the
number and honoiu' of the priests, as having married
wives whose genealogies they could not produce,
nor were they found in the genealogies of the Levites
and priests: they were about five hundred and twenty-
five; the multitude also of servants that followed
those that went up out of Jerusalem were seven
thousand three hundred and thirty-seven; tlie singing
men and singing women were two hundred and
forty-five; the camels were four hundred and thirty-
five; the beasts used to the yoke were five thousand
five hundred and twenty-five; and the governors of
all this multitude thus numbered were Zorobabel,

' Tliis strange reading in Josephus' present copies of i,()00,()00 instead
of 40,000, is one of the grossest errors that is in them, and ouglit to he
rorreeted from Ezra ii. ()4, 1 Esd. v. 1-0, and Neh. vii. 66, who all ag"e"
the general snm was hut ahout 4:2,3()(). It is also very plain, that Joseplm,,
thought, that when Esdras afterwards hrought up another company out
of Bahylon and Persia, in the days of Xerxes they were also, as well
as these of the two trihes, and out of them only, and were in all no
more than a need and a remnant, ^hile an immenne number of the ten
tribes never returned, but as he believed, continued then beyond Euphrates,
ch. V. sect. 3, 3. Of which nndtitude, the Jews beyond Euphrates, he
speaks frequently elsewhere; though, by the way, he never takes them
to be idolaters, but looks on them still as observers of the laws of Moses.
The certain part of the people that now came up from Babylon, at the
end of this ehaj)ter, imply the same smaller number of Jews that now
came up, and will no way agree with the 4,000,000.

148 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

the son of Salathiel, of the posterity of David, and
of the tribe of Judah, and Jeshua, the son of Josedek
the high j^riest; and besides these there were Mor-
decai and Serebeus, who were distinguished from
the multitude, and were rulers, who also contributed
a hundred pounds of gold, and five thousand of
silver. By this means therefore the priests and the
Levites, and a certain part of the entire people of
the Jews that were in Babylon, came and dwelt in
Jerusalem, but the rest of the multitude returned
every one to their own countries.

CHAPTER IV.

Hoxo the temple was built, while the Cutheans endeav-
oured in vain to obstruct the work.

1. Xow in the seventh month, after they were
departed out of Babylon, both Jeshua the high priest,
and Zorobabel the governor, sent messengers every
way round about: and gathered those that were iii
the country together to Jerusalem universally, who
came very gladly thither. He then built the altar
on the same place it had formerly been built, that they
might offer the appointed sacrifices upon it to God,
according to the laws of Moses. But\vhile they did
this, they did not please the neighbouring nations,
who all of tliem bare an ill will to them. They also
celebi-ated the feast of tabernacles at that tinie, as
the legislator had ordained concerning it. and after
they offered sacrifices, and what were called tlie daily
sacrifices, and the oblations proper for the Sabbaths,
and for all the holy festivals. Those also that had
made vows performed them, and offered their sacri-

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 149

fices, from the first day of the seventh month. They
also began to build the temple, and gave a great deal
of money to the masons and to the carpenters, and
what was necessary for the maintenance of the work-
men. The Sidonians also were very willing and ready
to bring the cedar trees from Libanus, to bind them
together, and to make an united float of them, and
to bring them to the port of Joppa, for that was
what Cyrus had commanded at first, and what was
now done at the command of Darius.

2. In the second year of this coming to Jerusalem,
as the Jews were there in the second month, the
building of the temple went on apace; and when they
had laid its foundations on the first day of the second
month, of that second year, they set, as overseers of
the work, such Levites, as were full twenty years old;
and Jeshua and his sons and brethren, and Codmiel
the brother of Judas, the son of Aminidab, with his
sons, and the temple, by the gi;eat diligence of those
that had the care of it, was finished sooner than any
one would have expected. And when the temple was
finished, the jDriests, adorned with their accustomed
garments, stood with their trumjDcts, while the Levites,
and the sons of Asaph, stood and sung hymns to God,
according as David first of all appointed them to bless
God. Now the priests and Levites, and the elder
part of the families, recollecting with themselves how
much greater and more sumptuous the old temple
had been, seeing that now made, how much inferior
it was, on account of their poverty, to that which had
been built of old, considered with themselves how
much their happy state was sunk below what it had
been of old, as well as their temple. Hereupon they
were disconsolate and not a])le to contain their grief,
and proceeded so far as to lament and shed tears on
those accounts; but the people in general were con-

150 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

tented with their present condition, and because they
were allowed to build them a temple, they desired no
more, and neither regarded nor remembered, nor
indeed at all tormented themselves with the compari-
son of that and the former temple, as if this were
below their expectations; but the wailing of the old
men, and of the priests, on account of tlie deficiency
of this temple, in their opinion, if compared with that
which had been demolished, o^'ercame the sounds of
the trumpets and the rejoicing of the people.

3. But when the Samaritans, Mdio were still
enemies to the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, heard
the sound of the trumpets, they came running to-
gether, and desired to know what was the occasion
of this tumult? and when they perceived that it was
from the Jews, who had been carried captive to
Babylon, and were rebuilding their temple, they
came to Zorobabel and to Jeshua, and to the heads
of the families, and desired that they would give
them leave to build the temple with them, and to
be partners with them in building it; for they said,
"We worship your God, and especially pray to him,
and are desirous of your religious settlement, and
this ever since Shalmaneser, the king of Assyria,
transplanted us out of C'uthah and Media to this
place." When they said thus, Zorobabel and Jeshua
the high priest, and the heads of the families of
the Israelites, replied to them, that "it was impos-
sible for them to permit them to be their partners,
while they [only] had been appointed to build that
temple at first by Cyrus, and now by Darius, al-
tliough it was indeed lawful for them to come and
worshi]) there if they pleased, and that they could
allow them nothing but that in common with them,
which was common to them with all other men, to
come to their tem])le and worship God there."

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 151

4. AVheii the Cutheaiis lieard this, for the Samari-
tans have that apj^ellation, they had iruhgnation at
it, and persuaded the nations of Syria to desire of
the governors, in the same manner as they had done
formerly in the days of Cyrus, and again in the
days of Camhyses afterwards, to put a stop to the
building of the temple, and to endeavour to delay
and protract the Jews in their zeal about it. Xow
at this time Sisinnes, the governor of Syria and
Phenicia,. and Sathrabuzanes, with certain others,
came up to Jerusalem, and asked the riders of the
Jews, "By whose grant it was that they built the
temple in this manner, since it was more like to a
citadel than a temple? and for what reason it M^as
that they built cloisters and walls, and tliose strong
ones too, about t!ie cityT' To wliich Zorobabel and
Jeshua tlie high priest replied, "that they were the
servants of God Almighty: that this temple was
built for him ])y a king of theirs, that lived in great
prosperity, and one that exceeded all men in virtue,
and that it continued a long time, but that because
of their fathers' impiety towards God, Nebuchad-
nezzar, king of the Babylonians, and of the Chal-
deans, took their city by force, and destroyed it
and pillaged the temple, and burnt it down, and
transplanted the people whom he had made captives,
and removed them to Ba})ylon: that Cyrus, who
after him was king of Babylonia and Persia, wrote
to them to build the temple, and committed the
gifts and vessels, and wliatsoever Xebuchadnezzar
had carried out of it, to Zorobabel and Mithridates
the treasurer; and gave order to have them carried
to Jerusalem, and to have them restored to their
own temple, when it was built; for lie had sent to
them to have done speedily, and commanded Sana-
bassar to go up to .Jerusalem, and to take care of

152 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

the building of the temple; who, upon receiving
that epistle from Cyrus, came, and immediately laid
its foundations: and although it hath been in build-
ing from that time to this, it hath not yet been fin-
ished, by reason of the malignity of our enemies.
If therefore you have a mind, and think it proper,
write this account to Darius, that when he hath
consulted the records of the kings, he may find
that we have told you nothing that is false about
this matter."

5. When Zorobabel and the high priest had made
this answer, Sisinnes, and those that were with him,
did not resolve to hinder the building, until they
had informed king Darius of all this. So they im-
mediately wrote to him about these affairs; but as
the Jews were now under terror, and afraid lest
the king should change his resolutions as to the
building of Jerusalem, and of the temple, there were
two prophets at that time among them, Haggai and
Zechariah, who encouraged them, and bid them be
of good cheer, and to suspect no discouragement from
the Persians, for that God foretold this to them. So,
in dependence on those prophets, they applied them-
selves earnestly to building, and did not intermit
one day.

6. Xow Darius, when the Samaritans had written
to him, and in their ej^istle had accused the Jews,
how they fortified the city, and built the temple
more like to a citadel than to a temple; and said,
that their doings were not expedient for the king's
affairs; and besides, they showed the epistle of
Cambyses, wherein he forbade them to build the
temple; and when Darius thereby luiderstood that
the restoration of Jerusalem was not expedient for
his affairs, and when he had read the epistle that
was brought him from Sisinnes, and those that were

Chap. IT. OF THE JEWS. 153

with him, he gave order that what concerned these
matters should be sought for among the royal records.
Whereupon a book was found at Ecbatana, in the
tower that was in ]\Iedia, wherein was written as
follows: "Cyrus the king, in the first year of his
reign, commanded that the temple should be built
in Jerusalem; and the altar in height threescore
cubits, and its breadth of the same, with three edifices
of polished stone, and one edifice of stone of their
own country: and he ordained that the exj)enses of
it should be paid out of the king's revenue. He
also commanded that the vessels which Xebuchad-
nezzar had pillaged [out of the temple], and had
carried to Babylon, should be restored to the people
of Jerusalem, and that the care of these things
should belong to Sanabassar the governor and presi-
dent of Syria and Phenicia, and to his associates,
that they may not meddle with that place, but may
permit the servants of God, the Jews and their
rulers, to build the temple. He also ordained that
they should assist them in the work: and that they
should pay to the Jews, out of the tribute of the
country where they were governors, on account of
the sacrifices, bulls and rams, and lambs and kids
of the goats, and fine flour and oil, and wine, and
all other things that the priests should suggest to
them; and that they should pray for the preservation
of the king, and of the Persians, and that for such
as transgressed any of these orders thus sent to
them, he commanded that they should be caught,
and hung upon a cross, and their substance confis-
cated to the king's use. He also prayed to God
against them, that if any one attempted to hinder
the building of the temple, God would strike him
dead, and thereby restrain his wickedness."

7. When Darius had found this book among the

154 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

records of Cja-us, he wrote an answer to Sisinnes
and his associates, whose contents were these: "King
Darius to Sisinnes the governor, and to Sathrabuzanes,
sendeth greeting: Having found a copy of this
epistle among tlie records of Cyrus, I have sent it
you; and I will that all things be done as is therein
written. Fare ye well." So when Sisinnes, and
those that were with him, understood the intention
of the king, they resolved to follow his directions
entirely for the time to come. So they forwarded
the sacred works, and assisted the elders of the Jews,
and the princes of the sanhedrim, and the structure
of the temple was with great diligence brought to a
conclusion, by the prophecies of Haggai and Zech-
ariah, according to God's commands, and by the
injunctions of Cyrus and Darius the kings. Xow
the temple was built in seven years' time: And in
the ninth year of the reign of Darius, on the twenty-
third day of the twelfth month, which is by us
called Adar, but by the INIacedonians Difstnis, the
priests and Levites, and the other multitude of the
Israelites, offered sacrifices, as the renovation of
their former prosperity after their ca])tivity, and
because they had now the temple rebuilt, a hundred
bulls, two hundred rams, four hundred lambs, and
twelve kids of the goats, according to the number
of their tribes, (for so many are the tribes of the
Israelites,) and this last for the sins of every tribe.
The priests also and the Levites set the porters at
every gate, according to the laws of Moses. The
•Jews also built the cloisters of the inner temple, that
were round about the temple itself.

8. And as the feast of unleavened bread was at
hand, in the first month, which, according to tlie
Macedonians, is called XantJiicus, but according to
us Nisan, all the people ran together out of the

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 155

villages to the city, and celebrated the festival, having
purified themselves, with their wives and children,
according to the law of their country; and they
offered the sacrifice which was called the Passover,
on the fourteenth day of the sanfl month, and feasted
seven days, and spared for no cost, but offered
whole burnt-offerings to God, and performed sacri-
fices of thanksgiving, because God had led them
again to the land of their fathers, and to the laws
tliereto belonging, and had rendered the mind of
the king of Persia favourable to them. So these
men offered the largest sacrifices on these accounts,
and used great magnificence in the worship of God,
and dwelt in Jerusalem, and made use of a form of
government that was aristocratical, but mixed with
an oligarchy, for the high priests were at the head
of their affairs, until the posterity of the Asamoneans
set up kingly government; for before their captivity,
and the dissolution of their polity, they at first had
kingly government from Saul and David, for five
hundred and thirty-two years, six months, and ten
days; but before those kings, such rulers governed
them as were called Judges and Monarchs. Under
this form of government they continued for more
than five hundred years, after the death of jNIoses,
and of Joshua their commander. And this is the
account I had to give of the Jews who had been
carried into captivity, but were delivered from it
in the times of Cyrus and Darius.

9. ^ But the Samaritans, being evil and enviously
disposed to the Jews, wrought them many mischiefs,
by reliance on their riches, and by their pretence
that they were allied to the Persian.s, on account that
thence they came; and whatsoever it M^as that they

' The history contained in this section is entirely wanting in all our
otiier conies both of Ezra and Esdras.

156 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

were enjoined to pay the Jews by the king's order
out of their tributes, for the sacrifices, they woukl
not pay it. They had also the governors favourable
to them and assisting them for that purpose; nor
did they spare to hurt them, either by themselves,
or by others; as far as they were able. So the Jews
determined to send an embassage to king Darius,
in favour of the people of Jerusalem, and in order
to accuse the Samaritans. The ambassadors were
Zorobabel, and four others of the rulers: and as
soon as the king knew from the ambassadors the
accusations and complaints they brought against the
Samaritans, he gave them an epistle to be carried
to the governors and council of Samaria. The con-
tents of which epistle were these: "King Darius to
Tanganas and Sambabas, the governors of the Sa-
maritans, to Sadraces and Bobelo, and the rest of
their fellow-servants that are in Samaria; Zorobabel,
Ananias, and Mordecai, the ambassadors of the
Jews, complain of you, that you obstruct them in
the building of the temple, and do not supply them
with the expenses which I commanded you to do
for the offering their sacrifices. My will therefore
is this, that upon the reading of this epistle, you
supply them with whatsoever they want for their
sacrifices, and that out of the royal treasury, of the
tributes of Samaria, as the priest shall desire, that
they may not leave off offering their daily sacrifices,
nor praying to God for me and the Persians." And
these Avere the contents of that epistle.

Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 157

CHAPTER V.

How Xei'oces, the son of Darius, teas tcell disposed
to the Jews: As also concerning Esdras and
Nehemiah.

1. Upon the death of Darius, Xerxes his son
took the kingdom, who, as he inherited his father's
kingdom, so did he inherit his piety towards God,
and honour of him; for he did all things suitably to
his father relating to divine worship, and he was
exceeding friendly to the Jews. A^ow about this
time, a son of Jeshua, whose name was Joacim, was
the high priest. JNIoreover, there was now in Baby-
lon a righteous man, and one that enjoyed a great
reputation among the multitude; He was the prin-
cipal priest of the j)eople, and his name w\as Esdras.
He was very skilful in the laws of Moses, and was
well acquainted with king Xerxes. He had de-
termined to go up to Jerusalem, and to take with
him some of those Jews that were in Babylon, and
he desired that the king would give him an epistle
to the governors of Syria, by which they might know
who he was. Accordingly, the king wrote the fol-
lowing epistle to those governors: "Xerxes, king
of kings, to Ezra the priest, and reader of the divine
law, greeting: I think it agreeable to that love which
I bear to mankind, to permit those of the Jewish
nation that are so disposed, as well as those of the
priests and Levites that are in our kingdom, to go
together to Jerusalem. Accordingly, I have given
command for that purpose r and let every one that
hath a mind go, according as it hath seemed good
to me, and to my seven counsellors, and this in order

158 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

to their review of the affairs of Judea, to see whether
they be agreeable to the law of God. Let them
also take with them those j^resents which I and my
friends have vowed, with all that silver and gold
that is found in the country of the Babylonians, as
dedicated to God, and let all this be carried to
Jerusalem, to God for sacrifices. Let it also be
lawful for thee and thy brethren to make as many
vessels of silver and gold as thou pleasest. Thou
shalt also dedicate those holy vessels which have been
given thee, and as many more as thou hast a mind
to make, and shalt take the expenses out of the
king's treasury. I have moreover written to the
treasurers of Syria and Phenicia, that they take
care of those affairs that Esdras the priest, and
reader of the laws of God, is sent about. And that
God may not be at all angry with me, or with my
children, I grant all that is necessary for sacrifices
to God, according to the law, as far as a hundred
cori of wheat. And I enjoin you not to lay any
treacherous imposition, or any tributes, upon their
priests or Levites, or sacred singers, or porters, or
sacred servants, or scribes of the temple. And do
thou, O Esdras, appoint Judges according to the
wisdom [given thee] of God, and those such as
understand the law, that they may judge in all
Syria and Phenicia; and do thou instruct those also
who are ignorant of it, that if any one of thy country-
men transgress the law of God, or that of the king,
he may be punished, as not transgressing it out of
ignorance, but as one that knows it indeed, but
boldly despises and contemns it; and such may be
punished by death, or by ])aying fines. Farewell."
2. Wlien Esdriis had received this epistle, he
was very joyful, and began to worship God, and
confessed that lie had lieeii the cause of the king's

Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 159

great favour to him, and tliat for the same reason
he gave all the thanks to God. So he read the
epistle at Babylon to those Jews that were there,
but he kept the epistle itself, and sent a copy of it
to all those of his own nation that were in Media.
And when these Jews had understood what piety
the king had towards God, and what kindness he
had for Esdras, they were all greatly pleased; nay,
many of them took their effects with them, and came
to Babylon, as very desirous of going down to
Jerusalem; but then the entire body of the people
of Israel remained in that country, wherefore there
are but two tribes in Asia and Europe subject to
the Romans, while the ten tribes are beyond Eu-
phrates till now, and are an immense multitude, and
not to be estimated by numbers. Now there came
a great number of priests, and Levites, and porters,
and sacred singers, and sacred servants, to Esdras.
So he gathered those that were in the captivity to-
gether beyond Euphrates, and stayed there three
days, and ordained a fast for them, that they might
make their prayers to God for their preservation,
that they might suffer no misfortunes by the way,
either from their enemies, or from any other ill
accident; for Esdras had said beforehand, that he
had told the king how God would preserve them,
and so he had not thought fit to request that he
would send horsemen to conduct them. So when
they had finished their prayers, they removed from
Euphrates on the twelfth day of the first month of
the seventh year of the reign of Xerxes, and they
came to Jerusalem on the fifth month of the same
year. Now Esdras presented the sacred money, of
the treasurers, who were of the family of the priests,
of silver six hundred and fifty talents, vessels of
silver one hundred talents, vessels of gold, twenty

160 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

talents, vessels of brass, that was ^ more precious
than gold, twelve talents by weight, for these presents
had been made by the king and his counsellors, and
by all the Israelites that stayed at Babylon. So
when Esdras had delivered these things to the priests,
he gave to God, as the appointed sacrifices of whole
burnt-offerings, twelve bulls on account of the
common preservation of the people, ninety rams,
and _ seventy-two lambs, twelve kids of the goats, for
the remissioif of sins. He also delivered the king's
epistle to the king's officers, and to the governors
of Celesyria and Phenicia; and as they were under
a necessity of doing what was enjoined by him, they
honoured our nation, and were assistant to them
in all their necessities.

3. Now these things were truly done under the
conduct of Esdras, and he succeeded in them, be-
cause God esteemed him worthy of the success of
his conduct, on account of his goodness and righteous-
ness. But some time afterward there came some
persons to him, and brought an accusation against
certain of the multitude, and of the priests and
Levites, who had transgressed their settlement, and
dissolved the laws of their country, by marrying
strange wives, and had brought the family of the
priests into confusion. These persons desired him
to support the laws, lest God should take up a
general anger against them all, and reduce them
to a .calamitous condition again. Hereupon he rent
his garment immediately out of grief, and pulled
off the hair off his head and beard, and cast himself
upon the ground, because this crime had reached
the principal men among the people, and considering

* Dr. Hudson takes notice here, that this kind of brass or copper,
or rather mixture of gold and brass or copper, was called aurichalcum,
and that this was of old esteemed the most precious of all metals.

Chap. Y. OF THE JEWS. 161

that if he should enjoin them to cast out their wives,
and the children they had by them, he should not
be hearkened to, he continued lying upon the ground.
However, all the better sort came running to him,
who also themselves wept, and partook of the grief
he was under for what had been done. So Esdras
rose up from the ground, and stretched out his
hands towards heaven, and said, that "he was ashamed
tj look towards it, because of the sins which the
people had committed, while they had cast out of
their memories what their fathers had inidergone
on account of their wickedness: and he besought
God, who had saved a seed and a remnant out of
the calamity and captivity they had been in, and
had restored them again to Jerusalem and to their
own land, and had obliged the kings of Persia to
have compassion on them, that he would also for-
give them their sins they had now committed, which,
though they deserved death, yet it was agreeable
to the mercy of God, to remit even to these the
punijshment due to them."

4. After Esdras had said this, he left off praying;
and when all those that came to him with their wives
and children were under lamentation, one whose name
was Jechonias, a principal man in Jerusalem, came
to him, and said, that they had sinned in marrying
strange wives; and he persuaded him to adjure them
all to cast those wives out, and the children born
of them, and that those should be punished who
would not obey the law. So Esdras hearkened to
this advice, and made the heads of the priests, and
of the Levites, and of the Israelites, swear that they
would put away those wives and children; according
to the advice of Jechonias. And when he had re-
ceived their oaths, he went in haste out of the temple
into the chamber of Johanai^ the son of Eliasib,

162 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

and as he had hitherto tasted nothing at all for
grief, so he abode there that day. And when
proclamation was made, that all those of the cap-
tivity should gather themselves together to Jeru-
salem, and those that did not meet there* in two or
three days should be banished from the multitude,
and that their substance should be appropriated to
the uses of the temple, according to the sentence
of the elders, those that were of the tribes of Judah
and Benjamin came together in three days, viz. on
the twentieth day of the ninth month, which ac-
cording to the Hebrews, is called Tchcth, and ac-
cording to the jVIacedonians, ApcUcus. Now, as they
were sitting in the uj^per room of the temple, where
the elders also were present, but were uneasy be-
cause of the cold, Esdras stood up, and accused
them, and told them that they had sinned in marry-
ing wives that were not of their own nation; but
that now they would do a thing both pleasing to
God, and advantageous to themselves, if they would
put those wives away. Accordingly they all cried
out, that "they would do so. That however the
multitude was great, and that the season of the
year was winter, and that this work would require
more than one or two days. Let their rulers, there-
fore, [said they], and those that have married strange
wives, come hither at a proper time, while the elders
of every place, that are in common to estimate the
number of those that have thus married, are to be
there also." Accordingly, this was resolved on by
them, and they began the inquiry after those that
had married strange wives on the first day of the
next month, and continued the inquiry to the first
day of the tenth montli, and found a great many
of the posterity of Jeshua the high priest, and of
the priests, and Eevites, and Israelites, who had

Chap. Y. OF THE JEWS. 1G3

a greater regard to the observation of the law than
to their natural affection, and immediately cast out
their wives, and the children which were born of
them. And in order to appease God, they off'ered
sacrifices, and slew rams, as oblations to him; but
it does not seem to me t^ be necessary to set down
the names of these men. So when Esdras had re-
formed this sin al)out the marriages of the fore-
mentioned persons, lie reduced that practice to purity,
so that it continued in that state for tlie time to
come.

5. Now when they kept tlie ^ feast of tabernacles
in the seventh month, and almost all the people were
come together to it, they went up to the open part
of the temple, to the gate which looked eastward,
and desired of Esdras that the laws of Moses might
be read to them. Accordingly he stood in the midst
of the multitude and read them; and this he did
from morning to noon. Xow, by hearing the laws
read to them, they were instructed to be righteous
men for the present and for the future; but as for
their past offences, they were displeased at them-
selves, and proceeded to shed tears on their account,
as considering with themselves, that if they had
kept tlie law, tliey had endured none of these miseries
which tliey had experienced. But w^hen Esdras saw
them in that disposition, he bade them go home and
not weep, for that it was a festival, and that they
ought not to weep thereon, for that it was not lawful
so to do. He exhorted them rather to proceed im-
mediately to feasting, and to do what was suital)le
to a feast, and what was agreeable to a day of joy.
but to let their repentance and sorrow for their

' This Jewish feast of tabernacles was imitated in several lieathcn
solemnities, as Spanhelm here observes and proves. He also farther
observes ))resently, what great regard many heathens had to the monu-
ments of their forefaHiers, as Xehemiah had here. sect. (i.

164 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

former sins be a security and a guard to them, that
they fall no more into the like offences. So upon
Esdras' exhortation they began to feast; and when
they had so done for eight days, in their tabernacles,
they departed to their own homes, singing hymns
to God, and returning thanks to Esdras, for his
reformation of wliat corruptions had been introduced
into their settlement. So it came to pass, that after
he had obtained this reputation among the people,
he died an old man, and Avas buried in a magnificent
manner at Jerusalem. About the same time it hap-
pened also, that Joachim the high priest died; and
his son Eliasib succeeded in the high priesthood.

6. Now there was one of those Jews that had
been carried captiA^e, who was cup-bearer to king
Xerxes; his name was Nehemiah. As this man was
walking before Susa, the metropolis of the Persians,
he heard some strangers that were entering the city
after a long journey, speaking to another in the
Hebrew tongue, so he went to them and asked them
whence they came^ And when their answer was,
that they came from Judea, he began to inquire
of them again in what state the multitude was? and
in what condition Jerusalem was; and when they
replied, that they were in a ' bad state, for that
their walls were thrown down to the ground, and
that the neighbouring nations did a great deal of
mischief to the Jews, while in the day time they
overran the country, and pillaged it, and in the
night did tliem mischief, insomuch that not a few
were led away captive out of the country, and out

' This miserable condition of the Jews, and their capital, must have
been after the death of Ezra, their former governor, and before Xehemiah
came with his commission to build the walls of Jerusalem. Xor is that
at all disagreeable to these histories in Josephus, since Ezra came on
the 7th, and Xehemiah not till the 2,5th of Xerxes, at the interval of 18
years.

Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 165

of Jerusalem itself, and that the roads were in the
day time found full of dead men. Hereupon Ne-
hemiah shed tears, out of commiseration for the
calamities of his countrymen: and looking up to
heaven he said, "How long, O Lord, wilt thou over-
look oui' nation, while it suffers so great miseries,
and while we are made the prey and spoil of all
men?" And while he stayed at the gate and lamented
thus, one told him that the king was going to sit
down to supper; so he made haste, and went as
he was, without washing himself, to minister to
the king in his office of cup-bearer: But as the king
was very pleasant after supper, and more cheerful
than usual, he cast his eyes on Xehemiah, and seeing
him look sad, he asked him, wh}^ lie was sad? Where-
upon he prayed to God to give him favour, and
afford him the power of j^ersuading by his words,
and said, "How can I, O king, appear otherwise
than thus, and not be in trouble, while I hear that
the walls of Jerusalem, the city where are the
sepulchres of my fathers, are thrown down to the
ground, and that its gates are consumed by fire;
but do thou grant me the favour to go and build
its wall, and to finish the building of the temple."
Accordingly the king gave him a signal, that he
freely granted him what he asked; and told him that
he should carry an epistle to the governors, that
they might pay him due honour, and afford him
whatsoever assistance he wanted, and as he pleased.
"Leave off thy sorrow then, said the king, and be
cheerful in the performance of thy office hereafter."
So Xehemiah worshipped God; and gave the king
thanks for his promise, and cleared up his sad and
cloudy countenance, by the pleasure he had from
the king's promises. Accordingly, the king called
for him the next day, and gave him an epistle to

166 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

be carried to Adeus, the governor of Syria, and
Phenicia, and Samaria; wherein he sent to him to
pay due honour to Xehemiah, and to supply him
with what he wanted for his building.

7. Now when he was come to Babylon and had
taken with him many of his countrymen, wh(5 volun-
tarily followed him, he came to Jerusalem in the
twenty and fifth year of the reign of Xerxes: And
when he had shown the ' epistles to God, he gave
them to Adeus, and to the other governors. He
also called together all the people to Jerusalem, and
stood in the midst of the temple, and made the
following speech to them: "You know, O Jews,
that God hath kept our fathers Abraham, and Isaac,
and Jacob, in mind continually; and for the sake
of their righteousness hath not left off the care
of you: Indeed he hath assisted me in gaining this
authority of the king to raise up our wall, and
finish what is wanting of the temple. I desire you,
therefore, who well know the ill-will our neighbour-
ing nations bear to us; and that when once they
are made sensible that we are in earnest about build-
ing, they will come upon us, and contrive many
ways of obstructing our works, that you will, in tlie
first place, put your trust in God, as in him that
will assist us against their hatred, and to intermit
building neither night nor day, but to use all diligence,
and to hasten on the work; now we have this especial
opportunity for it." When he had said this, he
gave order that the rulers should measure the wall,
and part the work of it among the peoj)le, according

* This showing king- Xerxes' epistles to God, or laying them open
before God in the temple, is very like the laying open the epistles of
Sennacherib before him also by HeKekiah, 2 Kings xix. 14, Isa. xxxvii.
14, although this last was for a memorial, to put him in mind of the
enemies, in order to move that divine compassion, and the present as a
token of grntitude for mercies already received, as Ilavercamp well
observes on this place.

Chap. y. OF THE JEWS. 107

to their villages and cities, as every one's a])ihties
should require. And when he had added this promise,
that he himself, with his servants, would assist them,
he dissolved the assembly. So the Jews prepared
for the work: That is the name they are called by
from the day that they came up from Babylon, which
is taken from the tribe of Judah, which came first
to these places, and thence both they and the country
gained that appellation.

8. But now when the Ammonites, and ^loabites,
and Samaritans, and all that inhabited Celesyria,
heard that the building went on apace, they took
it heinously, and proceeded to lay snares for them,
and to hinder their intentions. They also slew many
of the Jews, and sought how they might destroy
Xehemiah himself, by hiring some of the foreigners
to kill him. They also put the Jews in fear, and
disturbed them, and spread abroad rumours, as if
many nations were ready to make an expedition
against them, by which means they were harassed,
and had almost left off the building: But none of
these things could deter Xehemiah from being dili-
gent about the work, he only set a number of men
about him as a guard to his body, and so unweariedly
persevered therein, and was insensible of any trouble
out of his desire to perfect this work. And thus
did he attentively, and with great forecast take care
of his own safety, not that he feared death, but of
this persuasion, that if he were dead, the walls for
his citizens would never be raised. He also gave
orders, that the builders should keep their ranks,
and have their armour on while they were building.
Accordingly, the mason had his sword on, as well
as he that brought the materials for building. He
also appointed that their shields should lie very
near them; and he placed trumpeters at every five

168 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

hundred feet, and charged them that if their enemies
appeared, they should give notice of it to the people,
that they might fight in their armour, and their
enemies might not fall upon them naked. He also
went about the compass of the city by night, being
never discouraged, neither about the work itself, nor
about his own diet and sleep, for he made no use
of those things for his pleasure, but out of necessity.
And this trouble he imderwent for ^ two years and
four months: for in so long time was the wall built,
in the twenty-eighth year of tlie reign of Xerxes, in
the ninth month. Xow when the walls were finished,
Nehemiah and the multitude offered sacrifices to
God for the building of them, and they continued
in feasting eight days. However, when the nations
which dwelt in Syria heard that the building of
the wall was finished, they had indignation at it:
But when Nehemiah saw that the city was thin
of people, he exhorted the priests and the Levites,
that they would leave the country, and remove them-
selves to the city, and there continue: and he built
them houses at his own expense: and he commanded
that part of the people which were employed in
cultivating the land to bring the tithes of their fruits
to Jerusalem, that the priests and I^evites having
whereof they might live perpetually, and might not
leave the divine worship; who willingly hearkened

' It may not be very improper to remark here, with what an unusual
accuracy Jo.se])Iius determines these years of Xerxes, in which the walls
of Jerusalem were built, viz. that Xehemiah came with his commission
on the 25th of Xerxes; that the walls were two years four months in
building, and that they were finished on the 28th of Xerxes, sect. 7, 8.
It may be also remarked farther, that Josephus liardly ever mentions
more than one infallible astronomical character, I mean an eclipse of
the moon, and this a little before the death of Herod the Great, Antiq.
B. XVII. ch. vi. sect. 4, Vol. III. Xow on these two chronological
characters in a great measure dejiend some of tlie most important points
belonging to Christianity, viz. the explication of Daniel's TO weeks, and
the duration of Jesus' ministry, and the time of his death, in corre-
spondence to those 70 weeks.

Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 169

to the constitutions of Nehemiali, by which means
the city Jerusalem came to be fuller of people than
it was before. So when Xehemiah had done many
other excellent things, and things worthy of com-
mendation in a glorious manner, he came to a great
age, and then died. He was a man of a good and
righteous disposition, and very ambitious to make
his own nation happy: and he hath left the walls
of Jerusalem as an eternal monument for himself.
Now this was done in the days of Xerxes.

CHAPTER VI.

Concerning Esther, and Mordecai, and Haman: and
hoxo in the reign of Artaoceroces, the whole nation
of the Jews was in danger of perishing.

1. After the death of Xerxes, the kingdom came
to be transferred to his son Cyrus, whom the Greeks
called Artaccercces. When this man had obtained
the government over the Persians, the whole ^ nation

* Since some sceptical persons are willing to discard this book of
Esther as no true history, I shall venture to say, that almost all the
objections against this booii of Esther are gone at once, if, as we
certainly ought to do, and as Dean Prideaux.has justly done, we place
this history under Artaxerxes Longimanus, as doth both the Septuagint
interpreters and Josephus. The learneil Dr. Lee, in his posthumous
dissertation on the second book of Esdras, p. 25, also says. That
"the truth of this history is demonstrated by the feast of Purim, kept
up from that time to this very day. And this surprising providential
revolution in favour of a captive people, thereby constantly commem-
orated, standeth even upon a firmer l)asis than that there ever was such
a man as king Alexander [the Great] in the world, of whose reign there
is no such abiding monument at this day to be found any where. Xor
will they, I dare say, who quarrel at this or any other of the sacred
histories, find it a very easy matter to reconcile the different accounts
which were given by historians of tiie affairs of this king, or to confirm
any one fact of his whatever with the same evidence which is here given
for the principal fact in the saered hook, or even so much as to prove
the existence of such a person, of whom so great things are related, but

170 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

of the Jews, with their wives and children, were
in danger of perishing: the occasion whereof we
shall declare in a little time, for it is proper, in the
first place, to explain somewhat relating to this king,
and how -he came to marry a Jewish wife, who was
herself of the royal family also, and who is related
to have saved our nation; for when Artaxerxes had
taken the kingdom, and had set governors over the
hundred and twenty and seven provinces, from
India even unto Ethiopia, in the third year of his
reign, he made a costly feast for his friends, and
for the nations of Persia, and for their governors,
such an one as was j^roper for a king to make, when
he had a mind to make a public demonstration of
his riches, and this for a hundred and fourscore days;
after which he made a feast for other nations, and
for their ambassadors at Shushan, for seven days.
Now this feast was ordered after the manner fol-
lowing: he caused a tent to be pitched, which was
supported by pillars of gold and silver, with curtains
of linen and purple spread over them, that it might
afford room for many ten thousands to sit down.
The cups with which the waiters ministered were
of gold, and adorned with precious stones, for pleas-
ure, and for sight. He also gave order to the
servants that they should not force them to drink,
by bringing them wine continually, as is the practice
of the Persians, but to permit every one of the
guests to enjoy himself according to his own in-
clination. Moreover, he sent messengers through
the country, and gave order that they should have
a remission of their labours, and should keep a
festival many days, on account of his kingdom. In

upon ;,'r;iiitin^- lliis hook of lOsUicr, or sixtli of K^sdras, (as it is placed
ill some of the most ancient copies of the Vulgate,) to he a most true
and certain history," etc.

Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 171

like manner, did Vashti the queen gather her guests
together, and made them a feast in the pahice. Now
the king was desirous to show her, who exceeded
all other women in beauty, to those that feasted
with him, and he s*ent some to command her to come
to his feast. But slie out of regard to the laws of
the Persians, which ^ forl)id the wives to be seen by
strangers, did not go to the king; and though he
oftentimes sent the eunuchs to her, she did never-
theless stay away, and refused to come, till the king
was so much irritated, tliat he broke up the enter-
tainment, and rose up and called for those seven
who had the interpretation of tlie laws committed
to them, and accused his wife, and said, that he
had been affronted by her, because that when she
was frequently called by him to his feast, she did not
obey him once. He therefore gave order, that they
should inform him what could be done by the law
against her. So one of them, whose name was
Memucan, said. That "this affront was offered not
to him alone, but to all the Persians, who were in
danger of leading their lives very ill with their wives,
if they must be thus despised by them; for that none
of their wives would have any reverence for their
husbands, if they had such an example of arrogance
in tlie queen towards thee, who rulest over all." Ac-
cordingly, he exhorted him to punish her, who had

^ If the Chaldee paraphrase be in the right, that Artaxerxes intended
to show \'ashti to his guests nai<ed, it is no wonder at all that she would
not submit to such an indignity; but still if it were not so gross as
that, yet it might, in the king's cups, be done in a way so indecent, as
the Persian laws would not then bear, no more than the common laws
of modesty. And that the king had some such design, seems not im-
probable, for otherwise the principal of these royal guests could be no
strangers to the q>ieen, nor unap]irized of her beauty, so far as decency
admitted. However, since Providence was now paving the way for the
introduction of a Jewess into the king's affections, in order to bring
about one of the most wonderful deliverances which the Jewish or any
nation ever had, we need not be farther solicitous about the motives by
which the king was induced to divorce A'ashti, and marry Esther.

172 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

been guilty of so great an affront to him, after a
severe manner; and when he had so done, to pubHsh
to the nations what had been decreed about the
queen. So the resohition was to put Vashti away,
and to give her dignity to another woman.

2. But the king having been fond of her, did
not well bear a separation, and yet by the law he
could not admit of a reconciliation, so he was under
trouble, as not having it in his power to do what
he desired to do. But when his friends saw him
so uneasy, they advised him to cast the memory of
his wife, and his love for her, out of his mind, but
to send abroad over all the habitable earth, and to
search out for comely virgins, and to take her whom
he should like best for a wife, because his passion
for his former wife would be quenched by the in-
troduction of another, and the kindness he had to
Vashti would be withdrawn from her, and be placed
on her that was with him. Accordingly, he was
persuaded to follow this advice, and gave order to
certain persons to choose out of the virgins that
were in his kingdom those that were esteemed the
most comely. So when a great number of these
virgins were gathered together, there was found a
damsel in Babylon, both whose parents were dead,
and she was brought up with her uncle Mordecai,
for that was her uncle's name. This uncle was of
the tribe of Benjamin, and was one of the principal
persons among the Jews. Now it proved that this
damsel, whose name was Esther, was the most beauti-
ful of all the rest, and that the grace of her coun-
tenance drew the eyes of the spectators principally
upon her; So she was committed to one of the
eunuchs to take tlie care of her: and she was very
exactly provided with sweet odours, in great plenty,
and with costly ointments, such as her body required

Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 173

to be anointed ^vithal: and this was used for six-
months by the virgins, who were in number four
hundred. And when the eunuch thought the virgins
had been sufficiently purified, in the forementioned
time, and were now fit to go to the king's bed, he
sent one to be with the king every day. So when
he had accompanied with her, he sent her back to
the eunuch: and when Esther had come to him, he
was pleased with her, and fell in love with the damsel,
and married her, and made her his lawful wife,
and kept a wedding feast for her on the twelfth
month of the seventh year of his reign, which was
called Adar. He also sent angari, as they are called,
or messengers, unto every nation, and gave orders
that they should keep a feast for his marriage, while
he himself treated the Persians and the Medes, and
the principal men of the nations, for a whole month,
on account of this his marriage. Accordingly, Esther
came to his royal palace, and he set a diadem on
her head: And thus was Esther married, without
making known to the king what nation she was
derived from. Her uncle also removed from Babylon
to Shushan, and dwelt there, being every day about
the palace, and inquiring how the damsel did, for
he loved her as though she had been his own daughter.
3. Now the king had made ^ a law, that none of
his own peoj^le should approach him unless he were
called, when he sat upon his throne; men, with axes
in their hands, stood round about his throne, in order
to punish such as approached to him without being
called. However, the king sat with a golden sceptre

' Herodotus says, that this law [against any one's coming uncalled
to the kings of Persia when they were sitting on their thrones] was first
enacted hy Deioces, i. e. (hy him who first withdrew tiie Medes from
the dominion of the Assyrians, and himself first reigned over tliem.)
Thus also, says Spanheini, "stood guards, with their axes, jihout the throne
of Tenus, Tenudus, that the offender might hy them be punished im-
mediately.

174 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

in his hand, which he held out when he had a mind
to save any one of those that approached to him
witkout being called: and he who touched it was
free from danger. But of this matter we have
discoursed sufficiently.

4. Some time after this [two eunuchs] Bigthan
and Teresh plotted against the king; and Barnabazus,
the servant of one of the eunuclis, being by birth
a Jew, was acquainted with their conspiracy, and
discovered it to the queen's uncle; and Mordecai,
by the means of Esther, made the conspirators known
to the king. This troubled the king, but he dis-
covered the truth, and hanged the eunuchs upon a
cross, while at that time he gave no reward to Mor-
decai, who had been the occasion of his preservation.
He only bid the scribes to set down his name in
the records, and ])id him stay in the palace, as an
intimate friend of the king's.

5. Xow there was one Haman, the son of Amed-
atha, by birth an Amalekite, that used to go in to
the king; and the foreigners and Persians worshipped
him, as Artaxerxes had commanded that such honour
should be paid to him; but Mordecai was so wise,
and so observant of his own country's laws, that
he would not ^ worship the man. When Haman ob-
served this, he inquired whence he came? and when
he understood that he was a Jew, he had indigna-
tion at him, and said within himself. That "whereas
the Persians, who were free men, worshipped him,
this man, who was no better than a slave, does not

' Whether this adoration required of Mordecai to Haman were by
him deemed too like the adoration due only to God, as Josephus seems
here to think, as well as the Septuagint iiiter]ireters also, by their trans-
lation of Esth. xiii. 13, 13, 1 i, or whether he thouglit he ought to pay
no sort of adoration to an Amalekite, which nation had Iiecn such great
siimers as to have been iniiversally devoted to destruction by God himself,
Exod. xvii. 14, 1,5, IG, 2 Sam. xv. 18, or whether botii causes concurred,
cannot now, 1 doubt, be ccrtainlv determined.

Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 175

vouchsafe to do so." And when he desired to punish
jNIordecai, he thought it too small a thing to request
of the king that he alone might be punished: he
rather determined to abolish the whole nation, for
he was naturally an enemy to the Jews, because the
nation of the Amalekites, of which he was, had been
destroyed by them. Accordingly he came to the
king, and accused them, saying, "There is a certain
wicked nation, and it is dispersed over all the habit-
able earth that is under thy dominion; a nation
separate from others, unsociable, neither admitting
the same sort of divine worship that others do, nor
using laws like to the laws of others: at enmitj^ with
thy people, and with all men, both in their manners
and practices. Xow, if thou wilt be a benefactor
to thy subjects, thou wilt give order to destroy them
utterly, and not leave the least remains of them,
nor preserve any of them either for slaves, or for
captives." But that the king might not be damni-
fied by the loss of the tributes which the Jews paid
him, Haman promised to give him out of his own
estate forty thousand talents whensoever he pleased;
and he said, he would pay this money very willingly,
that the kingdom might be freed from such a mis-
fortune.

6. When Haman had made this petition, the
king both forgave him the money, and granted him
the men, to do what he would with them. So Haman
having gained what he desired, sent out immediately
a decree, as from the king, to all nations, the con-
tents whereof were these: "Artaxerxes, the great
king, to the rulers of the hundred twenty and seven
provinces, from India to Ethiopia, sends this writing:
Whereas I have governed many nations, and obtained
the dominions of all the habitable earth, according
to my desire, and have not been obliged to do any

176 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

thing that is insolent or cruel to my subjects by
such my power, but have showed myself mild and
gentle, by taking care of their peace and good order,
and have sought how they might enjoy those blessings
for all time to come. And whereas I have been
kindly informed by Haman, who on account of his
prudence and justice, is the first in my esteem, and
in dignity, and only second to myself for his fidelity
and constant good will to me, that there is an ill
natured nation intermixed with all mankind, that
is averse to our laws, and not subject to kings, and
of a different conduct of life from others, that hateth
monarchy, and of a disposition that is pernicious
to our affairs, I give order that all these men, of
whom Haman, our second father, hath informed us,
be destroyed, with their wives, and children, and
that none of them be spared, and that none prefer
pity to them before obedience to this decree. And
this I will to be executed on the fourteenth day of
the twelfth month of the present year, that so when
all that have enmity to us are destroyed, and this
in one day, we may ])e allowed to lead the rest of
our lives in peace hereafter." Now when this decree
was brought to the cities, and to the country, all
were ready for the destruction and entire abolishment
of the Jews, against the day before mentioned; and
they were very hasty about it at Shushan, in par-
ticular. Accordingly, the king and Haman spent
their time in feasting together with good cheer and
wine, but the city was in disorder.

7. Now when Mordecai was informed of what
was done, he rent his clothes and put on sackcloth,
and sprinkled ashes upon his head, and went about
the city, crying out, That "a nation tliat had been
injurious to no man, was to be destroyed." And
he went on saying thus as far as to the king's palace.

Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 177

and there he stood, for it was not lawful for him
to go into it in that habit. The same thing was
done by all the Jews that were in the several cities
wherein this decree was published, with lamentation
and mourning, on account of the calamities de-
nounced against them. But as soon as certain per-
sons had told the queen that Mordecai stood before
the court in a mourning habit, she was disturbed
at this report, and sent out such as should change
his garments; but when he could not be induced to
put off his sackcloth, because the sad occasion that
forced him to put it on was not yet ceased, she
called the eunuch Acratheus, for he was then present,
and sent him to Mordecai, in order to know of him
what sad accident had befallen him, for which he
was in mourning, and would not put off the habit
he had put on at her desire. Then did Mordecai
inform the eunuch of the occasion of his mourning,
and of the decree which was sent by the king into
all the country, and of the promise of money whereby
Haman bought the destruction of their nation. He
also gave him a copy of what was proclaimed at
Shushan, to be carried to Esther; and he charged
her to petition the king about this matter, and not
to think it a dishonourable thing in her to put on
a humble habit, for the safety of her nation, wherein
she might deprecate the ruin of the Jews, who were
in danger of it; for that Haman, whose dignity was
only inferior to that of the king, had accused the
Jews, and had irritated the king against them. When
she was informed of this, she sent to Mordecai again,
and told him that she was not called by the king,
rnd that he who goes in to him without being called,
is to be slain, unless when he is wilHng to save any
one, he holds out his golden sceptre to him; but that
to whomsoever he does so, although he go in without

178 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

being called, that person is so far from being slain,
that he obtains pardon, and is entirely preserved.
Now when the eunuch carried this message from
Esther to Mordecai, he bade him also tell her that
she must not only provide for her own preservation,
but for the common preservation of her nation, for
that if she now neglected this opportunity, there
would certainly arise help to them from God some
other way, but she and her father's house would
be destroyed by those whom she now despised. But
Esther sent the very same eunuch back to Mordecai
[to desire him] to go to Shushan, and to gather
the Jews that were there together to a congregation,
and to fast and abstain from all sorts of food, on
her account, and [to let him know that] she with
her maidens would do the same; and then she prom-
ised that she would go to the king, though it were
against the law, and that if she must die for it, she
would not refuse it.

8. Accordingly, Mordecai did as Esther had en-
joined him, and made the people fast; and he be-
sought God, together with them, "Not to overlook
his nation, particularly at this time, wJien it was
going to be destroyed; but that, as he had often
before provided for them, and forgiven, when they
had sinned, so he would now deliver them from
that destruction which was denounced against them;
for although it was not all the nation that had
offended, yet must they so ingloriously be slain, and
that he was himself the occasion of the wrath of
Haman, because, said he, I did not worship him,
nor could I endure to pay that lionour to him whicli
I used to pay to thee, O Lord, for upon that his
anger hath he contrived this present miscliief against
those that have not transgressed thy laws." The
same supphcations did the multitude put up; anc[

Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 179

entreated that God would provide for their de-
liverance, and free the Israelites that were in all
the earth from this calamity which was now coming
upon them, for they had it before their eyes, and
expected its coming. Accordingly Esther made sup-
plication to God after the manner of her country,
by casting herself down upon the earth, and putting
on her mourning garments, and bidding farewell
to meat and drink, and all delicacies, for three days'
time; and she entreated God to have mercy upon
her, and make her words appear persuasive to the
king, and render her countenance more beautiful
than it was before, that both by her words and beauty
she might succeed, for the averting of the king's
anger, in case he were at all irritated against her,
and for the consolation of those of her own country,
now they were in the utmost danger of f)erishing;
as also that he would excite a hatred in the king
against tlie enemies of the Jews, and those that had
contrived tlieir future destruction, if they be proved-
to be contemned by him.

9. When Esther had used this supplication for
three days, she put off those garments, changed her
habits, and adorned herself as became a queen, and
took two of her hand-maids with her, the one of
which supported her, as she gently leaned upon
her, and the other followed after, and lifted up her
large train (which swept along the ground,) with
the extremities of her fingers: And thus she came
to the king, having a blushing redness in her coun-
tenance, with a pleasant agreeableness in her be-
haviour, yet did she go in to him with fear; and
as soon as she was come over against him, as he
was sitting on his throne, in his royal apparel, which
was a garment interwoven with gold and ])recious
stones, which made him seem to her more terrible.

180 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

especially when lie looked at her somewhat severely,
and with a countenance on fire with anger, her joints
failed her immediately, out of the dread she was in,
and she fell down sideways in a swoon: but the king
changed his mind, which happened, as I suppose,
by the will of God, and was concerned for his wife,
lest her fear should bring some very ill thing upon
her, and he leaped from his throne and took her
in his arms, and recovered her, by embracing her,
and speaking comfortably to her, and exhorting
her to be of good cheer, and not to suspect any
thing that was said on account of her coming to
him without being called, because that law was made
for subjects, but that she, who was a queen, as well
as he a king, might be entirely secure: and as he
said this, he put the sceptre into her hand, and
laid his rod uj^on her neck, on account of the law;
and so freed her from her fear. And after she had
recovered herself by these encouragements, she said,
"My lord, it is not easy for me, on the sudden, to
saj" what hath happened, for as soon as I saw thee
to be great, and comely, and terrible, my spirit
departed from me, and I had no soul left in me."
And while it was with difficulty, and in a low voice,
that she could say thus much, the king was in a
great agony and disorder, and encouraged Esther
to be of good cheer, and to expect better fortune,
since he was ready, if occasion should require it, to
grant to her the half of his kingdom. Accordingly,
Esther desired that he and his friend Haman would
come to her to a banquet, for she said she had pre-
pared a supper for him. He consented to it; and
when they were there, as they were drinking, he
bid Esther to "let him know what she desired; for
that she should not be disappointed, though she
should desire the half of his kingdom." But she

Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 181

put off the discovery of her petition till the next
day, if he would come again, together with Haman,
to her banquet.

10. Now when the king had promised so to do,
Haman went awaj' very glad, because he alone had
the honour of supping with the king at Esther's
banquet, and because no one else partook of the
same honour with kings but himself; yet when he
saw JNIordecai in the court, he was very much dis-
pleased, for he paid him no manner of respect when
he saw him. So he went home and called for his
wife Zeresh, and his friends, and when they were
come, he showed them what honour he enjoyed not
only from the king, but from the queen also, for
as he alone had that day supped with her, together
with the king, so was he also invited again for the
next day; yet, said he, am I not pleased to see JNIor-
decai the Jew in the court. Hereupon his wife
Zeresh advised him to give order that a gallows
should be made fifty cubits high, and that in the
morning he should ask it of the king, that Mordecai
might be hanged thereon. So he commended her
advice, and gave order to his servants to prepare
the gallows, and to place it in the court, for the
punishment of JNIordecai thereon, which was accord-
ingly prepared. But God laughed to scorn the
wicked expectations of Haman; and as he knew
what the event would be, was delighted at it, for
that night he took away the king's sleep; and as
the king ^vas not w^illing to lose the time of his
lying awake, but to spend it in something that might
be of advantage to his kingdom, he commanded the
scribe to bring him the chronicles of the former
kings, and the records of his own actions; and when
he had brought them and was reading them, one
was found to have received a countrv on account

182 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

of his excellent management on a certain occasion,
and the name of the country was set down ; another
was found to have had a present made him on
account of his fidelity: then the scrihe came to Big-
than and Teresh, the eunuchs that had made a
conspiracy against the king, which INIordecai had
discovered, and when the scrihe said no more hut
that, and was going on to another history, the king
stopped him, and inquired "Whether it was not
added that JMordecai had a reward given himf and
when he said there was no such addition, he bid
him leave off, and he inquired of those that were
appointed for that purpose, what hour of the night
it was? and when he was informed that it was al-
ready day, he gave order, that if they found any
one of his friends already come, and standing before
the court, they should tell him. Xow it happened
that Haman was found there, for he was come
sooner than ordinary to petition the king to have
Mordecai put to death; and when tlie servants said,
that Haman was before the court, he bid them call
him in; and wlien he was come in, he said, "Because
I know that thou art my only fast friend, I desire
thee to give me advice, how I may honour one that
I greatly love, and that after a manner suitable to
my magnificence." Now Haman reasoned with him-
self, that what opinion he should give it would be
for liimself, since it was he alone who was beloved
by the king: so he gave that advice which he thought
of all other the best; for he said, "If thou wouldest
truly honour a man whom tliou sayest thou dost
love, give order that he may ride on horseback, with
the same garment on which thou wearest, and with
a gold chain about his neck, and let one of thy
intimate friends go })efore him, and proclaim through
the whole city, that whosoever the king honoureth,

Clmp. VI. OF THE JEWS. 183

obtaineth this mark of his honour." This was the
advice which Haman gave, out of a supposal that
such a reward would come to himself. HereujDon
the king was pleased with the advice, and said, "Go
thou, therefore, for thou hast the horse, the garment,
and the chain, ask for Mordecai the Jew, and give
him those things, and go before his horse, and pro-
claim accordingly; for thou art, said he, my intimate
friend, and hast given me good advice; be thou then
the minister of what thou hast advised me to. This
shall be his reward from us, for preserving my life."
When he heard this order, which was entirely un-
exj^ected, he was confounded in his mind, and knew
not what to do. However, he went out and led
the horse, and took the purple garment, and the
golden chain for the neck, and finding Mordecai
before the court, clothed in sackcloth, he bid him
put that garment off, and put the purple garment
on: But jNIordecai, not knowing the truth of the
matter, but thinking that it was done in mockery,
said, "O thou wretch, the vilest of all mankind, dost
thou thus laugh at our calamities?" But when he
was satisfied that the king bestowed this honour
upon him, for the deliverance he had procured him,
when he convicted the eunuchs who had conspired
against him, he 2:)ut on that purple garment which
the king always wore, and put the chain about his
neck, and got on horseback, and went round the
city, while Haman went before, and proclaimed,
"This shall be the reward which the king will bestow
on every one whom he loves, and esteems worthy
of honour." And when they had gone round the
city, Mordecai went in to the king, but Haman
went home, out of shame, and informed his wife
and friends of what had happened, and this with
tears: who said, that "he would be able to be re-

184 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

venged of Mordecai, for that God was with him."
11. Now while these men were thus talking one
to another, Esther's eunuchs hastened Haman away
to come to supper; but one of the evmuchs, named
Sabuchadas, saw the gallows 'that was fixed in
Haman's house, and inquired of one of his servants,
for what purpose they had prepared it? So he knew
that it was for the queen's uncle, because Haman
was about to petition the king that he might be
punished, but at present he held his peace. Now
when the king, with Haman, were at the banquet,
he desired the queen to tell him what gift she desired
to obtain, and assured her that she should have what-
sqever she had a mind to. She then lamented the
danger her people were in; and said, that "she and
her nation were given up to be destroyed, and that
she, on that account, made this her petition: that
she would not have troubled him if he had only given
order that they should be sold into bitter servitude,
for such a misfortune would not have been intolerable;
but she desired that they might be delivered from
such a destruction." And when the king inquired
of her who was the author of this misery to them?
she then openly accused Haman, and convicted him,
that he had been the wicked instrument of this, and
had formed his plot against them. When the king
was hereupon in disorder, and was gone hastily out
of the banquet into the gardens, Haman began to
intercede with Esther, and to beseech her to forgive
him, as to what he had offended, for he perceived
that he was in a very bad case. And as he had
fallen upon the queen's bed, and was making sup-
plication to her, tlie king came in, and being still
more provoked at what he saw, "O thou wretch,
said he, thou vilest of all mankind, dost thou aim
to force my wife?" And when Haman was aston-

From the Paintinc

ESTHER ACCUSING HAMAN
by W. Hamilton, R. A. Engraved by F. Bartolozzi, R. A.

Chap. vi. OF THE JEWS. 185

ished at this, and not able to speak one word more,
Sabuchadas the eunuch came in, and accused Haman
and said, "He found a gallows at his house prepared
for Mordecai, for that the servant told him so much
upon his inquiry, when he was sent to him to call
him to supper." He said farther, "that the gallows
was fifty cubits high." Which when the king heard,
he determined that Haman should be punished after
no other manner than that which had been devised
by him against Mordecai: so he gave order immedi-
ately that he should be hung upon this gallows, and
be put to death after that manner. And from hence
I cannot forbear to admire God, and to learn hence
his wisdom and his justice, not only in punishing
the wickedness of Haman, but in so disposing it,
that he should undergo the very same punishment
which he had contrived for another; as also, because
lie thereby teaches others this lesson, that what mis-
chiefs any one prepares against another, he without
knowing of it, first contrives it against himself.

12. Wherefore Haman, who had immoderately
abused the honour he had from the king, was de-
stroyed after this manner, and the king granted his
estate to the queen. He also called for Mordecai,
(for Esther had informed him that she was akin to
him) and gave that ring to Mordecai which he had
before given to Haman. The queen also gave Ha-
man's estate to Mordecai; and prayed the king
to deliver the nation of the Jews from the fear of
death, and showed him what had been written over
all the country by Haman the son of Ammedatha:
for that if her country were destroyed, and her coun-
trymen were to perish, she could not bear to live
herself any longer. So the king promised her, that
he could not do any thing that should be disagreeable
to her, nor contradict what she desired, but he bid

186 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

her write what she pleased about the Jews, in the
king's name, and seal it with his seal, and send it
to all his kingdom, for that those who read epistles
whose authority is secured by having the king's seal
to them, would no way contradict what was written
therein. So he commanded the king's scribes to be
sent for, and to write to the nations on the Jews'
behalf, and to his lieutenants and governors, that
were over his hundred twenty and seven provinces,
from India to Ethiopia. Now the contents of this
epistle were these: " ' The great king Artaxerxes
to our rulers, and those that are our faithful subjects,
sendetli greeting: many men there are, who, on ac-
count of the greatness of the benefits bestowed on
them, and because of the honour wliich they have
obtained from the wonderful kind treatment of those
that bestowed it, are not only injurious to their in-
feriors, but do not scruple to do evil to those that
have been their benefactors, as if they would take
away gratitude from among men, and by their in-
solent abuse of such benefits as they never expected,
they turn the abundance they have against those
that are the authors of it, and suppose they shall
lie concealed from God in that case, and avoid that
vengeance which comes from him. Some of these
men, when they have had tlie management of affairs
committed to them by their friends, and bearing
private malice of their own against some others, by

* The true reason why king Artaxerxes did not here properly revoke
his former harbarous decree for the universal slaughter of the Jews,
hut only empowered and encouraged the Jews to fight for their lives,
to kill their enemies, if they attempted their destruction, seems to have
heen that old law of the Medes and Persians, not yet laid aside, that
whatever decree was signed both by the king and his lords, could not
be chcuKjed, but I'emained unalterable, Daniel vi. 7, 8, 9, \2, 15, 17, Esther
i, 19, and viii. 8. And Hauutn having engrossed the royal favour, might
perhaps have himself signed this decree for the Jews' slaughter instead
of the ancient lords, and so might have rendered it by their rules irrev-
ocable.

Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 187

deceiving those that have the power, persuade them
to be angry at such as have done them no harm, till
they are in danger of perishing, and thus by laying
accusations and calumnies: Xor is this state of things
to be discovered by ancient examples, or such as we
have learned by report only; but by some examples
of such impudent attempts under our own eyes, so
that it is not fit to attend any longer to calumnies
and accusations, nor to the persuasions of others,
but to determine what any one knows of himself to
have been really done, and to j^unish what justly
deserves it, and to grant favours to such as are in-
nocent. This hath been the case of Haman, the
son of Ammedatha, by birth an Amalekite, and
alien from the blood of the Persians, who, when
he was hospitably entertained by us, and partook
of that kindness which w^e bear to all men, to so
great a degree, as to be called my father, and to
be all along worshipped, and to have honour paid
him by all in the second rank after the royal honour
due to ourselves, he could not bear his good fortune,
nor govern the magnitude of his prosperity with
sound reason; nay, he made a conspiracy against
me and my life, who gave him his authority, by en-
deavouring to take away iNIordecai, my })enefactor,
and my saviour, and by basely and treacherously re-
quiring to have Esther, the partner of my life, and
of my dominion, ])rough.t to destruction; for he con-
trived by this means to ^ deprive me of my faithful

^ These words give an intimation as if Artaxerxes suspected a deejier
design in Hanian ttian openly apjieared, viz. That knowhig the Jews
would be faithful to him, and that he could never transfer the crown
to his own familv, who was an Agagite, Ksth. iii. 1, 10, or of the pos-
terity of Agag, the old king of th.e Ainalekites, 1 Sam. xv. 8, 32, 33,
wiiile they were alive, and S])read oxer all his dominions, he therefore
endeavoured to destroy them. Xor is il to me iujprobahle, that those
73,800 of the Jews' enemies which were soon destroyed by the Jews,
on the permission of the king, which must l)e on some great occasion,
were Anudckitcs, Ihcir old and hereditary enemies, p^xod. xvii. II, 13,

188 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

friends, and transfer the government to others: But
since I perceived that these Jews, that were by this
pernicious fellow devoted to destruction, were not
wicked men, but conducted their lives after the best
manner, and were men dedicated to the worship of
that God who hath preserved the kingdom to me
and to my ancestors, I do not only free them from
the punishment which the former epistle, which was
sent by Haman, ordered to be inflicted on them, to
which if you refuse obedience, you shall do well,
but I will that they have all honour paid to them.
Accordingly, I have hanged up the man that con-
trived such things against them, with his family,
before the gates of Shushan, that punishment being
sent upon him by God, who seeth all things. And
I give you in charg-e, that you publicly propose a
copy of this epistle through all my kingdom, that
the Jews may be permitted peaceably to use their
own laws, and that j^ou assist them, that at the same
season whereto their miserable estate did belong,
they may defend themselves the very same day from
unjust violence, the thirteenth day of the twelfth
month, which is Adar, for God hath made that day
a day of salvation instead of a day of destruction
to them; and may it be a good day to those that
wish us well, and a memorial of the punishment of
the conspirators against us! and I will that you
take notice, that every city, and every nation, that
shall disobey any thing that is contained in this
epistle, shall be destroyed by fire and sword. How-
ever, let this e2:)istle be published through all the
country that is under our obedience, and let all the
Jews, by all means be ready against the day before

and that thereby was fulfilled Balaam's prophecy, "Amalek was the
first of the nations, but his latter end shall be, that he perish for ever,"
Xuui. xxiv. 20.

Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 189

mentioned, that they may avenge themselves upon
their enemies."

13. Accordingly, the horsemen who carried the
epistles, proceeded on the ways which they were to
go with speed: but as for ^lordecai, as soon as
he had assumed the royal garment, and the crown
of gold, and had put the chain about his neck, he
went forth in a public procession; and when the
Jews, who were at Shushan, saw him in so great
honour with the king, they thought his good fortune
was common to themselves also; and joy, and a
beam of salvation encompassed the Jews, both those
that were in the cities, and those that were in the
countries, upon the publication of the king's letters,
insomuch, that many even of other nations circum-
cised their foreskin for fear of the Jews, that they
might procure safety to themselves thereby; for on
the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, which ac-
cording to the Hebrews is called Adar, but according
to the JNIacedonians, Dystrus, those that carried the
king's epistle gave them notice, that the same day
wherein their danger was to have been, on that very
day should they destroy their enemies. But now the
rulers of the provinces, and the tyrants, and the
kings, and the scribes, had the Jews in esteem; for
the fear they were in of Mordecai forced them to
act with discretion. Now when the royal decree
was come to all the country that was subject to
the king, it fell out that the Jews at Shushan slew
five hundred of their enemies: and when the king
had told Esther the number of those that were slain
in that city, but did not well know what had been
done in the provinces, he asked her, whether she
would have any thing farther done against them?
for that it should be done accordingly: Upon which
she desired that the Jews might be permitted to

190 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

treat their remaining enemies in the same manner
the next day; as also that they might hang ten sons
of Haman upon the gallows. So the king permitted
the Jews so to do, as desirous not to contradict Esther.
So they gathered themselves together again on the
fourteenth day of the month Dystrus, and slew
ahout three hundred of tlieir enemies, but touched
nothing of what riches they had. Now there were
slain by the Jews that wxre in the country, and in
the other cities, seventy-five thousand of their enemies,
and these were slain on the thirteenth day of the
month, and the next day they kept as a festival. In
like manner the Jews that were in Shushan gathered
themselves together, and feasted on the fourteenth
day and that which followed it; whence it is, that
even now all the Jews that are in the habitable earth
keep these days festival, and send portions to one
another. Mordecai also wrote to those Jews that
lived in the kingdom of Artaxerxes to observe these
days, and celebrate them as festivals, and to deliver
them down to posterity, that this festival might con-
tinue for all time to come, and that it might never
be buried in oblivion, for since they were about to
be destroyed on these days by Haman, they would
do a right thing, upon escaping the danger in them,
and on them inflicting punishments on their enemies,
to observe those days, and give thanks to God on
them: for which cause the Jews still keep the fore-
mentioned days, and call them ' days of Phiirim
[or Purim.^ And Mordecai became a great and

^ Take here part of Reland's note on this disputed passage: "In
Josephus' copies these Hehrew words days of I'lirini or Lots, as in the
(Ireck copies of Esther, eh. ix. 26, 28-3^, is read dni/s of phiirim, or
(lai/s of protfctiov. hut oiifjlit to road dai/s of piirim. as in the Hehrew;
than which emendation, says lie, nothing is more certain." And had we
any assurance tiiat .foscphus' copy mentioned the casthif/ of lots, as our
other copies do, Esth. iii. 7, I should fidly agree witli Reland, but as
it now stands it seems to inc by no means certain.

Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 191

illustrious person with the king, and assisted him
in the government of the people. He also lived with
the queen: so that the affairs of the Jews were by
their means, better than they could ever have hoped
for. And this was the state of the Jews under the
reign of Artaxerxes.^

CHAPTER VII.

Hori) John slew his brother Jesus in the temple; and
hozc Bagoses offered many injuries to the Jews, and
what Sanhallat did.

1. When Eliashab the high priest was dead, his
son Judas succeeded in the high priesthood: and when
he was dead, his son John took that dignity; on whose
account it was also that Bagoses, the general of -another

* As to this whole book of Estliei- in the present Hebrew copy, it is
so very imperfect, in a case where the providence of God was so very
remarliahle, and the Se])tuaaint and Josephus have so nnich of religion,
that it lias not so much as the name of God once in it; and it is hard
to say who made that epitome which the Masorites have given lis for
the genuine book itself; no religious Jews could well be the authors
of it, whose education obliged them to have a constant regard to God
and whatsoever related to his worship; nor do we know that there ever
was so imperfect a copy of it in the world till after the days of Barcho-
cab, in the second century.

^ Concerning this other Artaxerxes, called Mnemoii, and the Persian
affliction and captivity of the Jews under him occasioned by the murder
of the high priest's brother in the holy house itself, see Authent. Rec.
at large, p. W. And if any wonder why Josejihus wholly omits the
rest of the kings of Persia after Artaxerxes Mnenum, till he came to
their last king Darius, who was conquered by Alexander the Great, I
shall give them ^'ossius' and Dr. Hudson's answer, though in my own
words, viz. That Josephus did not do ill in omitting those kings of Persia
with whom the Jews had no concern; because he was giving the history
of the Jews, and not of the Persians: [which is a sufficient reason also
why he entirely omits the history and the book of Job, as not particu-
larly relating to that nation.] He justly, therefore, returns to the Jewish
affairs after the death of Longimanus^ without any mention of Darius
II. before Artaxerxes .Mnemon, or of the Oclius or Arogus, as the Canon
of Ptolemy names them after him, Nor had he probably mentioned thi^

192 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

Artaxerxes' army, polluted the temple, and imposed
tributes on the Jews, that out of the public stock,
before they offered the daily sacrifices, they should
pay for every lamb fifty shekels. Now Jesus was the
brother of John, and was a friend of Bagoses, who
had promised to procure him the high priesthood. In
confidence of whose support, Jesus quarrelled with
John in the temple, and so provoked his brother, that
in his anger his brother slew him. Now it was a
horrible thing for John, when he was high priest, to
perpetrate so great a crime; and so much the more
horrible, that there never was so cruel and impious a
thing done, neither by the Greeks nor Barbarians.
However, God did not neglect its punishment, but
the people were on that very account enslaved and
the temple was polluted by the Persians. Now when
Bagoses, the general of Artaxerxes' army, knew that
John, the high priest of the Jews, had slain his own
brother Jesus in the temple, he came upon the Jews
immediately, and began in anger to say to them,
"Have you had the impudence to perpetrate a murder
in your temple!" And as he was aiming to go into
the temple, they forbade him so to do; but he said to
them, "Am not I purer than he that was slain in the
temple?" And when he had said these words, he
went into the temple. Accordingly, Bagoses made
use of this pretence, and punished the Jews seven
years for the murder of Jesus.

2. Now when John had departed this life, his son
Jaddua succeeded in the high priesthood. He had
a brother, whose name was Manasseh. Now there
was one Scmhallat, who was sent by Darius, the last
king [of Persia,] into Samaria. He was a Cuthean

other Artaxerxes unless Bagoses, one of the governors and commanders
under him, had occasioned the pollution of the Jewish temple, and had
greatly distressed the Jews upon that pollution.

Chai^. Yiii. OF THE JEWS. 193

by birth; of which stock were the Samaritans also.
This man knew that the city Jerusalem was a famous
city, and that their kings had given a great deal of
trouble to the Assyrians, and the people of Celesyria;
so that he willingly gave his daughter, whose name
was Nicaso, in marriage to Manasseh, as thinking this
alliance by marriage would be a pledge and security
that the nation of the Jews should continue their good
will to him.

CHAPTER VIII.

Concerning SanhaUat and Manasseh, and the temple
which they huilt on mount Gerizzim; as also how
Alexander made his entry into the city Jerusalem;
and what benefits he bestowed on the Jews.

1. About this time it was that Philip, king of
JNIacedon, was treacherously assaulted and slain at
Eg« by Pausanias, the son of Cerastes, who was de-
rived from the family of Orests, and his son Alexander
succeeded him in the kingdom, who passing over the
Hellespont, overcame the generals of Darius' army
in a battle fought at Granicum. So he marched over
Lydia, and subdued Ionia, and overran Caria, and fell
upon the places of Pamphylia, as has been related
elsewhere.

2. But the elders of Jerusalem being very uneasy
that the brother of Jaddua the high priest, though
married to a foreigner, should be a partner with him
in the high priesthood, quarrelled with him; for they
esteemed this man's marriage a step to such as should
be desirous of transgressing about the marriage of
[strange] wives, and that this would be the beginning
of a mutual society with foreigners, although the of-

194 ' ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

fence of some about marriages, and their having mar-
ried wives that were not of their own country, had
been an occasion of their former captivity, and of
the miseries they then underwent; so they commanded
iNIanasseh to divorce his wife, or not to approach the
altar, the high priest himself joining with the people
in their indignation against his brother, and driving
him away from the altar. Whereupon Manasseh
came to his father-in-law, Sanballat, and told him.
That "although he loved his daughter Nicaso, yet he
was not willing to be deprived of his sacerdotal dignity
on her account, which was the principal dignity in
their nation, and always continued in the same family."
And when Sanballat promised him not only to preserve
to him the honour of his priesthood, but to procure
for him the power and dignity of a high priest, and
would make him governor of all the places he him-
self now ruled, if he would keep his daughter for
his wife. He also told him farther, that he would
build him a temple like to that at Jerusalem, upon
mount Gerizzim which is the highest of all the moun-
tains that are in Samaria, and he promised that he
would do this with the approbation of Darius the king.
jNIanasseh was elevated with these promises, and stayed
with Sanballat, upon a supposal that he should gain
a high priesthood, as bestowed on him by Darius, for
it hajDpened that Sanballat was then in years. But
there was now a great disturbance among the people
of Jerusalem, because many of those priests and
Levites were entangled in sucli matches; for they all
revolted to INIanasseh, and Sanballat afforded them
money, and divided among them land for tillage, and
habitations also, and all this in order every way to
gratify his son-in-law.

3. About this time it was that Darius heard how
Alexander had passed over the IIclles2)ont, and had

Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 19a

beaten his lieutenants in the battle of Granicum, and
was proceeding farther; whereupon he gathered to-
gether an army of horse and foot, and determined
that he would meet the ^Macedonians before they
should assault and conquer all Asia. So he passed
over the river Euphrates, and came over Taurus, the
Cilician mountain, and at Issus of Cilicia he waited
for the enemy, as ready there to give him battle.
Upon which Sanballat was glad that Darius was
come down; and told Manasseh that he would sud-
denly perform his promises to him, and this as soon
as ever Darius should come back; after he had beaten
his enemies; for not he only, but all those that were
in Asia also, were persuaded that the JNIacedonians
would not so much as come to a battle with the
Persians, on account of their multitude. But the
event proved otherwise than they expected, for the
king joined battle with the jNIacedonians, and was
beaten, and lost a great part of his army. His mother
also, and his wife and children, were taken captives,
and he fled into Persia. So Alexander came into
Syria, and took Damascus; and when he had obtained
Sidon, he besieged Tyre, when he sent an epistle to
the Jewish high priest, "To send him some auxiliaries,
and to supply his army w4th provisions; and that what
presents he formerly sent to Darius, he would now
send to him, and choose the friendship of the JNIace-
donians and that he should never repent of so doing."
But the high priest answered the messengers, That
"he had given his oath to Darius not to bear arms
against him; and he said, that he would not transgress
this while Darius was in the land of the living."
Upon hearing this answer, Alexander was very angry;
and though he determined not to leave Tyre, which
was just ready to be taken, yet as soon as he had
taken it, he threatened that he would make an expcdi-

196 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

tion against the Jewish high priest, and through him
teach all men to whom they must keep their oaths.
So when he had with a good deal of pains, during
the siege, .taken T\Te, and had settled its affairs, he
came to the city of Gaza, and besieged both the city,
and him who was governor of the garrison, whose
name was Babemeses.

4. But Sanballat thought he had now gotten a
proper opportunity to make his attempt, so he re-
nounced Darius, and, taking with him seven thousand
of his own subjects, he came to Alexander; and find-
ing him beginning the siege of Tyre, he said to him,
that he delivered up to him these men, who came out
of places under his dominion, and did gladly accept
of him for his lord, instead of Darius. So w^hen
Alexander had received him kindly, Sanballat there-
upon took courage, and spake to him about his present
affair. He told him. That "he had a son-in-law,
Manasseh, who was brother to the high priest Jaddua:
and that there were many others of his own nation,
now with him, that were desirous to have a temple
in the same places subject to him: that it would be
for the king's advantage to have the strength of the
Jews divided into two parts, lest when the nation is
of one mind, and united, upon any attempt for in-
novation, it prove troublesome to kings, as it had
formerly proved to the kings of Assyria." Where-
upon Alexander gave Sanballat leave so to do, who
used the utmost diligence, and built the temple, and
made JNIanasseh the priest, and deemed it a great
reward, that his daughter's children should have that
dignity: but when tlie seven months of the siege of
Tyre were over, and the two months of the siege of
Gaza, wSanballat died. Now Alexander, when he had
taken Gaza, made haste to go up to Jerusalem: and
Jaddua the high priest, when he heard that, was in

Chap. viii. OF THE JEWS. 197

an agony, and under terror, as not knowing how he
should meet the ^lacedonians, since the king was
displeased at his foregoing disobedience. He there-
fore ordained that the j^eople should make supplica-
tions, and should join with him in offering sacrifice
to God, whom he besought to protect that nation,
and to deliver them from the perils that were coming
upon them: Whereupon God warned him in a dream,
which came upon hhn after he had offered sacrifice.
That "he should take courage, and adorn the city,
and open the gates; that the rest should appear in
white garments, but that he and the priests should
meet the king in the habits proper to their order,
without the dread of any ill consequences, which the
providence of God would prevent." Upon which,
when he rose from his sleep, he greatly rejoiced; and
declared to all the warning he had received from God.
According to which dream he acted entirely, and so
waited for the coming of the king.

5. And when he understood that he was not far
from the city, he went out in j^i'ocession, with the
priests and the multitude of the citizens. The pro-
cession was venerable, and the manner of it different
from that of other nations. It reached to a place
called Sapha, which name translated into Greek,
signifies a prospect, for you have thence a prospect
both of Jerusalem and of the temple; and when the
Phenicians and the Chaldeans that followed him,
thought they should have liberty to j^lunder the city,
and torment tlie high priest to death, which the king's
displeasure fairly promised them, the very reverse of
it happened; for Alexander, when he saw the nmlti-
tude at a distance, in white garments, while the priest
stood clothed with fine linen, and the high priest in
purple and scarlet clothing, with his mitre on his head,
having the golden plate whereon the name of God was

198 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

engraved, he approached hy himself, and adored
that name, and first saluted the high priest. The
Jews also did altogether, with one voice, salute Alex-
ander, and encompass him about: Whereupon the
king of Syria, and the rest, were surprised at what
Alexander had done, and supposed him disordered in
his mind. However, Parmenio alone went up to
him, and asked him, "How it came to pass, that when
all others adored him, he should adore the high priest
of the Jews?" To whom he replied, "I did not adore
him, but that God who hath honoured him with his
high priesthood; for I saw this very person in a
dream, in this very habit, when I was at Dios in
JNIacedonia, who, when I was considering with my-
self how I might obtain the dominion of Asia, ex-
horted me to make no delay, but boldly to pass over
the sea thither, for that he would conduct my army,
and would give me the dominion over the Persians;
whence it is, that having seen no other in that habit,
and now seeing this person in it, and remembering
that vision, and the exhortation which I had in my
dream, I believe that I bring this army under the
divine conduct, and shall therewith conquer Darius,
and destroy the power of the Persians, and that all
things will succeed according to what is in my own
mind." And when he had said this to Parmenio,
and had given the high priest his right hand, the
priests ran along by him, and he came into the city.
And when he went up into the temple, he offered
sacrifice to Cxod, according to the high priest's direc-
tion; and magnificently treated both the high priest
and the priests. And when the ^ book of Daniel was
showed him, wherein Daniel declared that one of the

^ 'I'hc ()l;icp sliowcd .\lcx;in<l<T, mifrlit he Dmii. vii. .'i-H, JO, 2\, -2, xi.
'.i, some or all of them very plain predictions of Alexander's conquests
and successors.

Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 199

Greeks should destroy the empire of tlie Persians,
he supposed that himself was the person intended:
And as he was then glad, he dismissed the multitude
for the present, but the next daj^ he called them to
him, and bid them ask what favours they pleased of
him; whereupon the high priest desired that they
might enjoy the laws of their forefathers, and might
pay no tribute on the seventh year. He granted all
they desired. And when they entreated him that he
would permit the Jews in Babylon and Media to
enjoy their own laws also, he willingly promised to
do hereafter what they desired. And when he said
to the multitude, that if any of them would list them-
selves in his army, on this condition that they should
continue under the laws of their forefathers, and live
according to them, he was willing to take them w^ith
him, many were ready to accompany him in his wars.
6. So when Alexander had thus settled matters
at Jerusalem, he led his army into the neighbouring
cities; and when all the inhabitants, to whom he came,
received him with great kindness, the Samaritans,
wdio had then Shechem for their metropolis (a city
situate at mount Gerizzim, and inliabited by apostates
of the Jewish nation,) seeing that Alexander had so
greatly honoured the Jews, determined to profess
themselves Jews, for such is the disposition of the
Samaritans, as we have already elsewhere declared,
that when the Jews are in adversity they deny that
they are of kin to them, and then they confess the
truth; but when they perceive that some good fortune
hath befallen them, they immediately pretend to have
communion with them, saying, that they belong to
them, and derive their genealogy from the posterity
of Joseph, Ephraim, and Manasseh. Accordingly,
they made their address to the king with splendour,
and showed great alacrity in meeting him at a little

200 ANTIQUITIES Book xi.

distance from Jerusalem. And when Alexander had
commanded them, the Shechemites approached to him,
taking with them the troops that Sanballat had sent
him, and they desired that he would come to their
city, and do honour to their temple also. To whom
he promised, that when he returned he would come
to them. And when they petitioned that he would
remit the tribute of the seventh year to them, because
they did not sow thereon, he asked who they were
that made such a petition, and when they said that
they were Hebrews, but had the name of Sidonians,
living at Shechem; he asked them again, whether
they were Jews, and when they said they were not
Jews, "It was to the Jews, said he, that I granted
that privilege; however, when I return, and am
thoroughly informed by you of this matter, .1 will do
what I shall think proper." And in this manner he
took leave of the Shechemites; but ordered that the
troops of Sanballat should follow him into Egypt,
because there he designed to give them lands, which
he did a little after in Thebais, when he ordered them
to guard that country.

7. Xow when Alexander was dead, the govern-
ment was parted among his successors, but the temple
upon mount Gerizzim remained. And if any one
were accused by those of Jerusalem, of having eaten
things common, or of having broken the Sabbath,
or of any other crime of the like nature, he fled away
to the Shechemites, and said that he was accused
unjustly. About this time it was that Jaddua the
high priest died; and Onias his son took the high
priesthood. This was the state of the affairs of the
people of Jerusalem at this time.

BOOK XII.

COXTAINIXG THE INTERVAL OF A HUNDRED AND SEVENTY

YEARS.

[FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT, TO THE
DEATH OF JUDAS MACCABEUS.]

CHAPTER I.

How Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, took Jerusalem and
Judea by deceit and treachery, and carried many
of the Jews thence, and planted them in Egypt.

1. Xow when Alexander, king of ]\Iacedon, had
put an end to the dominion of the Persians, and had
settled the affairs in Judea after the forementioned
manner, he ended his life. And as his government
fell among many, Antigonus obtained Asia; Seleucus,
Babylon; and of the otlier nations which were there,
Lysimachus governed the Hellespont, and Cassander
possessed ^Macedonia; as did Ptolemy, the son of
Lagus, seize upon Egypt. And while these princes
ambitiously strove one against another, every one
for his own principality, it came to pass that there
were continual wars, and tliose lasting wars too; and
the cities were sufferers, and lost a great many of
their inhabitants in these times of distress, insomuch
that all Syria, by the means of Ptolemy, the son of

:301

202 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

Lagus, underwent the reverse of that denomination
of Saviour, which he then had. He also seized upon
Jerusalem, and for that end made use of deceit and
treachery: for as he came into the city on a Sabbath-
day, as if he would offer sacrifices, he without any
trouble, gained the city while the Jews did not oppose
him, for they did not suspect him to be their enemy;
and he gained it thus, because they were free from
suspicion of him, and because on that day they were
at rest and quietness; and when he had gained it,
he ruled over it in a cruel manner. Xay, Agathar-
chides of Cnidus, who wrote the acts of Alexander's
successors, reproaches us with superstition, as if we,
by it, had lost our liberty; where he says thus; "There
is a nation called the nation of the Jcics, who inhabit
a city strong and great, named Jerusalem. These
men took no care, but let it come into the hands of
Ptolemy, as not willing to take arms, and thereby
they submitted to be under a hard master, by rea-
son of their unseasonable superstition." This is
what Agathai'chides relates of our nation. But when
Ptolemy had taken a great many captives, both from
the mountainous parts of Judea, and from the places
about Jerusalem and Samaria, and the places near
mount Gerizzim, he led them all into ^ Egypt, and

* The great number of the Jews and Samaritans that were formerly
carried into Eg>'pt by Alexander, and now by Ptolemy the son of
Lagus, appear afterwards in the vast multitude, who, as we shall see
presently, were soon ransomed by Philadcliihus, and by him made free,
before he sent for the seventy-two interi)reters: in the many garrisons,
and other soldiers of that nation in Egypt; in the famous settlement
of Jews, and the number of their synagogues at Alexandria, long after-
ward; and in the vehement contention Iietween the Jews and Samaritans
under Philometer, about the place a^ipointed for public worship in the
law of Moses: whether at the Jewish temple at Jerusalem, or at the
Samaritans' temple at Gerizzim: of all which our author treats hereafter.
And as to the Samaritans carried into Egyyit under the same princes,
Scaliger supposes, tliat tliese wlio have a great synagogue at Cairo, as
also those whom the Araliic geogra])hcr sjieaks of, as having seized on
an island in the Red Sea, are remains of thera at this very day, as the
notes here inform us.

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 203

settled them there. And as he knew that the people
of Jerusalem were ^ most faithful in the observation
of oaths and eovenants; and this from the answer
thej" made to Alexander, when he sent an ambassage
to them, after he had beaten Darius in battle; so he
distributed many of them into garrisons, and at Alex-
andria gave them equal privileges of citizens with the
JNIacedonians themselves; and required of them to
take their oaths, that they would keep their fidelity
to the posterity of those who committed these places
to their care. Xay, there were not a few other Jews,
who, of their own accord, went into Egypt, as invited
by the goodness of the soil, and by the liberality of
Ptolemy I. However, there were disorders among their
posterity, with relation to the Samaritans, on account
of their resolution to preserve that conduct of life
which was delivered to them by their forefathers, and
they thereupon contended one with another; while
those of Jerusalem said, that their temple was holy,
and resolved to send their sacrifices thither; hut the
Samaritans were resolved that they should be sent to
mount Gerizzim.

CHAPTER II.

Hotv Ptolemi/ Ph'iJadclplius procured the laws of the
Jeics to be translated into the Greek tongue; and
set many captives free; and dedicated many gifts
to God.

1. When Alexander had reigned twelve years,
and after him Ptolemy Soter forty years, Pliiladelphus

' Of the sacredness of oaths anion- the Jews in the Old Testament,
see Scripture Politics, pp. 5i, Ct3.

204 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

then took the kingdom of Egypt, and held it forty
years within one. He procured the ^ law to he inter-
preted; and set free those that were come from Jeru-
salem into Egypt, and were in slavery there, who
were an hundred and twenty thousand. The occa-
sion was this: Demetrius Phalerius, who was lihrary
keeper to the king, was now endeavouring, if it were
possible, to gather together all the books that were
in the habitable earth, and buying whatsoever was
any where valuable, or agreeable to the king's inclina-
tion, (who was very earnestly set upon collecting of
books;) to which inclination of his Demetrius was
zealously subservient. And when once Ptolemy asked
him, How many ten thousands of books he had col-
lected? he replied. That he had already about twenty
times ten thousand, but that, in a little time, he should
have fifty times ten thousand. But he said, he had
been informed that there were many books of laws
among the Jews, worthy of inquiring after, and
worthy of the king's library, but which being written
in characters and in a dialect of their own, will cause
no small pains in getting them translated into the
Greek tongue; that the character in which they are
written seems to be like to that which is the proper
character of the Syrians, and that its sound, when
pronounced, is like theirs also; and that this sound
appears to be peculiar to themselves. Wherefore he
said, that nothing hindered, why they might not get
those books to be translated also, for while nothing
is wanting that is necessary for that purpose, we may
have their books also in tliis library. So the king

' Of the translation of the other parts of the Old Testament by
seventy Egyjitian Jews, in tlie reijrn of Ptolemy the son of lyagus, and
Philadclplnis; as also of the translation of the Pentateuch by seventy-two
Jernsaiem Jews, in the seventh year of Philadelphus at Alexandria, as
given us an aeeount of hy Aristeus, and thence by Philo and Josephus,
with a vindication of Aristeus' history, see the Apj)endix to Lit. Accomp.
of Pro])h. at larfTc, j)]). 117-152.

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 205

thought that Demetrius was very zealous to procure
him abundance of books, and that he suggested what
was exceeding proper for him to do; and therefore
he wrote to the Jewish high priest, that he should act
accordingly.

2. Now there was one Aristeus, who was among
the king's most intimate friends, and on account
of his modesty very acceptable to him. This Aris-
teus resolved frequently, and that before now, to
petition the king, that he would set all the captive
Jews in his kingdom free; and he thought this to
be a convenient opportunity^ for the making that
petition. So he discoursed, in the first place, with
the captains of the king's guards, Sosibius of Taren-
tum, and Andreas; and ^^ersuaded them to assist
him in what he was going to intercede with the
king for: Accordingly Aristeus embraced the same
opinion with those that have been before mentioned;
and went to the king, and made the following speech
to him: "It is not fit for us, O king, to overlook
things hastily, or to deceive ourselves, but to lay
the truth open; For since we have determined not
only to get the laws of the Jews transcribed, but
interpreted also, for thy satisfaction, by wliat means
can we do this, while so many of the Jews are now
slaves in thy kingdom? Do thou then what will be
agreeable to thy magnanimity, and to thy good
nature; free them from the miserable condition they
are in, because that God, who supporteth thy king-
dom, was the author of their laws, as I have learned
by particular inquiry; for both these people, and
we also, worship the same God, the framer of all
things. We call him, and that truly, })y the name
of Zrjva^ [or life, or Jupiter,] because he breathes life
into all men. Wherefore do thou restore tliese men
to their own country and this do to the honour of

206 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

God, because these men pay a peculiarly excellent
worship to him. And know this farther, that though
I be not of kin to them by birth, nor one of the
same country with them, yet do I desire these favours
to be done them, since all men are tlie workmanship
of God; and I am sensible that he is well pleased
with those that do good. I do therefore put up
this petition to thee, to do good to them."

3. When Aristeus was saying thus, the king looked
upon him *with a cheerful and joyful countenance,
and said, ''How many ten thousands dost thou sup-
pose there are of such as want to be made free?"
To which Andreas replied, as he stood by, and said,
"A few more than ten times ten thousand." The
king made answer, "And is this a small gift that
thou askest, Aristeus?" But Sosibius, and the rest
that stood by, said. That "he ought to offer such a
thank-offering, as was worthy of his greatness of
soul, to that God who had given him his kingdom."
With this answer he was much pleased; and gave
order, that when they paid the soldiers their wages,
they should lay down [a ^ hundred and] twenty
drachmae for every one of the slaves. And he prom-
ised to publish a magnificent decree, about what they
requested, which should confirm what Aristeus had
proposed, and especially what God willed should be
done; whereby he said, he would not only set those

' Although this number 130 drachmae (of Alexandria, or 60 Jewish
shekels) be here three times rejieated, and tliat in all Jose])hus' copies,
Greek and Latin, yet since all the copies of Aristeus, whence Josephus
took his relation, have this sinn several times, and still as no more than
20 drachmae, or 10 Jewish shekels; and since the sum of the talents, to
be set down presently, which is little above 4G0, for somewhat more
than 100,000 slaves, and is nearly the same in Josephus and Aristeus,
does better agree to 30 than to 130 draciimae: and since the value of a
slave of old was, at the utmost l)iit SO shekels, or fiO drachmae, see Exod.
xxi. 32, while in the present circumstances of these Jewish slaves, and
those so very numerous, Phiiadelplius would rather redeem them at a
cheaper, than at a dearer rate, tliere is great reason to prefer here
Aristeus' copies Ijcfore Joscj)luis,

Chap. 11. OF THE JEWS. 207

free who had been led away captive by his father,
and his army, but those who were in this kingdom
before, and those also, if any such there were, who
had been brought away since. And when they said
that their redemption money would amount to above
four hundred talents, he granted it. A copy of
which decree I have determined to preserve, that the
magnanimity of this king may be made known. Its
contents were as follows: "Let all those who were
soldiers under our father, and who, when they over-
ran Syria and Phenicia, and laid waste Judea, took
the Jews captives, and made them slaves, and brought
them into our cities, and into this country, and then
sold them; as also all those that were in my king-
dom before them, and if there be any that have been
lately brought thither, be made free by those that
possess them; and let them accept of [an hundred
and] twenty drachmae for every slave. And let the
soldiers receive this redemption money with their
pay, but the rest out of the king's treasury: for I
suppose that they were made captives without our
father's consent, and against equity; and that their
country was harassed by the insolence of the soldiers,
and that, by removing them into Egypt, the soldiers
have made a great profit by them. Out of regard
therefore to justice, and out of pity to those that
have been tyrannized over, contrary to equity, I
enjoin those that have such Jews in their service to
set them at liberty, upon the receipt of the before-
mentioned sum; and that no one use any deceit about
them, but obey what is here commanded. And I
will, that they give in their names within three days,
after the publication of this edict, to such as are
appointed to execute the same, and to produce the
slaves before them also, for I think it will be for
the advantage of my affairs: And let every one that

208 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

will, inform against those that do not obey this de-
cree: and I will that their estates be confiscated into
the king's treasury." When this decree was read
to the king, it at first contained the rest that is here
inserted, and omitted only those Jews that had for-
merly been brought, and those brought afterwards,
which had not been distinctly mentioned, so he added
these clauses out of his humanity, and with great
generosity. He also gave order, that the payment,
wiiich was likely to be done in a hurry, should be
divided among the king's ministers, and among the
officers of his treasury. When this was over, what
the king had decreed was quickly brought to a con-
clusion; and this in no more than seven days' time,
the number of the talents paid for the captives being
above four hundred and sixty, and this, because their
masters required the [hundred and] twenty drachmae
for the children also, the king having, in effect, com-
manded, that these should be paid for, when he said
in his decree, that they should receive the foremen-
tioned sum for every slave.

4. Now when this had been done after so mag-
nificent a manner, according to the king's inclinations,
he gave order to Demetrius to give him in writing
his sentiments concerning the transcribing of the
Jewish books, for no part of the administration is
done rashly by these kings, but all things are man-
aged with great circumspection. On which account
I have subjoined a copy of these epistles, and set
down the multitude of the vessels sent as gifts [to
Jerusalem] and the construction of every one, that
the exactness of tlie artificer's workmanship, as it
appeared to those that saw them, and which work-
man made every vessel, may be made manifest, and
this on account of the excellency of the vessels them-
selves. Now the copy of the epistle w^as to this

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 209

purpose; "Demetrius to the great king: When thou,
O king, gavest me a charge concerning the collection
of books that were wanting to fill your library, and
concerning the care that ought to be taken about
■* such as are imperfect, I have used the utmost dili-
gence about those matters. And I let you know,
that we want the books of the Jewish legislation,
with some others; for they are written in the Hebrew
characters, and being in the language of that na-
tiorf, are to us unknown. It hath also happened to
them, that they have been transcribed more care-
lessly than they ought to have been, because they
have not had hitherto royal care taken about them.
Now it is necessary that thou shouldest have accurate
copies of them. And indeed this legislation is full
of hidden wisdom, and entirely blameless, as being
the legislation of God: For which cause it is, as
Hecateus of Abdera says, that the poets and his-
torians make no mention of it, nor of those men
who lead their lives according to it, since it is a
holy law, and ought not to be published by profane
mouths. If then it please thee, O king, thou mayest
write to the high priest of the Jews, to send six of
the elders out of every tribe, and those such as are
most skilful of the laws, that by their means we
may learn the clear and agreeing sense of these
books; and may obtain an accurate interpretation
of their contents, and so may have such a collection
of these as may be suitable to thy desire."

5. When this epistle was sent to the king, he
commanded that an epistle should be drawn up
for Eleazar, the Jewish high priest, concerning these
matters; and that they should inform him of the
release of the Jews that had been in slavery among
them. He also sent fifty talents of gold for the
making of large basons, and vials, and cups, and an

210 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

immense quantity of precious stones. He also gave
orders to those v.ho Jiad the custody of the chest
that contained these stones, to give the artificers
leave to choose out what sorts of them they pleased.
He withal appointed, that a hundred talents in money *
should be sent to the temple, for sacrifices, and for
other uses. Now I will give a description of these
vessels, and the manner of their construction, but
not till after I have set down a copy of the epistle
which was written to Eleazar the high priest, ^ho
had obtained that dignity on the occasion following:
when Onias the high priest was dead, his son Simon
became his successor. He was called ' Simon the
Just, because of both his piety towards God, and
his kind disposition to those of his own nation. When
he was dead, and had left a young son, who was
called Onias, Simon's brother Eleazar, of whom
we are speaking, took the high priesthood; and he
it was to whom Ptolemy wrote, and that in the
manner following: "King Ptolemy to Eleazar the
high priest, sendeth greeting: There are many Jews
who now dwell in my kingdom, whom the Persians,
when they were in power, carried captives. These
were honoured by my father; some of them he placed
in the army, and gave them greater pay than ordi-
nary: to others of them, when they came with him
into Egypt, he committed his garrisons, and the
guarding of them, that they might be a terror to the
Egyptians. And when I had taken the govern-
ment, I treated all men with humanity, and especially
those that are thy fellow * citizens, of whom I have
set free above a hundred thousand tliat were slaves,
and paid the price of their redemption to their mas-

■* We have a very great encomium of this Simon the Jiixf. the son of
Onias I., in the fiftieth (•lia))ter of the Ecclesiasticiis, through the whole
chapter. Nor is it inijiroper to consult that chapter itself upon this
occasion.

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 211

ters out of my own revenues; and those that are
of a fit age, I have admitted into the number of
my soldiers. And for such as are capable of being
faithful to me, and proper for my court, I have put
them in such a post, as thinking this [kindness done
to them] to be a very great and an acceptable gift,
which I devote to God for his providence over me.
And as I am desirous to do what will be grateful
to these, and to all the other Jews in the habitable
earth, I have determined to procure an interpretation
of your law, and to have it translated out of Hebrew
into Greek, and to be reposited in my library. Thou
wilt therefore do well to choose out and send to
me men of a good character, who are now elders in
age, and six in number out of every tribe. These,
by their age, must be skilful in the laws, and of
abilities to make an accurate interpretation of them:
and when this shall be finished, I shall think that I
have done a work glorious to myself. And I have
sent to thee Andreas, the caj)tain of my guard, and
Aristeus, men whom I have in very great esteem;
by whom I have sent those first fruits which I have
dedicated to the temple, and to the sacrifices, and to
other uses, to the value of a hundred talents. And
if thou wilt send to us, to let us know what thou
wouldest have farther, thou wilt do a thing acceptable
to me."

6. When this epistle of the king's was brought
to Eleazar, he wrote an answer to it with all the
respect possible: "Eleazar the high priest, to king
Ptolemy, sendeth greeting: If thou and thy ^ queen

' When we have here and presently mention made of Philadelphus'
queen, and sister Arsinoe, we are to remember, witli Spanheim, that
Arsinoc was hotli his sister and his wife, accordlnfj to tlic ohl custom
of Persia, and of Egypt at this very time; nay, of tlic Assyrians long
afterward. Sec Antic]. B. XX. ch. ii. sect. 1, ^V)1. III. Wlicncc we liavc,
upon the coins of Philndelphus, this known inscription, the divine brother
and sister.

212 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

Arsinoe, and thy children, be well, we are entirely
satisfied. When we received thy epistle, we greatly
rejoiced at thy intentions: And when the multitude
were gathered together, we read it to them, and
thereby made them sensible of the piety thou hast
towards God. We also showed them the twenty
vials of gold, and thirty of silver, and the five large
basons, and the table for the show-bread; as also the
hundred talents for the sacrifices, and for the making
what shall be needful at the temple. Which things
Andreas and Aristeus, those most honoured friends
of thine, have brought us: and truly they are persons
of an excellent character, and of great learning, and
worthy of thy virtue. Know then, that we will
gratify thee in what is for thy advantage, though
we do what we used not to do before, for we ought
to make a return for the numerous acts of kindness
which thou hast done to our countrymen. We im-
mediately, therefore, offered sacrifices for thee and
thy sister, with thy children, and friends; and the
multitude made prayers, that thy affairs may be
to thy mind, and that thy kingdom may be preserved
in peace, and that the translation of our law may
come to the conclusion thou desirest, and be for
thy advantage. We have also chosen six elders out
of every tribe, whom we have sent, and the law with
them. It will be thy part, out of thy piety and
justice, to send back the law, when it hath been
translated; and to return those to us that bring it
in safety. Farewell."

7. This was the reply which the high priest made.
But it does not seem to me to be necessary to set
down the names of the seventy [two] elders who
were sent by Eleazar, and carried the law, which
yet were subjoined at the end of the epistle. How-
ever, I thought it not improper to give an account of

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 213

those very valuable and artificially contrived vessels
which the king sent to God, that all may see how
great a regard the king had for God; for the king
allowed a vast deal of expenses for these vessels:
and came often to the workmen, and viewed their
works, and suffered nothing of carelessness or negli-
gence to be any damage to their operations. And
I will relate how rich they were as well as I am
able, although perhaps the nature of this history
may not require such a description, but I imagine
I shall thereby recommend the elegant taste and
magnanimity of this king to those that read this
history.

8. And first I will describe what belongs to the
table. It was indeed in the king's mind to make
this table vastly large in its dimensions; but then
he gave orders that they should learn what was the
magnitude of the table which was already at Jeru-
salem, and how large it was, and whether there were
a possibility of making one larger than it. And
when he was informed how large that was which was
already there, and that nothing hindered but a
larger might l)e made, he said. That "he was willing
to have one made that should be five times as large
as the present table, Init his fear was, that it might
be then useless in their sacred ministrations, by its
too great largeness; for he desired that the gifts he
presented them, should not only be there for show,
but should be useful also in their sacred ministra-
tions." According to which reasoning, that the
former table was made of so moderate a size for
use, and not for want of gold, he resolved that he
would not exceed the former table in largeness; but
would make it exceed it in the variety and elegancy
of its materials. And as he was sagacious in ob-
serving the nature of all things, and in having a

214 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

just notion of what was new and surprising, and
where there were no sculjjtures, he would invent such
as were projDer, by his own skill, and would show
them to the workmen, he commanded that such
sculptures should now be made, and that those which
were delineated, should be most accurately formed
by a constant regard to their delineation.

9. When therefore the workmen had undertaken
to make the table, they framed it in length two
cubits [and a half,] in breadth one cubit, and in
height one cubit and a half; and the entire structure
of the work was of gold. They withal made a crown
of a hand-breadth round it, with wave-work wreathed
about it, and with an engraving imitated a cord, and
it was admirably turned on its three parts; for as they
were of a triangular figure, every angle had the same
disposition of its sculptures, that when you turned
them about, the very same form of them was turned
about without any variation. Now that part of
the crown-work that was inclosed under the table
had its sculptures very beautiful, but that part which
went round on the outside was more elaborately
adorned with most beautiful ornaments, because it
was exposed to sight, and to the view of the spec-
tators; for which reason it was that both those sides
which were extant above the rest, were acute; and
none of the angles, which we before told you were
three, appeared less than another, when the table
was turned about. Now into the cord-work thus
turned were precious stones inserted in rows j^arallel
one to the other, inclosed in golden buttons, which
had ouches in them; but the parts which were on
the side of the crown, and were exposed to the sight,
were adorned with a row of oval figures obliquely
placed, of the most excellent sort of precious stones,
which imitated rods laid close; and encompassed the

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 215

table round about. But under these oval figures,
thus engraven, the workmen had put a crown all
round it, where the nature of all sorts of fruit was
represented, insomuch that the bunches of grapes
hung up. And when they had made the stones to
represent all the kinds of fruit before mentioned,
and that each in its proper colour, they made them
fast with gold round the whole table. The like dis-
position of the oval figures, and of the engraved
rods, was framed under the crown, that the table
might on each side show the same appearance of
variety, and elegancy of its ornaments, so that neither
the position of the wave-work nor of the crown,
might be different, although the table were turned
on the other side, but that the prospect of the most
artificial contrivances might be extended as far as
the feet; for there was made a plate of gold of four
fingers broad, through the entire breadth of the
table, into which they inserted the feet, and then
fastened them to the table by buttons, and button-
holes, at the place where the crown was situate, that
so on what side soever of the table one should stand,
it might exhibit the very same view of the exquisite
workmanship, and of the vast expenses bestowed
upon it: but upon the table itself they engraved a
meander, inserting into it very valuable stones in
the middle, like stars of various colours: the car-
buncle and the emerald, each of which sent out
agreeable raj^s of light to the spectators; with such
stones of other sorts also as were most curious, and
best esteemed, as being most precious in their kind.
Hard by this meander a texture of net-work ran
round it, the middle of which appeared like a rhom-
bus, into which were inserted rock crystal, and
amber, whicli, ])y the great resemblance of the ap-
pearance they made, gave wonderful delight to those

216 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

that Scaw them. The chapiters of the feet imitated
the first buddings of lihes, while their leaves were
bent and laid under the table, but so that the chives
were seen standing upright within them. Their
bases were made of a carbuncle; and the place at
the bottom, which rested on that carbuncle, was one
palm deep, and eight fingers in breadth. Now they
liad engraven upon it with a very fine tool, and
with a great deal of pains, a branch of ivy, and
tendrils of the vine; sending forth clusters of grapes,
that you would guess they were no wise different
from real tendrils, for they were so very thin, and
so very far extended at their extremities, that they
were moved with the wind, and made one believe
that they were the product of nature, and not the
representation of art. They also made the entire
workmanship of the table appear to be threefold,
while the joints of tlie several parts were so united
together as to be invisible, and the places where they
joined could not be distinguished. Now the thick-
ness of the table was not less than half a cubit. So
tliat this gift, by the king's great generosity, bj''
tlie great value of the materials, and the variety of
its exquisite structure, and the artificer's skill in
imitating nature with graving tools, was at length
brought to perfection, while the king was very de-
sirous that though in largeness it were not to be
different from that which was already dedicated
to God, yet that in exquisite workmanship, and the
novelty of the contrivances, and in the splendour
of its construction, it should far exceed it, and be
more illustrious than tliat was.

10. Now of the cisterns of gold there were two,
whose sculpture was of scale-work, from its basis
to its belt-like circle, with various sorts of stones
inchased in the sj^iral circles. Next to which there

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 217

was upon it a meander of a cubit in height; it was
composed of stones of all sorts of colours. And
next to this was the rod-work engraven; and next
to that was a rhombus in a texture of net-work,
drawn out to the brim of the bason, while small
shields made of stones, beautiful in their kind, and
of four fingers depth, filled up the middle parts.
About the top of the bason were wreathed the leaves
of lilies, ancl of the convolvulus, and the tendrils
of vines, in a circular manner. And this was the
construction of the two cisterns of gold, each con-
taining two firkins. But those which were of silver
were much more bright and splendid than looking-
glasses, and you might in them see the images that
fell upon them more plainly than in the other. The
king also ordered thirty vials; those of which the
parts that were of gold, and not filled up with
precious stones, were shadowed over with the leaves
of ivy, and of vines, artificially engraven. And these
were the vessels that were, after an extraordinary
manner, brought to this perfection, partly by the
skill of the workmen, who were admirable in such
fine work, but much more by the diligence and
generosity of the king, who not only supplied the
artificers abundantly, and with great generosity, with
what they wanted, but he forbade public audiences
for the time, and came and stood by the workmen,
and saw the whole operation. And this was the
cause why the workmen were so accurate in their
performance, because they had regard to the king,
and to his great concern a})out the vessels, and so
the more indefatigably kept close to the work.

11. And these were what gifts were sent by
Ptolemy to Jerusalem, and dedicated to God there.
But when Eleazar the high priest had devoted them
to God, and had paid due .respect to those that

218 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

brought them, and had given them presents to be
carried to the king, he dismissed them. And when
they were come to Alexandria, and Ptolemy heard
that they were come, and that the seventy elders
were come also, he presently sent for Andreas and
Aristeus, his ambassadors, who came to him, and
delivered him the ej^istle which thej^ had brought
him from the high priest, and made answer to all
the questions he put to them by word of mouth.
He then made haste to meet the elders that came
from Jerusalem, for the interpretation of the laws;
and he gave command, that every bodj", who came
on occasions, should be sent away, which was a
thing surprising, and what he did not use to do,
for those that there were drawn thither upon such
occasions used to come to him on the fifth day, but
ambassadors at the month's end. But when he had
sent those away, he waited for these that were sent
by Eleazar; but as the old men came in with the
presents, which the high priest had given them to
l3ring to the king, and with the membranes, upon
which they had their laws written ^ in golden letters,
he put questions to them concerning those books;
and when they had taken off the covers wherein
they were wrapt up, they showed him the mem-
branes. So the king stood admiring the thinness of
those membranes, and the exactness of the junctin'cs;
which could not be perceived, (so exactly were they
connected one with another) ; and this he did for
a considerable time. He then said that he returned
them thanks for coming to him, and still greater
thanks to him that sent them; and, above all, to
that God whose laws they appeared to be. Then
did the elders, and those that were present with them,

* The Talmudists say, that it is not hiwful to write the law in letters
Qf goldj contrary to this certain and very ancient example,

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 219

cry out with one voice, and wished all happiness to
the king. Upon Avhich he fell into tears by the
violence of the pleasure he had, it being natural
to men to afford the same indications in great joy,
that they do under sorrows. And wlien he had })id
them deliver the books to those that were appointed
to receive them, he saluted the men; and said, that
it was but just to discourse, in the first place, of
the errand thej^ were sent about, and then to address
himself to themselves. He promised, however, that
he would make this day on which they came to him
remarkable and eminent every year through the
whole course of his life; for their coming to him,
and the victory which lie gained over Antigonus by
sea, proved to be on the very same day. He also
gave orders, that they should sup with him; and
gave it in charge that they should have excellent
lodgings provided for them in the upper part of
the city.

12. Xow he that was appointed to take care
of the reception of strangers, Xicanor by name,
called for Dorotheus, whose duty it was to make
j^rovision for them, and bid him prepare for every
one of them what should be requisite for their diet
and way of living. Which thing was ordered by
the king after this manner: he took care, that those
that belonged to every city, which did not use the
same way of living, that all tilings should be pre-
pared for them according to the custom of those
that came to him, that being feasted according to
the usual method of their own way of living, they
might be the better pleased, and might not be un-
easy at any thing done to them, from wliich they
were naturally aAerse. And this was now done in
the case of these men by Dorotheus, who was put
into this office because of his great skill in such

220 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

matters belonging to common life; for he took care
of all such matters as concerned the reception of
strangers, and appointed them double seats for them
to sit on, according as the king had commanded him
to do; for he had commanded that half of their
seats should be set at his hand, and the other half
behind his table, and took care that no respect should
be omitted that could be shown them. And when
they were thus set down, he bid Dorotheus to min-
ister to all those that were come to him from Judea,
after the manner they used to be ministered to: for
which cause he sent away their sacred heralds, and
those that slew the sacrifices, and the rest that used
to say grace: but called to one of those that were
come to him, whose name was Eleazar, who was
a priest, and desired him to ^ say grace; who then
stood in the midst of them, and prayed, that "all
prosperity might attend the king, and those that
were his subjects." Upon which an acclamation was
made by the whole company, with joy and a great
noise; and when that was over, they fell to eating
their supper, and to the enjoyment of what was
set before them. And at a little interval afterward,
when the king thought a sufficient time had been
interposed, he began to talk philosophically to them,
and he asked every one of them a ~ philosophical
question, and such an one as might give light in
those inquiries; and when they had explained all
the problems that had been proposed })y the king
about every point, he was well pleased M'ith their

^ This is the most ancient example I have met with, of a grace, or
short prayer, or thanksgiving before meat; which, as it used to be said
by an heathen priest, was now said by Eleazar, a Jewish priest, who was
one of these seventy-two interpreters. The next example I have met
with is that of the Essenes, Of the War, B. TI. ch. viii. sect. 5, Vol. III.
both before and after it.

^ They were rather political questions and answers, tending to the
good and religious government of mankind.

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 221

answers. This took up the twelve days in which
they were treated: and he that pleases may learn
the particular questions in that book of Aristeus',
which he wrote on this very occasion.

13. And while not the king only, but the phi-
losopher Menedemus also admired them, and said,
"that all things were governed by providence: and
that it was probable that thence it was that such
force or beauty was discovered in these men's words,"
they then left off asking any more such questions.
But the king said that he had gained very great
advantages by their coming, for that he had received
this profit from them, that he had learned how he
ought to rule his subjects. And he gave order that
they should have every one three talents given them,
and that those that were to conduct them to their
lodging should do it. Accordingly, when three days
were over, Demetrius took them, and went over the
causeway seven furlongs long: It was a bank in the
sea to an island. And when they had gone over the
bridge, he j^roceeded to the northern parts and showed
them where they should meet, which was in a house
which was built near the shore, and was a quiet
place, and fit for their discoursing together about
their work. When he had brought them thither, he
entreated them, (now they had all things about them
which they wanted for the interpretation of their
law) that they Ma^uld suffer nothing to interrupt
them in their work. Accordingly, they made an
accurate interpretation, with great zeal and great
pains, and this they continued to do till the nintli
hour of the day; after which time they relaxed, and
took care of their body, while their food was pro-
vided for them in great plenty: besides, Dorotheus,
at the king's command, brought them a great deal
of what was provided for the king himself. But in

222 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

the morning they came to the court, and saluted
Ptolemy and then went away to their former place,
where, when they had ^ washed their hands, and
purified themselves, they betook themselves to the
interpretation of the laws. Now when the law was
transcribed, and the labour of interpretation was
over, which came to its conclusion in seventy-two
days, Demetrius gathered all the Jews together to
the place where the laws were translated, and where
the interj^reters were, and read them over. The
multitude did also aj^prove of those elders that were
tlie interpreters of the law. They withal commended
Demetrius for his proposal, as the inventor of what
was greatly for their happiness; and they desired
that he would give leave to their rulers also to read
the law. JNIoreover, they all, both the priest and the
ancientest of the elders, and the principal men of
their commonwealth, made it their request, that
since the interj^retation was hapj^ily finished, it
might continue in the state it now was, and might
not be altered. And when they all commended that
determination of theirs, they enjoined, that if any
one observed either any thing superfluous, or any
thing omitted, that he would take a view of it again,
and have it laid before them, and corrected; which
was a wise account of theirs, that when the thing
was judged to have been well done, it might continue
for ever.

13. So the king rejoiced, when he saw that his
design of this nature was brought to perfection to
so great advantage: and he was chiefly delighted

* This purification of the interpreters by washing in the sea, before
they prayed to God every morning', and before they set al)out translating,
may I)e (•oni]>ared with ttie like practice of Peter tiie ajiostle, in the
recognitions of Clement, 15. I^'. ch. iii. and B. V. ch. xxxvi. and with the
places of the Proseuthae, or of prayer, which were sometimes built near
the sea or rivers also. Of which matter, see Antiq. B. XIV. ch. x. sect.
23, Vol. II. and Acts xvi. 1:5, 10.

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 223

with hearing the laws read to him, and was astonished
at the deep meaning and wisdom of the legishitor.
And he began to discourse with Demetrius, "How
it came to pass, that when this legislation was so
wonderful, no one, either of the poets or of the his-
torians, had made mention of it." Demetrius made
answer, that "no one durst be so bold as to touch
upon the description of these laws, because they
were divine and venerable, and because some that
had attempted it were afflicted by God." He also
told him, that "Theopompouse was desirous of writing
somewhat about them, })ut was thereupon disturbed
in his mind for above thirty days' time; and upon
some intermission of his distemper, he appeased God
[by prayer] as suspecting that his madness proceeded
from that cause." Nay, indeed, he further saw in
a dream, that his distemper befell him while he in-
dulged too great a curiosity about divine matters,
and was desirous of publishing them among common
men; but when he left off that attempt, he recovered
his understanding again. Moreover, he informed him
of Theodectes, the tragic poet, concerning whom it
was reported, that when, in a certain dramatic rep-
resentation, he was desirous to make mention of
things that were contained in the sacred books, he
was afflicted with a darkness in his eyes; and that
upon his being conscious of the occasion of his dis-
temper, and appeasing God [by prayer], he was
freed from that affliction.

14. And when the king had received these books
from Demetrius, as we have said already, he adored
them, and gave order that great care should be taken
of them, that they might remain uncorrupted. He
also desired that the interpreters would come often
to him out of Judea, and that both on account of
the respects that he would pay them, and on account

224 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

of the presents he would make them: For he said,
"It was now but just to send them away, although
if of their own accord, they would come to him here-
after, they should obtain all that their own wisdom
might justly require, and what his generosity was
able to give them." So he then sent them away;
and gave to every one of them three garments of
the best sort, and two talents of gold, and a cup of
the value of one talent, and the furniture of the
room wherein they were feasted. And these were
the things he presented to them. But by them he
sent to Eleazar the high priest, ten beds, with feet
of silver, and the furniture to them belonging, and
a cup of the value of thirty talents; and besides
these, ten garments, and purple, and a very beautiful
crown, and a hundred pieces of the finest woven
linen; as also vials and dishes, and vessels for pour-
ing, and two golden cisterns to be dedicated to God.
He also desired him, by an epistle, that he would
give these interpreters leave, if any of them were
desirous of coming to him, because he highly valued
a conversation with men of such learning; and should
be very willing to lay out his wealth upon such men.
And this was what came to the Jews, and was much
to their glory and honour, from Ptolemy Philadelphus.

CHAPTER III.

How the ki7igs of ^isia honoured the nation of the
Jews, and made tlieni citizens of those cities which
they built.

1. The Jews also obtained honour from the kings
of Asia, when they became their auxiliaries; for

Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 225

Seleuciis Nicator made them citizens in those cities
which he built in Asia; and in the lower Syria, and
in the metropolis itself, Antioch; and gave them privi-
leges equal to those of the JNIacedonians and Greeks,
who were the inhabitants, insomuch that these privi-
leges continue to this very day: An argument for
wliich you have in this, that whereas the Jews do not
make use of ^ oil prepared by foreigners, they receive
a certain sum of money from the proper officers be-
longing to their exercises as the value would have
deprived them of, in the last war, ^Nlucianus, who
was then president of Syria, preserved it to them.
And when the people of Alexandria and of Antioch
did after that, at the time that Vespasian and Titus
his son governed the habitable earth, pray that these
privileges of citizens might be taken away, they did
not obtain their request. In which behaviour any
one may discern the ^ equity and generosity of the
Romans, especially of Vespasian and Titus, who,
although they had been at a great deal of pains in
the war against the Jews, and were exasperated
against them, because they did not deliver up their
weapons to them, but continued the war to the very
last, yet did not they take away any of their fore-
mentioned privileges belonging to them as citizens,
but restrained their anger; and overcame the prayers

* The use of oil was much greater, and the donatives of it much
more valuable in Judea, and the neighbouring countries, than it is amongst
us. It was also, in the days of Josephus, thought unlawful for Jews
to make use of any oil that was prepared by heatiiens, perhaps on
account of some superstitions intermixed with its preparation by those
heathens. Wlien therefore the heathens were to make them a donative
of oil, they paid them money instead of it. See Of the War, B. II. ch.
xxii. sect. -2, Vol. III. the Life of Josephus sect. 13, Vol. III.

' This, and the like great and just characters, of the justice and
equity, and generosity of the old Romans, both to the Jews and other
conquered nations, affords us a very good reason why Almiglity God,
upon the rejection of the Jews for their wickedness, chose them for his
people. Of which matter, see Josephus here, sect. 2, as also Antiq.
B. XIV. ch. X. sect. 21, 23, B. XVI. ch. 2, sect. 4-.

22G ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

of the Alexandrians and Antiochians, who were a very
powerful peo23le, insomuch that they did not yield
to them, neither out of their favour to those people,
nor out of their old grudge at those whose wicked
opposition they had subdued in the war; nor would
they alter any of the ancient favours granted to the
Jews, but said, that those who had borne arms against
them, and fought them, had suffered punishment
already, and that it was not just to deprive those
that had not offended of the privileges they enjoyed.

2. AVe also know that ]Marcus Agrippa was of the
like disposition towards the Jews: For when the peo-
ple of Ionia were very anjry at them, and besought
Agrippa, that they, and they only, might have those
privileges of citizens which Antiochus, tlie grandson
of Seleucus (who by the Greeks was called the God,)
had bestowed on them; and desired that if the Jews
were to be joint-partakers with them, they might
be obliged to worship the gods they themselves wor-
shipped: but when these matters were brought to the
trial, the Jews prevailed, and obtained leave to make
use of their own customs, and this under the patronage
of Xicolaus of Damascus; for xVgrippa gave sentence,
that he could not innovate. And if any one hath a
mind to know this matter accurately, let him peruse
the hundred and twenty-tliird, and liundred and
twenty- fourth book of the history of this Xicolaus.
Now, as to this determination of xVgrippa, it is not
so much to be admired, for at tliis time our nation had
not made war against the Romans. But one may
well be astonished at the generosity of Vespasian
and Titus, that after so great wars and conquests
which they had from us, they should use such modera-
tion. But I will now return to that part of my history
whence I made the present digression.

3. Now it happened tliat in the reign of Antiochus

Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 227

the Great, who ruled over all Asia, that the Jews, as
well as the inhabitants of CelcKsyria, suffered greatly,
and their land was sorely harassed: For while he
was at war with Ptolemy Philopater, and with his
son who was called Epipliaucs, it fell out, that these
nations were equally sufferers, both when he was
beaten, and when he beat the others: So that they
were very like to a ship in a storm, which is tossed
by the waves on both sides; and just thus were they
in their situation in the middle between Antiochus'
prosperity and its change to adversity. But at length,
when Antiochus had beaten Ptolemy, he seized upon
Judea: And when Philopater was dead, his son sent
out a great army under Scopas, the general of his
forces, against the inhabitants of Celoesyria, who took
many of their cities, and in particular our nation;
which, when he fell upon them, went over to him.
Yet was it not long afterward when Antiochus over-
came Scopas, in a battle fought at the fountains of
Jordan, and destroyed a great part of his army.
But afterward, when Antiochus subdued those cities
of Celoesyria which Scopas had gotten into his pos-
session, and Samaria, witli tliem the Jews of their own
accord went over to him, and received him into the
city [Jerusalem], and gave plentiful provision to all
his army, and to his elephants, and readily assisted
him when he besieged the garrison which was in the
citadel of Jerusalem. Wherefore Antiochus thought
it but just to requit the Jews' diligence and zeal in
his service: So he wrote to the generals of his armies,
and to his friends, and gave testimony to the good
behaviour of the Jews towards him, and informed
them what rewards he had resolved to bestow on them
for that their behaviour. I will set down presently
the epistles themselves, which he wrote to the generals
concerning them, but will first produce the testimonies

228 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

of Polybiiis of ^Megalopolis, for thus does he speak,
in the sixteenth book of his history: "Xow Scopas,
the general of Ptolemy's army, went in haste to the
superior parts of the country, and in the winter time
overthrew the nation of the Jews. He also saith, in
the same book, that when Scopas was conquered by
Antiochus, Antiochus received Batanea and Samaria,
and Abila and Gadara: and that, a while afterwards,
there came in to him those Jews that inhabited near
that temple which was called Jerusalem, concerning
which, althougli I have more to say, and particularly
concerning the presence of God about the temple,
yet do I put off that history till another opportunity."
This it is which Polybius relates. But we will return
to the series of the history, when we have first pro-
duced the epistle of king Antiochus:

''King Antiochus to Ptolemy, sendeth greeting.

"Since the Jews, upon our first entrance on their
country, demonstrated their friendship towards us;
and when we came to their city [Jerusalem,] received
us in a splendid manner, and came to meet us with
their senate, and gave abundance of provisions to our
soldiers, and to the elephants, and joined with us in
ejecting the garrison of the Egyptians that were in
the citadel, we have thought fit to reward them, and
to retricAX the condition of their city, which had been
greatly depopulated by such accidents as have befallen
its inhabitants, and to bring those that have been
scattered abroad back to the city. And, in the first
place, we have determined, on account of their piety
towards God, to bestow on them, as a pension, for
their sacrifices of animals that are fit for sacrifice,
for wine and oil, and frankincense, the value of twenty
thousand pieces of silver, and [six] sacred artabrae

Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 229

of fine flour, with one thousand four hundred and sixty
medimni of wheat, and three hundred and seventy-
five medimni of salt. And these payments I would
have fully paid them, as 1 have sent orders to you.
I would also have the work about the temple finished,
and the cloisters, and if there be any thing else that
ought to be rebuilt. And for the materials of wood,
let it be brought them out of Judea itself, and out
of the other countries, and out of Libanus, tax free:
and the same I would have observed as to those other
materials which will be necessary, in order to render
the temple more glorious. And let all of that nation
live according to the laws of their own country; and
let the senate and the priests, and the scribes of the
temple, and the sacred singers, be discharged from
poll-money and the crown tax, and other taxes also.
And that the city may the sooner recover its in-
habitants, I grant a discharge from taxes for three
years to its present inhabitants; and to such as shall
come to it, until the month Ilyperberetus. We also
discharge them for the future from a third part of
their taxes, that the losses they have sustained may
be repaired. And all those citizens that have been
carried away, and are become slaves, we grant them
and their children their freedom; and give order that
their substance be restored to them."

4. And these were the contents of this epistle.
He also published a decree, through all his kingdom,
in honour of the temple, which contained what fol-
lows: "It shall be lawful for no foreigner to come
within the limits of the temple round about; which
thing is forbidden also to the Jews, unless to those
who, according to their own custom, have purified
themselves. Xor let any flesh of horses, or of mules,
or of asses, be brought into the city, whether they
be wild, or tame; nor that of leopards, or foxes, or

230 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

Iiares, and in general, that of any animal which is
forbidden for the Jews to eat. Nor let their skins be
brought into it; nor let any such animal be bred up
in the city. Let them only be permitted to use the
sacrifices derived from their forefathers, with which
they have been obliged to make acceptable atonements
to God. And he that transgresseth any of these
orders, let him pay to the priests three thousand
drachma of silver." Moreover, this Antiochus bare
testimony to our piety and fidelity, in an epistle of
his, written when he was informed of a sedition in
Phrygia and Lydia, at which time he was in the
superior provinces, wherein he commanded Zeuxis,
the general of his forces, and his most intimate friend,
to send some of our nation out of Babylon into
Phrygia. The epistle was this:

"King Antiochus to Zeuxis liis father, sendeth

greeting.

"If you are in health it is well. I also am in health.
Having been informed that a sedition is arisen in
Lydia and Phrygia, I thought that matter required
great care: And upon advising with my friends what
was fit to be done, it hath been thought proper to
remove two thousand families of Jews, with their
effects, out of INIesopotamia and Babylon, unto the
castles and places that lie most convenient; for I am
persuaded that they will be well disposed guardians
of our possessions, because of their piety towards
God, and because I know that my predecessors have
borne witness to them, that they are faithful, and,
with alacrity, do what tliey are desired to do. I
will, therefore, though it be a laborious work, that
thou remove these Jews; under a promise, that they
shall be permitted to use tlieir own laws. And when

Chap. iv. OF THE JEWS. 231

thou shalt have brought them to the places fore-
mentioned, thou shalt give every one of their families
a place for building their houses, and a portion of
land for their husbandry, .and for the plantation of
their vines; and thou shalt discharge them from pay-
ing taxes of the fruits of the earth for ten years:
and let them have a proper quantity of wheat for tlie
maintenance of their servants, until they receive bread
corn out of the earth: also let a sufficient share be
given to such as minister to them in the necessaries
of life, that by enjoying the effects of our liumanity,
they may show themselves the more willing and ready
about our affairs. Take care likewise of that nation,
as far as thou art able, that they may not have any
disturbance given them by any one." Now these
testimonials which I have produced, are sufficient to
declare the friendship that Antiochus the Great bare
to the Jews.

CHAPTER IV.

How Antiochus made a league zcith Ptolemy; and how
Onias provoked Ptolemy Euergetes to anger; and
Jiow Joseph brought all things right again, and en-
tered into friendship with him ; and ichat other things
were done by Joseph and his son Hyrcanus.

1. After this Antiochus made a friendship and
a league with Ptolemy; and gave him his daughter
Cleopatra to wife, and yielded up to him CeloesjTia,
and Samaria, and Judea, and Phenicia, by way of
dowry. And upon the division of the taxes between
the two kings, all the principal men farmed the
taxes of their several countries, and collecting the

232 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

sum that was settled for them, paid the same to
the [two] kings. Now at this time the Samaritans
were in a flourishing condition, and much distressed
the Jews, cutting otf parts of their land, and carry-
ing off slaves. This happened when Onias was high
priest; for after Eleazar's death, his uncle Manasseh
took the priesthood, and after he had ended his life,
Onias received that dignity. He was the son of
Simon, who was called the Just, which Simon was
the brother of Eleazar, as I said before. This Onias
was one of a little soul, and a great lover of money;
and for that reason, because he did not pay the tax
of twenty talents of silver, which his forefathers paid
to these kings, out of their own estates, he provoked
king Ptolemy Euergetes to anger, who was the
father of Philopater. Euergetes sent an ambassador
to Jerusalem, and complained that Onias did not
pay his taxes, and threatened, that if he did not
receive them, he would seize upon their land, and
send soldiers to live upon it. When the Jews heard
this message of the king's, they were confounded:
But so sordidly covetous was Onias, that nothing
of this nature made him ashamed.

2. There was now one Joseph, young in age,
but of great reputation among the people of Jeru-
salem, for gravity, prudence, and justice. His
father's name was Tobias; and his mother was the
sister of Onias the high priest, who informed him
of the coming of the ambassador: for he was then
sojourning at a village named ' Phieol, where he
was born. Hereupon he came to the city [Jeru-
salem], and reproved Onias for not taking care of
the preservation of his countrymen, but bringing

* The name of tliis ])lace, Phieol, is the very same with that of the
chief captain of Ahhiielech's host, in tlic days of Abraham, Gen. xxi. 2-2,
and might possibly be the phaee of tiiat Phicol's nativity or abode, for
it seems to have been in tic south ])art of Palestine, as that was.

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 233

the nation into dangers, by not paying this money.
For which preservation of them, he told him he had
received the authority over them, and had been made
high priest: But that, in case he was so great a
lover of money, as to endure to see his country in
danger on that account, and his countrymen suffer
the greatest damages, he advised him to go to the
king, and petition him to remit either the whole, or
part of the sum demanded. Onias' answer was this,
that he did not care for his authority, and that he
was ready, if the thing were practicable, to lay down
his high priesthood; and that he would not go to
the king, because he troubled not himself at all about
such matters. Joseph then asked him. If he would
not give him leave to go ambassador on behalf of
the nation? He replied, that he would give him
leave. Upon which Joseph went up into the temple;
and called the multitude together, to a congregation,
and exhorted them not to be disturbed nor affrighted,
because of his uncle Onias' carelessness, but desired
them to be at rest, and not terrify themselves with
fear about it; for he promised them that he would
be their ambassador to the king, and persuade him
that they had done him no wrong. And when the
multitude heard this, they returned thanks to Joseph.
So he went down from the temple, and treated
Ptolemy's ambassador in a hospitable manner. He
also presented him with rich gifts; and feasted him
magnificently for many days, and then sent him to
the king before him, and told him that he w^ould
soon follow him: for he was now more willing to
go to the king, by the encouragement of the am-
bassador, who earnestly persuaded him to come into
Egypt; and promised him that he would take care
that he should obtain every thing that he desired
of Ptolemy, for he was highly pleased with his frank

234 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

and liberal temper, and with the gravity of his de-
portment.

3. When Ptolemy's ambassador was come into
Egypt, he told the king of the thoughtless temper
of Onias; and informed him of the goodness of the
disposition of Joseph; and that he was coming to
him, to excuse the multitude, as not having done
him any harm, for that he was their patron. In
short, he was so very large in his encomiums upon
the young man, that he disposed both the king and
his wife Cleopatra to have a kindness for him be-
fore he came. So Joseph sent to his friends at
Samaria, and borrowed money of them; and got
ready what was necessary for his journey, garments
and cups, and beasts for burthen, which amounted
to about twenty thousand drachmae, and went to
Alexandria. Now it happened that at this time
all the principal men and rulers went up out of
the cities of Syria and Phenicia, to bid for their
taxes; for every year the king sold them to the men
of the greatest power in every city. So these men
saw Joseph journeying on the way, and laughed
at him for his poverty and meanness. But when he
came to Alexandria, and heard that king Ptolemy
was at Memphis, he went up thither to meet with
him; which happened as the king was sitting in his
chariot, with his wife and with his friend Athenion,
who was the very person who had been ambassador
at Jerusalem, and been entertained by Joseph. As
soon therefore as Athenion saw him, he presently
made him known to the king, how good and generous
a young man he was. So Ptolemy saluted liim
first, and desired him to come up into his chariot;
and as Joseph sat there, he began to complain of
the management of Onias. To which he ansAvered,
Forgive him, on account of his age; for thou canst

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 235

not certainly be unacquainted with this, that old
men and infants have their minds exactly alike; but
thou shalt have from us, who are young men, every
thing thou desirest, and shalt have no cause to com-
plain. With this good humour and pleasantry of
the young man, the king was so delighted, that he
began already, as though he had long experience of
him, to have a still greater affection for him, inso-
much, that he bade him take his diet in the king's
palace, and be a guest at his own table every day.
But when the king was come to Alexandria, the
principal men of Syria saw him sitting with the
king, and were much offended at it.

4. And when the day came on which the king
was to let the taxes of the cities to farm, and those
that were the principal men of dignity in their several
countries were to bid for them, the sum of the taxes
together, of Celesyria and Phenicia, and Judea, with
Samaria [as they were bidden for,] came to eight
thousand talents. Hereupon Joseph accused the
bidders, as having agreed together to estimate the
value cf the taxes at too low a rate; and he promised,
that he would himself give twice as much for them:
but for those who did not pay, he would send the
king home their whole substance; for this privilege
was sold together with the taxes themselves. The
king was pleased to hear that offer; and because it
augmented his revenues, he said he would confirm
the sale of the taxes to him. But then he asked
him this question. Whether he had any sureties that
would be bound for the payment of the money? he
answered very pleasantly, I will give such seciu'ity,
and those of persons good and responsible, and which
you shall have no reason to distrust. And when he
bid him name them, who they were, he replied, I
give thee no other persons, O king, for my sureties,

236 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

than myself, and this thy wife ; and you shall be
security for both parties. So Ptolemy laughed at
the proposal, and granted him the farming of the
taxes without any sureties. This procedure was a
sore grief to those that came from the cities into
Egypt, who w^ere utterly disappointed; and they
returned every one to their own country with shame.
5. But Joseph took with him two thousand foot
soldiers from the king, for he desired he might have
some assistance, in order to force such as were re-
fractory in the cities to pay. And borrowing of
the king's friends at Alexandria five hundred talents,
he made haste back into Syria. And when he was
at Askelon, and demanded the taxes of the people
of Askelon, they refused to pay any thing; and
affronted him also: upon which he seized upon about
twenty of the principal men, and slew them, and
gathered what they had together, and sent it all to
the king: and informed him what he had done.
Ptolemy admired the prudent conduct of the man,
and commended him for what he had done; and
gave him leave to do as he pleased. When the
Syi'ians heard of this, they were astonished: and
having before them a sad example in the men of
Askelon that were slain, they opened their gates,
and willingly admitted Joseph, and paid their taxes.
And when the inhabitants of Scythopolis attempted
to affront him, and would not pay him those taxes
which they formerly used to pay, without disputing
about them, he slew also the principal men of that
city, and sent their effects to the king. By this
means he gathered great wealth together, and made
vast gains by this farming of the taxes: and he
made use of what estate he had thus gotten, in order
to support his authority, as thinking it a piece of
prudence to keep what had been the occasion and

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 237

foundation of his present good fortune; and this
he did by the assistance of what he was already
possessed of, for he privately sent many presents
to the king, and to Cleopatra, and to their friends,
and to all that were powerful about the court, and
thereby purchased . their good- will to himself.

6. This good fortune he enjoyed for twenty-two
years: and was become the father of seven sons, by
one wife: he had also another son, whose name was
Hyrcanus, by his brother Solymius' daughter, whom
he married on the following occasion. He once
came to Alexandria with his brother, who had along
with him a daughter already marriageable, in order
to give her in wedlock to some of the Jews of chief
dignity there. He then supped with the king, and
falling in love with an actress, that was of great
beauty, and came into the room where they feasted,
he told his brother of it, and entreated him, because
a Jew is forbidden by their law to come near to
a foreigner, to conceal his offence, and to be kind
and subservient to him, and to give him an oppor-
tunity of fulfilling his desires. Upon which his
brother willingly entertained the proposal of serving
him, and adorned his own daughter, and brought
her to him by night, and put her into his bed. And
Joseph, being disordered witli drink, knew not who
she was, and so lay with liis brother's daughter;
and this did he many times and loved her exceedingly,
and said to his brother, that he loved this actress
so well, that he should run the hazard of his life
[if he must part with her,] and yet probably the
king would not give him leave [to take her with
him]. But his brother bid him be in no concern
about that matter, and told him, he might enjoy
her whom he loved without any danger, and might
have her for his wife; and opened the truth of the

238 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

matter to him, and assured him that he chose rather
to have his own daughter ahused, than to overlook
him, and see him come to [pubhc] disgrace. So
Joseph commended him for this his brotherly love;
and married his daughter; and by her begat a son,
whose name was Hyrcanus, as we said before. And
when this his youngest son showed, at thirteen years
old, a mind that was both courageous and wise, and
was greatly envied by his brethren, as being of a
genius much above them, and such an one as they
might well envy, Joseph had once a mind to know
which of his sons had the best disposition to virtue,
and when he sent them severally to those that had
then the best reputation for instructing youth, the
rest of his children, by reason of their sloth, and
unwillingness to take pains, returned to him foolish
and unlearned. After them lie sent out the youngest,
Hyrcanus, and gave him three hundred yoke of
oxen, and bid him go two days journey into the
wilderness, and sow the land there and yet kept
back privately the yokes of the oxen that coupled
them together. When Hyrcanus came to the j^lace,
and found he had no yokes with him, he contemned
the drivers of the oxen, who advised him to send
home to his father, to bring them some yokes; but
he thinking that he ought not to lose his time, while
they should be sent to bring him the yokes, he in-
vented a kind of stratagem, and what suited an age
older than his own; for he slew ten yoke of the
oxen, and distributed their flesh among the labourers,
and cut their hides into several pieces, and made
him yokes, and yoked the oxen together with them;
})y which means he sowed as much land as his father
had appointed him to sow, and returned to him.
And when lie was come back, his father was mightily
pleased with his sagacity, and commended the sharp-

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 230

ness of his understanding, and his boldness in what
he did. And he still loved him the more, as if he
were his only genuine son, while his brethren were
much troubled at it.

7. But when one told him that Ptolemy had a
son just born, and that all the principal men of
SjTia, and the other countries subject to him, were
to keep a festival, on account of the child's birthday,
and went away in haste with great retinues to Alex-
andria, he was himself indeed hindered from going
by old age, but he made trial of his sons, whether
any of them would be willing to go to the king. And
when the elder sons excused themselves from going,
and said, they were not courtiers good enough for
such conversation, and advised him to send their
brother Hyrcanus, he gladly hearkened to that ad-
vice; and called Hyrcanus, and asked him, whether
he would go to the king; and whether it was agree-
able to him to go or not? And upon his promise
that he would go, and his saying that he should
not want much money for his journey, because he
would live moderately, and that ten thousand drachmae
would be sufficient, he was pleased with his son's
prudence. After a little while, the son advised his
father not to send his presents to the king from
thence, but to give him a letter to his steward at
Alexandria, that he might furnish him with money,
for purchasing what should be most excellent and
most precious. So he thinking that the expense
of ten talents would be enough for presents to be
made the king, and commending his son as giving
him good advice, wrote to Arion his steward, that
managed all his money matters at Alexandria; which
money was not less than three thousand talents on
his account, for Josepli sent the monej'' he received
in Syria to Alexandria. And when the day appointed

240 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

for the payment of the taxes to the king came, he
wrote to Ai'ion to pay them. So when the son had
asked his father ior a letter to this steward, and
had received it, he made haste to Alexandria. And
when he was gone, his brethren wrote to all the
king's friends, that they should destroy him.

8. But when he was come to Alexandria, he de-
livered his letter to Arion, who asked him how many
talents he would have^ (hoping he would ask for
no more than ten, or a little more,) he said he wanted
a thousand talents. At which the steward was angry
and rebuked him, as one that intended to live ex-
travagantly; and he let him know how his father
had gathered together his estate by pains-taking, and
resisting his inclinations, and wished him to imitate
the example of his father: he assured him withal,
that he would give him but ten talents, and that
for a 231'esent to the king also. The son was irri-
tated at this, and threw Arion into prison. But
when Arion's wife had informed Cleopatra of this,
with her entreaty, that she would rebuke the child
for wliat he had done, (for Arion was in great esteem
with her) Cleopatra informed the king of it. And
Ptolemy sent for HjTcanus, and told him, that "he
wondered when he was sent to him by his father,
that he had not yet come into his presence, but had
laid the steward in prison." And he gave order,
therefore, that he should come to him, and give an
account of the reason of what he had done. And
they report, that the answer he made to the king's
messenger was this: that "there was a law of his
that forbade a child tliat was born, to taste of the
sacrifice, before he had been at the temple and sacri-
ficed to God. According to which way of reasoning
he did not himself come to him in expectation of
the present he was to make to him, as to one who

Chap. IT. OF THE JEWS. 241

had been his father's benefactor: and that he had
punished the slave for disobeying his commands,
for that it mattered not whether a master was httle
or great; so that unless we punish such as these,
thou thyself mayest also expect to be despised by
thy subjects." Upon hearing this his answer he
fell a laughing, and wondered at the great soul of
the child.

9. When Arion was apprized that this was the
king's disposition, and that he had no way to help
himself, he gave the child a thousand talents, and
was let out of prison. So after three days were
over, Hyrcanus came and saluted the king and queen.
They saw him with pleasure, and feasted him in an
obliging manner, out of the respect they bare to
his father. So he came to the merchants privately,
and bought a hundred boys, that had learning, and
were in the flower of their ages, each at a talent
a-piece; as also he bought a hundred maidens, each
at the same price as the other. And when he was
invited to feast with the king among the principal
men in the country, lie sat down the lowest of them
all, because he was little regarded, as a child in age
still; and this by those who placed every one accord-
ing to their dignity. Xow when all those that sat
with him had laid the bones of the several parts on
a heap before Hyrcanus, (for they had themselves
taken away the flesh belonging to them,) till the
table where he sat was filled full with them; Trypho,
who was the king's jester, and was appointed for
jokes and laughter at festivals, who was now asked
by the guests that sat at the table [to expose him
to laughter]. So he stood by the king, and said,
"Dost thou not see, my lord, tlie bones that lie
by Hyrcanus? by this similitude tliou mayest con-
jecture that his father made all Syria as bare as he

242 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

hath made these bones." And the king laughing
at what Trypho said, and asking of Hyrcanus, "How
he came to have so many bones before him?" he
rephed, "Very rightfully, my lord: for they are
dogs that eat the flesh and the bones together, as
these thy guests have done, (looking in the mean
time at those guests), for there is nothing before
them; but they are men that eat the flesh, and cast
away the bones, as I, who am also a man, have now
done." Upon which the king admired at his answer,
which was so wisely made; and bid them all make
an acclamation, as a mark of their approbation of
his jest, which was truly a facetious one. On the
next day Hyrcanus went to every one of the king's
friends, and of the men powerful at court, and
saluted them; but still inquired of the servants what
present they would make the king on his son's birth-
day? and when some said that they would give
twelve talents, and that others of greater dignity
would every one give according to the quantity of
their riches, he pretended to every one to be grieved
that he was not able to bring so large a present; for
that he had no more than five talents. And when
the servants heard what he said, they told their
masters, and they rejoiced in the prospect that Joseph
would be disapproved, and would make the king
angry, by the smallness of his present. When the
day came, the others, even those that brought the
most, offered the king not above twenty talents;
l)ut Hyrcanus gave to every one of the hundred
boys, and hundred maidens that he had bought, a
talent a-piece, for them to carry, and introduced
them, the boys to the king, and the maidens to
Cleopatra: every body wondering at the unexpected
richness of the presents, even the king and queen
themselves. He also presented those that attended

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 24.3

about the king with gifts to the value of a great
number of talents, that he might escape the danger
he was in from them; for to these it was that Hyr-
canus' brethren had written to destroy him. Xow
Ptolemy admired at the young man's magnanimity;
and conmianded him to ask what gift he pleased.
But he desired nothing else to be done for him by
tlie king than to write to his father and brethren
about him. So when the king had paid him very
great respects, and had given him very large gifts,
and had written to his father and his brethren, and
all his commanders, and officers about him, he sent
him away. But when his brethren heard that Hyr-
canus had received sucli favours from the king, and
was returning home with great honour, they went
out to meet him, and to destroy him, and that with
the privity of their father: for he was angry at him
for the [large] sum of money that he bestowed for
jDresents, and so had no concern for his preservation.
However, Joseph concealed the anger he had at his
son, out of fear of the king. And when Hyrcanus'
brethren came to fight him, he slew many others of
those that were with them; as also two of his
brethren themselves, but the rest of them escaped
to Jerusalem to their father. But when H\Tcanus
came to the city, where nobody would receive him,
he was afraid for himself, and retired beyond the
river Jordan, and there abode, but obliging the
Barbarians to pay their taxes.

10. At this time Seleucus, who was called Snfer,
reigned over Asia, being the son of Antiochus the
Great. And [now] Hyrcanus' father Joseph died.
He was a good man and of great magnanimity; and
brought the Jews out of a state of poverty and mean-
ness, to one that was more splendid. He retained
the farm of the taxes of S^Tia, and Phenicia, and

2U ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

Samaria, twenty-two years. His uncle also, Onias,
died [about this time] and left the high priesthood
to his son Simeon. And when he was dead, Onias
his son succeeded him in that dignity. To him it was
that Areus, king of the Lacedemonians, sent an embas-
sage, with an epistle; the copy whereof here follows:

"Areus king of the Lacedemonians, to Onias,
sendeth greeting.

"We have met with a certain writing, whereby we
have discovered that both the Jews and the Lacede-
monians are of one stock, and are derived from the
^ kindred of Abraham: It is but just therefore, that
you, who are our brethren, should send to us about
any of your concerns as you please. We will also
do the same thing, and esteem your concerns as our
own; and will look upon our concerns as in common
with yours. Demoteles, who brings you this letter,
will bring your answer back to us. This letter is
foursquare; and the seal is an eagle, with a dragon
in its claws."

* Whence it comes that these Lacedemonians declare themselves here
to be of kin to the Jews, as derived from the same ancestor Abraham,
I cannot tell, unless, as Grotius supposes, they were derived from the
Dores, that came of the Pelasgi. These are by Herodotus, called Bar-
barians, and perhap,s were derived from the Syrians and Arabians, the
posterity of Abraham by Keturah. See Antiq. B. XVI. ch. x. sect. 22,
Vol. II. and Of the War, B. I. ch. xxvi. sect. 1. Vol. Ill, and Grot, on
I Maccab. xii. 7. We may farther observe from the recognitions of
Clement, that Eliczer of Damascus, the serv^anf of Abraham, Gen. xv. 2,
and xxiv. was of old by some taken for his son. So that if the Lacede-
monians were sprung from him, they might think themselves to be of
the posterity of Abraham: as well as the Jews who were sprung from
Isaac. And ]ierhaps this Eliezer of Damascus is that very Damascus
whom Trogus Pompeius, as al)ridged by Justin, makes the founder of
the Jewish nation itself, though he afterwards blunders, and makes
Azclus, Adores, Abraham, and Israel, kings of Judea, and successors to
this Damascus. It may not be improper to observe fartlier, that Moses
("horenensis, in his history of the Armenians, informs us, that the nation
of the I^arthians was also derived from Al)raham, by Keturah, and her
children.

Chap. lY. OF THE JEWS. 245

11. And these were the contents of the epistle
which was sent from the king of the Lacedemonians.
But upon the death of Joseph, the people grew
seditious, on account of his sons; For whereas the
elders made war against Hyrcanus, who was the
youngest of Joseph's sons, the multitude was divided,
but the greater part joined with the elders in this
war; as did Simon the high priest, by reason he was
of kin to them. However, Hyrcanus determined
not to return to Jerusalem any more, but seated
himself beyond Jordan; and was at perpetual war
with the Arabians, and slew many of them, and
took many of them captives. He also erected a
strong castle, and built it entirely of white stone
to the very roof; and had animals of a prodigious
magnitude engraven upon it. He also drew round
it a great and deep canal of water. He also made
caves of many furlongs in length, by hollowing a
rock that was o\er against him: and then he made
large rooms in it, some for feasting, and some for
sleeping and living in. He introduced also a vast
quantity of waters which ran along it, and which
were very delightful and ornamental in the court.
But still he made the entrances at the mouth of the
caves so narrow, that no more than one person could
enter by them at once: And the reason why he built
them after that manner was a good one; it was
for his own preservation, lest he should be besieged
by his brethren and run the hazard of being caught
by them. Moreover, he built courts of greater mag-
nitude than ordinary, which he adorned with vastly
large gardens. And when he had brouglit the place
to this state, he named it Ti/re, This place is be-
tween Arabia and Judea, beyond Jordan, not far
from the country of Heshbon. And he ruled over
those parts for seven years, even all the time that

246 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

Seleucus was king of Syria. But when he was dead
his brother Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes,
took the kingdom. Ptolemj^ also the king of Egypt,
died, who was besides called Epiphanes. He left
two sons, and both young in age; the elder of which
was called Philometer, and the youngest Physcon.
As for Hyrcanus, when he saw that Antiochus had
a great army, and feared lest he should be caught
by him, and brought to punishment for what he
had done to the Arabians, he ended his life, by
slaying himself with his own hand; while Antiochus
seized upon all his substance.

CHAPTER V.

How, upon the quarrels of the Jews one against
another about the high priesthood, Antiochus made
an ecVpedition against Jerusalem, took the city and
pillaged the temple, and distressed the Jews: As
also how many of the Jews forsook the laws of their
country; and how the Samaritans followed the
customs of the Greeks, and Jiamed their temple at
mount Gerizzim, the temple of Jupiter Hellenius.

1. About this time, upon the death of Onias the
high priest, they gave the high priesthood to Jesus'
brother; for that son which Onias left [or Onias IV.]
was yet but an infant: and, in its proper place, we
will inform the reader of all the circumstances that
befell this child. But this Jesus, who was the brother
of Onias, was deprived of the high priesthood by the
king, who was angry with him, and gave it to his
younger brother, whose name also was Onias, for
Simon had these three sons, to each of which the

Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 247

priesthood came as we have ' already informed the
reader. This Jesus changed his name to Jason; but
Onias was called Menelaus. Now as the former high
priest, Jesus, raised a sedition against JNIenelaus,
who was ordained after him, the multitude were
divided between them both. And the sons of Tobias
took the part of Menelaus, but the greater part of the
people assisted Jason: and by that means INIenelaus,
and the sons of Tobias were distressed, and retired
to Antiochus, and informed him, that they were
desirous to leave the laws of their country, and the
Jewish way of living according to them, and to
follow the king's laws, and the Grecian way of living:
Wherefore they desired his permission to build them
a " Gymnasium at Jerusalem. And when he had
given them leave, they also hid the circumcision of
their genitals, that even when they were naked, they
might appear to be Greeks. Accordingly • they left
off all the customs that belonged to their own country,
and imitated the practices of the other nations.
2. Now Antiochus, upon the agreeable situation

* We have hitherto had but a few of those many citations where
Josephus says, that he had elsewhere formerly treated of many things,
of which yet his present books have not a syllable. Our commentators
have hitherto been able to give no tolerable account of these citations,
which are far too numerous, and that usually in all his copies, both
Greek and Latin, to be supposed later interpolations, which is almost all
that has been hitherto said upon this occasion. What I have to say
farther is this, that we have but very few of these references before, and
very many in and after the history of Antiochus Epiphanes; and that
Josephus' first book, the Hebrew or Chaldee, as well as the Greek history
of the Jewish War, long since lost, began with that very history, so that
the references are most probably made to that edition of the seven Books
of the War. See several other examples, besides those in the two sec-
tions before us, in Antiq. B. XIII. ch. ii. sect. 1, 4, Vol. II. and ch. iv.
sect. 6, 8, ch. v. sect. 6, 11, ch. viii. sect. 4, and ch. xiii. sect. 4, 5, and
Antiq. B. XVIII. ch. ii. sect. 5, Vol. III.

^ This word Gipnnnsinni. properly denotes a place where the exercises
were performed naked, which because it would naturally distinguish cir-
cumcised Jews from uncircumcised Gentiles, these Jewish apostates en-
deavoured to appear uncircumcised, by means of a chirurgical operation,
hinted at by St. Paul, 1 Cor. vii. ]8,*;ind described by Celsus, B. VII.
ch. XXV,

248 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

of the affairs of his kingdom, resolved to make an
expedition against Egypt, both because he had a
desire to gain it, and because he contemned the son
of Ptolemy, as now weak, and not yet of abilities to
manage affairs of such consequence; so he came with
great forces to Pelusium, and circumvented Ptolemy
Philometer by treachery, and seized upon Egypt.
He then came to the places about Memphis; and when
he had taken them, he made haste to Alexandria, in
hopes of taking it by siege, and of subduing Ptolemy,
who reigned there. But he was driven not only from
Alexandria, but out of all Egypt, l)y the declara-
tions of the Romans, who charged liim to let that
country alone; according as I have elsewhere formerly
declared. I will now give a particular account of
what concerns this king, how he subdued Judea and
the temple; for in my former work I mentioned those
things very briefly, and have therefore now thought
it necessary to go over that history again, and that
with greater accuracy.

3. ^ King Antiochus returning out of Egypt, for
fear of the Romans, made an expedition against tlie
city Jerusalem; and when he was there, in the hundred
forty and third year of the kingdom of the Seleucidae,
he took the city without fighting, those of his own
party opening the gates to him. And when he had
gotten possession of Jerusalem he slew many of the
opposite party; and when he had plundered it of a
great deal of money, he returned to Antioch.

4. Xow it came to pass, after two years, in the
hundred forty and fifth year, on the twenty-fifth

^ Hereabouts Josephus begins to follow tlie first book of the Maccabees,
a most excellent and most autlientic history; and accordingly it is here,
with great fidelity and exactness, abridged l)y him; between whose present
copies there seem to lie fewer variations than in any other sacred Heorew
hook of the Old Testament whatsoever, (for this i)Ook also was origmally
written in Hebrew), which is very natural, because it was written so
much nearer to the times of Josephus than the rest were.

Chap. Y. OF THE JEWS. 249

day of that month, which is by us called Chasleu,
and by the Macedonians ApelleuSj in the hundred and
fifty-third Olympiad, that the king came up to Jeru-
salem, and pretending peacfe, he got possession of
the city by treachery: 'at which time he spared not so
much as those that admitted him into it, on account
of the riches that lay in the temple; but led by his
covetous inclination, (for he saw there was in it a
great deal of gold, and many ornaments that had
been dedicated to it of very great value,) and in order
to plunder its wealth, he ventured to break the league
he had made. So he left the temple bare; and took
away the golden candlesticks, and the golden altar
[of incense,] and table [of shew-bread,] and the
altar [of burnt-offering;] and did not abstain from
even the vails, which were made of fine linen and
scarlet. He also emptied it of its secret treasures,
and left nothing at all remaining; and by these means
cast the Jews into great lamentation, for he forbade
them to offer those daily sacrifices which they used
to offer to God, according to the law. And when
he had pillaged the whole city, some of the inhabitants
he slew, and some he carried captive, together with
their wives and children, so that the multitude of
those captives that were taken alive amounted to about
ten thousand. He also burnt down the finest build-
ings; and when he had overthrown the city walls,
he built ^ a citadel in the lower part of the city, for
the place was high, and overlooked the temple, on

' This Citadel, of which we have such frequent mention in the fol-
lowing history, both in the Maccabees and in Josephus, seems to have
been a castle built on a hill, lower than mount Zion, though upon its
skirts, and higher than mount Moriah, between them both; which hill
the enemies of the Jews now got possession of, and built on it this
citadel and fortified it, till a good while afterwards the Jews regained
it, and levelled the hill itself with the common ground, that their enemies
might no more recover it, and might thence overlook the temple itself,
and do them such mischief as thev had long undergone from it, Antiq
B. XIII. ch. vi. sect. 6, Vol II.

250 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

which account he fortified it with high walls and
towers; and put into it a garrison of Macedonians.
However, in that citadel dwelt the impious and wicked
part of the [Jewish] multitude, from whom it proved
that the citizens suffered many and sore calamities.
And when the king had built an idol altar upon God's
altar, he slew swine upon it, and so offered a sacrifice
neither according to the law, nor the Jewish religious
worship in that country. He also compelled them to
forsake the worship which they paid their own God,
and to adore those whom he took to be gods, and made
them build temples, and raise idol altars in every
city and village, and offer swine upon them every
day. He also commanded them not to circumcise
their sons, and threatened to punish any that should
be found to have transgressed his injunctions. He
also appointed overseers, who should compel them to
do what he commanded. And indeed many Jews
there were who complied with the king's commands,
either voluntarily or out of fear of the penalty that
was denounced: but the best men, and those of the
noblest souls, did not regard him, but did pay a
greater respect to the customs of their country, than
concern as to the punishment which he threatened to
the disobedient; on which account they every day
underwent great miseries, and bitter torments, for
they were whipped with rods, and their bodies were
torn to pieces, and were crucified, while they were
still alive, and breathed: They also strangled those
women and their sons whom they had circumcised,
as the king had appointed, hanging their sons about
their necks as they were upon the crosses. And if
there were any sacred book of the law found, it was
destroyed, and those with whom they were found,
miserably perished also.

^, When the Samaritans saw the Jews under

Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 251

these sufferings, they no longer confessed that they
were of their kindred, nor that the temple on mount
Gerizzim belonged to Almighty God. This was ac-
cording to their nature, as we have already shown.
And they now said, that they were a colony of jNIedes
and Persians: and indeed they were a colony of theirs.
So they sent ambassadors to Antiochus, and an epistle;
whose contents are these: "To king Antiochus the
f^od, Epiphanes, a memorial from the Sidonians, who
live at Shechem. Our forefathers, upon -certain fre-
quent plagues, and as following a certain ancient
superstition, had a custom of observing that day which
by the Jews is called the Sabbath.^ And when they
had erected a temple at the mountain called Gerizzim,
though without a name, they offered upon it the
proper sacrifices. Now, upon the just treatment of
tliese wicked Jews, those tliat manage their affairs,
supposing that we were of kin to them, and practised
as they do, make us liable to the same accusations,
although we be originally Sidonians, as is evident
from the public records. We therefore beseech thee,
our benefactor and saviour, to give order to Appol-
lonius, the governor of this part of the country, and
to Xicanor, the procurator of thy affairs, to give us
no disturbance, nor to lay to our charge what the
Jews are accused for, since we are aliens from their
nation, and from their customs; but let our temple,
which at present hath no name at all, be named. The
tevvple of Jupiter HcUenins. If this were once done,
we should be no longer disturbed, but should be more
intent on our own occupation with quietness, and
so bring in a greater revenue to thee." When the
Samaritans had petitioned for this, the king sent them

' This allegation of the Samaritans is remarkable, that thoutrh they
were not Jews, yet did they, from ancient times, observe the Saliliath-
day, and as they elsewhere pretend, the Sabbatic year also, Antiq. B.
XII. ch. vii. sect", (i. Vol. II.

252 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

back the following answer, in an epistle: "King
Antiochus to Xicanor. The Sidonians, who live at
Shechem, have sent me the memorial inclosed. When
therefore we were advising with our friends about
it, the messengers sent by them represented to us,
that they are no way concerned with accusations which
belong to the Jews, but choose to live after the customs
of the Greeks. Accordingly we declare them free
from such accusations, and order that, agreeable to
their petition, their temple be named. The teviplc of
Jupiter Hellenius." He also sent the like epistle to
Appollonius, the governor of that part of the country,
in the forty-sixth year, and the eighteenth day of the
month Hecatombeon.

CHAPTER VI.

How, upon Antiochus' prohibition to the Jews to
malxe use of the laws of their country, Mattathias
the son of Asmoneus, alone despised the king, and
overcame the generals of Antiochus' army; as also
concerning the death of Mattathias, and the suc-
cession of Judas.

1. Xow at this time there w^as one whose name
was ^Mattathias, who dwelt at ]Modin, the son of John,
the son of Simeon, the son of Asmoneus, a priest of
the order of Jmirib, and a citizen of Jerusalem. He
had five sons, John, who was called Gaddis, and
Simon, who was called Matthes, and Judas, who was
called ]Maccabeus,^ and Eleazar, who was called

* That this appellation of Marrabre was not first of all given to Judas
Maccabeus, nor was derived from any initial letters of the Hebrew words
on his banner, Mi Knmoka Be EUm, Jrhovoh? Who is like unto thee

Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 253

Auran, and Jonathan, who was called A23phus. Now
this Mattathias lamented to his children the sad state
of their affairs, and the ravage made in the city, and
the plundering of the temple, and the calamities the
multitude were under; and he told them, that it was
hetter for them to die for the laws of their .country,
than to live so ingloriously as they then did.

2. But when those that were appointed hy the
king were come to ^Nlodin, that they might compel
the Jews to do what they were commanded; and to
enjoin those that were there to offer sacrifice, as the
king had commanded, they desired that ^lattathias,
a person of the greatest character among them, both
on other accounts, and particularly on account of such
a numerous and so deserving a family of children,
would begin the sacrifice, because his fellow-citizens
would follow his example, and because such a pro-
cedure would make him honoured by the king. But
Mattathias said, "he would not do it; and that if all
the other nations would obey the commands of An-
tiochus, either out of fear, or to please him, yet would
not he nor his sons leave the religious worship of
their country." But as soon as he had ended his
speech, there came one of the Jews into the midst
of them, and sacrificed, as Antiochus had commanded.
At which INIattathias had great indignation, and ran
upon him Wolently, with his sons, who had swords
with them, and slew both the man himself that
sacrificed, and Apelles the king's general, who com-
pelled them to sacrifice, with a few of his soldiers.
He also overthrew the idol altar; and cried out, "If,
said he, any one be zealous for the laws of his country,

nmonci the (fod.i, O Jehovah? Exod. xv. 11, as the modern Rabbins vainly
pretend, see Authent. Rec. Part I. pp. 205, 206. Only we may note, by
the way, that the original name of these Maccabees, and their posterity,
was .ig))wtn(uis: which was derived from Asmoneus, the great-grand-
father of Mattathias, as Josephiis here informs us.

254 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

and for the worship of God, let him follow me."
And when he had said this, he made haste into the
desert with his sons, and left all his substance in
the village. ^Nlany others did the same also, and
fled with their children and wives into the desert,
and dwelt in caves. But when the king's generals
heard this, they took all the forces they then had in
the citadel at Jerusalem, and pursued the Jews into
the desert; and when they had overtaken them, they
in the first place endeavoured to persuade them to
repent, and to choose what was most for their
advantage, and not put them to the necessity of using
them according to the law of war. But when they
would not comply with their persuasions, but con-
tinued to be of a different mind, they fought against
them on the Sabbath-day, and they burnt them, as
they were in the caves, without resistance, and with-
out so nuich as stopping up the entrances of the caves.
And they avoided to defend themselves on that day,
because they were not willing to break in upon the
honour they owed the Sabbath, even in such distresses,
for our law requires that we rest upon that day.
There were about a thousand, with their wives and
children, w^ho were smothered, and died in these
caves; but many of those that escaped joined them-
selves to INIattathias, and appointed him to be their
ruler, who taught them to fight, even on the Sabbath-
day; and told them, that "unless they would do so,
they would become their own enemies, by observing
the law [so rigorously,] while their adversaries would
still assault them on this day, and they would not
then defend 'themselves, and that nothing could then
hindci- l)ut they must all perish without fighting."
This speech pej'suaded them. And this rule con-
tinues among us to this day, that if there be a neces-
sity, we may fight on Sabbath-days. So JMattathias

Chap. vi. OF THE JEWS. 255

got a great army about him, and overthrew their idol
altars, and slew those that broke the laws, even all
that he could get under his 230wer, for many of them
w^ere dispersed among the nations round about them
for fear of him. He also commanded, that those boys
which were not yet circumcised should be circumcised
now; and he drove those away that were appointed
to hinder such their circumcision.

3. But when he had ruled one year, and was fallen
into a distemper, he called for his sons, and set them
round about him, and said, "O mv sons, I am ffoiuir
the way of all the earth, and I recommend to you
my resolution, and beseech you not to be negligent
in keeping it, but to be mindful of the desires of him
who begat you, and l)]'ought you up, and to preserve
the customs of your country, and to recover yoin-
ancient form of government, which is in danger of
being overturned, and not to be carried away with
those that, either by their own inclination, or out of
necessity, betray it, but to become such sons as are
w^orthy of me; to be above all force and necessity,
and so to dispose your souls, as to be ready, when it
shall be necessary, to die for your laws, as sensible
of this by just reasoning, that if God see that you
are so disposed he will not overlook you, but will
have a great value for your virtue, and will restore
to you again what you have lost, and will return to
you that freedom in which you shall live quietly, and
enjoy yoiu- own customs. Your bodies are mortal,
and sul)ject to fate, but they receive a sort of im-
mortality, by the remembrance of what actions they
have done. And I would have you so in lo\'e witli
this immortality, that you may pursue after glory:
and that, when you have undergone the greatest dif-
ficulties, you may not scruple, for such things, to lose
yoiu' lives, I exhort you. especially, to agree one

256 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

with another; and in what excellency any one of you
exceeds another, to yield to him so far, and by that
means to reap the advantage of every one's own
virtues. Do you then esteem Simon as your father,
because he is a man of extraordinary prudence, and
to be governed by him in what counsels he gives you.
Take ^Maccabeus for the general of your army, be-
cause of his courage and strength, for he will avenge
your nation, and will bring vengeance on your enemies.
Admit among you the righteous and religious, and
augment their power."

4. When ^Nlattathias had thus discoursed to his
sons, and had prayed to God to be their assistant,
and to recover to the people their former constitution,
he died a little afterward, and was biu'ied at Modin;
all the people making great lamentation for him.
Whereupon his son Judas took upon him the admin-
istration of public affairs, in the hundred forty and
sixth year: and thus by the ready assistance of his
brethren, and of others, Judas cast their enemies out
of the country, and put those of their own country
to death who had transgressed its laws, and purified
the land of all the pollutions that were in it.

CHAPTER VII.

How Jndas overthrczc the forces of AppoUomus and
Seron, and killed the generals of their armies them-
selves; and how, when a little while afterward,
Lysias and Gorgias were beaten, he went up to
Jerusalem, and jmrified the temple.

1. Whex Appollonius, the general of the Samari-
tan forces heard this, he took his army, and made

Chap. Yii. OF THE JEWS. 2,57

haste to go against Judas; who met him, and joined
battle with him, and beat him, and slew many of
his men, and among them Appollonius himself, their
general, whose sword being that which he happened
to wear, he seized upon, and kept for himself; but
he wounded more than he slew, and took a great
deal of prey from the enemies' camp, and went his
way. But when Seron, who was general of the army
of Celesyria, heard that many had joined themselves
to Judas, and that he had about him an army suffi-
cient for fighting, and for making war, he determined
to make an expedition against him, as thinking it
became him to endeavour to punish those that trans-
gressed the king's injunctions. He then got to-
gether an army as large as he was able, and joined
it to the runagate and wicked Jews, and came against
Judas. He came as far as Bethhoron, a village
of Judea, and there pitched his camp: upon whic'i
Judas met him; and when he intended to give him
battle, he saw that his soldiers were backward to
fight, because their number was small, and because
they M^inted food, for they were, fasting, he en-
couraged them, and said to them, that "victory and
conquest of enemies is not derived from the mul-
titude in armies, but in the exercise of i^iety towards
God; and that they had the plainest instances in
their forefathers, who by their righteousness, and
exerting themselves on behalf of their own laws,
and their own children, had frequently conquered
many ten thousands, for innocence is the strongest
army." By this speech he induced his men to con-
temn the multitude of the enemy, and to fall upon
Seron. And upon joining battle with him, he beat
the Syrians; and when their general fell among the
rest, they all run away with speed, as thinking tliat
to be their best way of escaping. So he pursued

258 ANTIQUITIES Book xil.

them unto the plain, and slew about eigbt hundred
of the enemy, but the rest escaped to the region
which lay near to the sea.

2. When king Antiochus heard of these things,
he was very angry at what had happened; so he
got together all his own army, witli many mercenaries,
whom he had hired from the islands, and took them
with him, and j^repared to break into Judea, about
tlie beginning of the spring. But when, upon his
mustering his soldiers, he perceived that his treasures
were deficient, and there was a want of money in
them, for all the taxes were not paid, by reason of
the seditions there had been among the nations, he
having been so magnanimous and so liberal, that
what he had was not sufficient for him, he therefore
resolved first to go into Persia, and collect the taxes
of that country. Hereupon he left one whose name
was Lysias, who was in great repute with him, gov-
ernor of the kingdom, as far as the bounds of Egypt,
and of the lower Asia, and reaching from the river
Euphrates, and committed to him a certain part of
his forces, and of his elephants, and charged him to
bring up his son Antiochus with all possible care,
until he came back; and tliat he should conquer
Judea, and take its inhabitants for slaves, and utterly
destroy Jerusalem, and abolish the whole nation.
And when king Antiochus had given these things
in charge to Lysias, he went into Persia: and in the
hundred and forty-seventh year he passed over Eu-
phrates, and went to the sujDcrior provinces.

3. Upon this Lysias chose Ptolemy, the son of
Dorymenes, and Nicanor, and Gorgias, very potent
men among the king's friends, and delivered to them
forty tliousand foot soldiers, and seven thousand
horsemen, and sent them against Judea, who came
as far as the city I^],mmaus, and pitched their camp

Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 259

ill the j^l'^iii^ country. There came also to them
auxiharies out of Syria, and the country round about;
as also many of the runagate Jews. And besides
these came some merchants to buy those that should
be carried captives, (having bonds with them to
bind those that should be made prisoners), with that
silver and gold which they were to pay for their
price. And when Judas saw their camp, and how
numerous their enemies were, he persuaded his own
soldiers to be of good courage; and exhorted them
to place their hopes of victory in God, and to make
supplication to him, according to the custom of
their country, clothed in sackcloth; and to show what
was their usual habit of supplication in the greatest
dangers, and thereby to prevail with God to grant
you the victory over your enemies. So he set them
in their ancient order of battle used by their fore-
fathers, under their captains of thousands, and other
officers; and dismissed such as were newly married,
as well as those that had newly gained possessions,
that they might not fight in a cowardly manner, out
of an inordinate love of life, in order to enjoy those
blessings. When he had thus disposed his soldiers,
he encouraged them to fight by the following speech,
M'hich he made to them: "O my fellow-soldiers, no
other time remains more opportune than the present
for courage, and contempt of dangers; for if you
now fight manfully you may recover your liberty,
which, as it is a thing of itself agreeable to all men,
so it proves to be to us, much more desirable, by
its afi'ording us the liberty of worshipping God.
Since tlierefore you are in such circumstances at
present, that you must either recover that liberty,
and so regain a happy and blessed way of living,
which is that according to our laws and customs of
our country, or to submit to the most opprobrious

260 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

sufferings; nor will any seed of your nation remain
if you be beat in this })attle. Fight, therefore, man-
fully; and suppose that you must die, though you
do not fight. But believe, that besides such glorious
rewards as those of the liberty of your country, of
your laws, of your religion, you shall then obtain
everlasting glory. Prepare yourselves therefore, and
put yourselves into such an agreeable posture, that
you may be ready to fight with the enemy as soon
as it is day to-morrow morning."

4, And this was the speech w^hich Judas made
to encourage them. But when the enemy sent Gor-
gias, with five thousand foot, and one thousand
horse, that he might fall upon Judas by night, and
had for that purpose certain of the runagate Jews
as guides, the son of Mattathias perceived it, and
resolved to fall upon those enemies that were in
their camj), now their forces were divided. When
they had therefore supped in good time, and had
left many fires in their camp, he marched all night
to those enemies that were at Emmaus; so that when
Gorgias found no enemj- in their camp, but suspected
that they w^ere retired and had hidden themselves
among the mountains, he resolved to go and seek
them wheresoever they were. But about break of
day, Judas appeared to those enemies that were at
Emmaus, with only three thousand men, and those
ill armed, by reason of their poverty, and when
he saw the enemy very well and skilfully fortified
in their camp, he encouraged the Jews, and told
them "that they ought to fight, though it were w^itli
their naked bodies, for that God had sometimes of old
given such men strength, and that against such
as were more in number, and were armed also, out
of regard to their great courage." So he com-
manded the trumj^eters to sound for the battle: and

Chap. vii. OF THE JEWS. 261

by thus falling upon the enemies when they did not
expect it, and thereby astonishing and disturbing
their minds, he slew many of those that resisted
him, and went on pursuing the rest as far as Gadara,
and the plains of Idumea, and Ashdod, and Jamnia:
and of these there fell about three thousand. Yet
did Judas exhort his soldiers not to be too desirous
of the spoils, for that still they must have a contest
and a battle with Gorgias, and the forces that were
with him; but that when they had once overcome
them, then they might securely plunder the camp,
because they were the only enemies remaining, and
they expected no others. And just as he was speak-
ing to his soldiers, Gorgias' men looked down into
that army, which they left in their camp, and saw
that it was overthrown; and the camp burnt; for
the smoke that arose from it showed them, even
when tliey were a great way off, what had happened.
When therefore those that were with Gorgias under-
stood that things were in this posture, and perceived
that those tliat were with Judas were ready to fight
them, they also were affrighted, and put to flight;
but then Judas, as though he had already beaten
Gorgias' soldiers without fighting, returned and
seized on the spoils. He took a great quantity of
gold and silver, and purple, and blue, and then
returned home with joy, and singing hymns to God
for their good success; for this victory greatly con-
tributed to the recovery of their liberty.

5. Hereupon Lysias was confounded at the de-
feat of the army which he had sent, and the next
year he got together sixty thousand chosen men.
He also took five thousand horsemen, and fell upon
Judea; and he went up to the hill country of Bethsur,
a village of Judea, and pitched his camp there,
where Judas met him with ten thousand men; and

262 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

when he saw the great number of his enemies, he
prayed to God, that he would assist him, and joined
battle with the first of the enemy that appeared,
and beat them, and slew about five thousand of
them, and thereby became terrible to the rest of
them. Nay, indeed, Lysias observing the great
spirit of the Jews, how they were prepared to die
rather than lose their liberty, and being afraid of
their desperate way of fighting, as if it were real
strength, he took the rest of the army back with
him, and returned to Antioch, where he listed for-
eigners into the service, and prepared to fall upon
Judea with a greater army.

6. When therefore the generals of Antiochus'
armies had })een beaten so often, Judas assembled
the people together, and told them. That "after
these many victories, which God had given them,
they ought to go up to Jerusalem, and purify the
temple, and offer the appointed sacrifices." But as
soon as he, with the whole multitude, was come to
Jerusalem, and found the temple deserted, and its
gates burnt down, and plants growing in the temple
of their own accord, on account of its desertion, he
and those that were with him began to lament, and
were quite confounded at the sight of the temple;
so he chose out some of his soldiers and gave them
order to fight against those guards that were in
the citadel, until he should have purified the temple.
When therefore he had carefully purged it, and had
brought in new vessels, the candlestick, the table
[of shew-bread], and the altar [of incense], which
were made of gokl, he hung up the vails at the
gates, and added doors to them. He also took down
tlie altar [of burnt-offering], and built a new one
of stones that he gathered together, and not of such
as were hewn with iron tools. So on the five and

Chap. vii. OF THP: JEWS. 2G3

twentieth day of the month Casleu, which the Mace-
donians call ApcUcus, they lighted the lamps that
were on the candlestick, and offered incense upon
the [altar of incense], and laid the loaves upon
the table [of shew-bread,] and offered burnt-offer-
ings upon the new altar [of burnt-offering]. Xow
it so fell out, that these things were done on the
very same day on which their divine worship had
fallen off, and was reduced to a profane and common
use, after three years" time; for so it was, that the
temple was made desolate by Antiochus, and so
continued for three years. This desolation happened
to the temple in the hundred forty and fifth year,
on the twenty-fifth day of the month Apelleus, and
on the hundred fifty and third Olympiad: but it was
dedicated anew, on the same day, the twenty-fifth
of the month Apelleus, on the hundred and forty-
eighth year, and on the hundred and fifty-fourth
Olympiad. And this declaration came to pass ac-
cording to the prophecy of Daniel which was given
four hundred and eight years before; for he de-
clared that the ^lacedonians would dissolve that
worship [for some time.]

7. Xow Judas celebrated the festival of the res-
toration of the sacrifices of the temple for eight days;
and omitted no sort of pleasures thereon ; but he
feasted them upon very rich and splendid sacrifices;
and he honoured God, and delighted them by hynms
and psalms. Xay, they were so very glad at the
revival of their customs, when, after a long time
of intermission, they unexpectedly had regained the
freedom of their worship, that they made it a law
for their posterity, that they should keep a festival
on account of the restoration of their temple worship,
for eight days. And from that time to this we cele-
brate this festival, and call it Light fi. I suppose

264 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

the reason was, because this liberty beyond our hopes
appeared to us; and that thence was the name given
to the festival. Judas also rebuilt the walls round
about the city; and reared towers of great height
against the incursions of enemies; and set guards
therein. He also fortified the city Bethshura, that
it might serve as a citadel against any distresses
that might come from our enemies.

CHAPTER VIII.

How Judas subdued the nations round about; and
how Simon beat the people of Tyre and Ptolemais;
and how Judas overcame Timotheus, and forced
him to jiy away, and did many other things, after
Joseph and Azarias had been beaten.

1. When these things were over, the nations
round about the Jews were very uneasy at the re-
vival of their power, and rose up together, and de-
stroyed many of them, as gaining advantage over
them by laying snares for them, and making secret
conspiracies against them. Judas made perpetual
expeditions against these men, and endeavoured to
restrain them from those incursions, and to prevent
the mischiefs they did to the Jews. So he fell upon
the Idumeans, the posterity of Esau, at Acrabattene,
and slew a great many of them, and took their spoils.
He also shut up the sons of Bean, that laid wait
for the Jews, and he sat down about them, and
besieged them, and biu'nt their towers, and destroyed
the men [that were in them]. After this he went
thence in haste against the Ammonites, who had
a great and a numerous army; of which Timotheus

Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 265

was the commander. And when he had subdued
them, he seized on the city Jazer, and took their
wives and their children captives, and burnt the city,
and then returned into Judea. But when the neigh-
bouring nations understood that he was returned,
they got together in great numbers, in the land of
Gilead, and came against those Jews that were at
their borders, vv^ho then fled to the garrison of
Dametha; and sent to Judas to inform him that
Timotheus was endeavouring to take the place whither
they were fled. And as these epistles were reading,
there came other messengers out of Galilee, who in-
formed him that the inhabitants of Ptolemais, and
of Tyre and Sidon, and strangers of Galilee, were
gotten together.

2. Accordingly Judas, upon considering what was
fit to be done, with relation to the necessity both
these cases required, gave order that Simon his brother
should take three thousand chosen men, and go to
the assistance of the Jews in Galilee, whilst he and
another of his brothers, Jonathan, made haste into
the land of Gilead, with eight thousand soldiers.
And he left Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and Azarius,
to be over the rest of the forces; and charged them
to keep Judea very carefully, and to fight no battles
with any persons whomsoever until his return. Ac-
cordingly, Simon went into Galilee, and fought the
enemy, and put them to flight, and pursued them
to the very gates of Ptolemais, and slew about three
thousand of them; and took the spoils of those that
were slain, and those Jews whom they had made
captives, with their baggage; and then returned home.

3. Now as for Judas Maccabeus, and his brother
Jonathan, they passed over the river Jordan; and
when they had gone three days' journey, they light
upon the Nabateans, who came to meet them peace-

266 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

ably, and who told them how the affairs of those
in the land of Gilead stood; and how many of them
were in distress, and driven into garrisons, and into
the cities of Galilee: and exhorted him to make
haste to go against the foreigners, and to endeavour
to save his own countrymen out of their hands. To
this exhortation Judas hearkened and returned into
the wilderness; and in the first place fell upon the
inhabitants of Bosor, and took the city, and beat
the inhabitants, and destroyed all the males, and
all that were able to fight, and burnt the city. Nor
did he stop even when night came on, but he journeyed
in it to the garrison where the Jews happened to
be then shut up, and where Timotheus lay round
the place with his army: and Judas came upon the
city in the morning; and when he found that the
enemy were making an assault upon the walls, and
that some of them brought ladders, on which they
might get upon those walls, and that others brought
engines to [batter them], he bid the trumpeter to
sound his trumpet, and he encouraged his soldiers
cheerfully to undergo dangers for the sake of their
brethren and kindred; he also parted his army into
three bodies, and fell upon the backs of their enemies.
But when Timotheus' men perceived that it was
]\Iaccabeus that was upon them, of both whose courage
and good success in war they had formerly had
sufficient experience, they were put to flight; but
Judas followed them with his army, and slew about
eight thousand of them. He then turned aside to
a city of the foreigners called 31 all c, and took it,
and slew all the males, and burnt the city itself.
He then removed from thence, and overthrew Cas-
peom, and Bosor, and many other cities of the land
of Gilead.

4. But not long after this Timotheus prepared

Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 267

a great army, and took many others as auxiliaries,
and induced some of the Arabians, by the promise
of rewards, to go with him in this expedition, and
came with his army beyond the brook, over against
the city Raphon. And he encouraged his soldiers,
if it came to a battle with the Jews, to fight coura-
geously, and to hinder their passing over the brook:
for he said to them beforehand, That "if they come
over it, we shall be beaten." And when Judas
heard that Timotheus prepared himself to fight, he
took all his own army, and went in haste against
Timotheus his enemy; and when he had passed over
the brook, he fell upon his enemies, and some of
them met him, whom he slew, and others of them
he so terrified, that he compelled them to throw down
their arms, and fly; and some of them escaped, but
some of them fled to what was called the temple
at Carnaim, and hoped thereby to preserve them-
selves; but Judas took the city, and slew them, and
burnt the temple, and so used several ways of de-
stroying his enemies.

5. When he had done this, he gathered the Jews
together, with their children, and wives, and the
substance that belonged to them, and was going to
bring them back into Judea: but as soon as he was
come to a certain city, whose name was Ephron,
that lay upon the road, (and as it was not possible
for him to go any other way, so he was not willing
to go back again), he then sent to the inhabitants,
and desired that they would open their gates, and
permit them to go on their way through the city,
for they had stopped up the gates with stones, and
cut off' their passage through it. And when the
inhabitants of Ephron would not agree to this pro-
posal, he encouraged those th;it were with him, and
encompassed the city round, and besieged it, and

268 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

lying round it by day and night, took the city, and
slew every male in it, and burnt it all down, and
so obtained a way through it; and the multitude of
those that were slain was so great, that they went
over the dead bodies. So they came over Jordan,
and arrived at the great plain, over against which
is situate the city Bethshan, which is called by the
Greeks ^ ScythopoUs. And going away hastily from
thence, they came into Judea, singing psalms and
hymns as they went, and indulging such tokens of
mirth as are usual in triumphs upon victory. They
also offered thank-offerings, both for their good suc-
cess, and for the preservation of tlieir army, for
^ not one of the Jews was slain in these battles.

6. But as to Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and
Azarias, whom Judas left generals [of the rest of
the forces] at the same time when in Galilee, fighting
against the people of Ptolemais, and Judas himself
and his brother Jonathan, were in the land of Gilead,
did these men also affect the glory of being coura-
geous generals in war, in order whereto they took
the army that was under their command, and came
to Jamnia. There Gorgias, the general of the forces
of Jamnia, met them; and upon joining battle with
him, they lost ^' two thousand of their army, and

* The reason why Bethshan was called Sci/thopolis, is well known
from Herodotus, B. I. p. 105, and Syncellus, p. 2ii, that the Scythians,
when they overran Asia, in the days of Josiah, seized on this city, and
kept it as long as they continued in Asia, from which time it retained
the name of Sryfhopolis, or the citi/ of the Scythians.

^ This most providential preservation of all the religious Jews in this
expedition, which was according to the will of God, is observable often
among (jlod's peojile the Jews; and somewhat very like it in the changes
of the four monarchies, which were also providential. See Prideaux at
the years 331, 333, and 331.

"• Here is anotiicr great instance of providence, that whew, even at
the very time that Simon, and Judas, and Jonathan, were so miraculously
preserved, and blessed in the just defence of their laws and religion,
these otiier generals of the Jews who went to fight for iionour, in a
v.: in-glorious way, and without any conunission from {!od, or the family

Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. . 269

fled away, and were pursued to the very borders of
Judea. And this misfortune befell them by their
disobedience to what injunctions Judas had given
them, "Not to fight with any one before his return."
For besides the rest of Judas' sagacious counsels,
one may well wonder at this concerning the mis-
fortune that befell the forces commanded by Joseph
and Azarias, which he understood would happen,
if they broke any of the injunctions he had given
them. But Judas and his brethren did not leave
off fighting with the Idumeans, but pressed upon
them on all sides, and took from them the city of
Hebron, and demolished all its fortifications, and
set all its towers on fire, and burnt the country of
the foreigners, and the city Marissa. They came
also to Ashdod, and took it, and laid it waste, and
took away a great deal of the spoils and prey that
were in it, and returned to Judea.

CHAPTER IX.

Concerning the death of Antiochus Ejnphanes. How
Antiochus Eupator fought against Judas, and he-
sieged him in the temple, and afterwards made
peace with him and departed. Of Alcimus and
Onias.

1. About this time it was that king Antiochus,
as he was going over the upper countries, heard, that
there was a very rich city in Persia, called Eli/mais;
and therein a very rich temple of Diana, and that
it was full of all sorts of donations dedicated to it;

he had raised up to deliver them, were miserably disappointed and
defeated. See 1 Maccab. v. G\, 62,

270 . ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

as also weapons and breastplates, which, upon inquiry,
he found had been left tliere by Alexander, the son
of Philip, king of Macedonia. And being incited
by these motives, he went in liaste to Elymais, and
assaulted it, and besieged it. But as those that were
in it were not terrified at his assault, nor at his
siege, })ut opposed him very courageously, he was
beaten off his hopes; for they drove him away from
the city, and went out and pursued after him; -in-
somuch that he fled away as far as Babylon, and
lost a great many of his armj . And when he was
grieving for this disappointment, some persons told
him of the defeat of his commanders whom he had
left behind him to fight against Judea, and what
strength the Jews had already gotten: When this
concern about these affairs was added to the former,
he was confounded, and by the anxiety he was in,
fell into a distemper, which, as it lasted a great
while, and as his pains increased upon him, so he
at length perceived he should die in a little time;
so he called his friends to him, and told them, that
his distemper was severe upon him; and confessed
withal, that this calamity was sent upon him for
the miseries he had brought upon the Jewish nation,
while he plundered their temple, and contemned their
God, and when he had said this, he gave up the
ghost. Whence one may wonder at Polybiihs of
Megalopolis, who, though otherwise a good man,
yet saith. That "Antiochus died because he had a
purpose to plunder the temple of Diana in Persia;"
for the ^ purposing to do a thing, but not actually

' Since St. Paul, a Pharisee, confesses, that he had not knmon con-
cnpisrence. or desires, to lie sinful, had not the tenth commandment said,
ThoH shall not covet, Rom. vii. 7, the case seems to liave heen much the
same with our Josephus, who was of the same sect; that he had not
a deep sense of the greatness of any sins that proceeded no farther than
the intention. IIowe\er, since .IoscjjIius sjicaks here properly of the

Cluip. IX. OF THP: jews. 271

doing it, is not worthy of punishment. But if
Polyhius could think, that Antiochus thus lost his
life on that account, it is much more probable that
this king died on account of his sacrilegious plunder-
ing of the temple at Jerusalem. But we will not
contend about this matter with those who may think,
that the cause assigned by this Polybius of Megalopo-
lis is nearer the truth than that assigned by us.

2. However, Antiochus, before he died, called
for Philip, who was one of his companions, and
made him the guardian of his kingdom; and gave
him his diadem, and his garment, and his ring, and
charged him to carry them, and deliver them to his
son Antiochus; and desired him to take care of his
education, and to preserve the kingdom for him.^
This Antiochus died in the hundred forty and ninth
year: But it was Lysias that declared his death to
the multitude, and appointed his son Antiochus to
be king, (of whom at present he had the care,) and
called him Eupator.

3. At this time it was that the garrison in the
citadel at Jerusalem, with the Jewish runagates, did
a great deal of harm to the Jews: for the soldiers
that were in that garrison rushed* out upon the
sudden, and destroyed such as were going up to the
temple in order to offer their sacrifices, for this
citadel adjoined to, and overlooked the temple.
When these misfortunes had often happened to them,
Judas resolved to destroy that garrison; whereupon
he got all the people together, and vigorously be-
sieged those that were in the citadel. This was in

punishment of death, which is not inflicted by any law either of God or
man for tlie l)are intention, his words need not to he strained to mean,
that sins intended, l)iit not executed, were no sins at all.

' No wonder that Jose])hus here describes Antiochus Eii])ator as
young, and wanting tuition, when he came to the crown, since Appian
informs us, Syriac, p. 17T, that he was then but nine years old.

272 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

the hundred and fiftieth year of the dominion of
the Seleucidte. ,So he made engines of war, and
erected bulwarks, and very zealously pressed on
to take the citadel: But there were not a few of
the runagates who were in the place, that went out
by night into the country, and got together some
other wicked men like themselves, and went to An-
tiochus the king, and desired of him. That "he would
not suffer them to be neglected, under the great
hardships that lay upon them from those of their
own nation, and this because their sufferings were
occasioned on his father's account, while they left
the religious worship of their fathers, and preferred
that which he had commanded them to follow: that
there was danger lest the citadel, and those appointed
to garrison it by the king, should be taken by Judas,
and those that were with him, unless he would send
them succours." When Antiochus, who was but a
child, heard this, he was angry, and sent for his cap-
tains, and his friends, and gave order, that they
should get an army of mercenaries together, with
such men also of his own kingdom as were of any
age fit for war. Accordingly, an army was collected
of about a hundred thousand footmen, and twenty
thousand horsemen, and thirty-two elephants.

4. So the king took his army, and marched hastily
out of Antioch, with Lysias, who had the command
of the whole, and came to Idumea, and thence went
up to the city Bethsura, a city that was strong, and
not to be taken without great difficulty; he set about
this city, and besieged it. And while the inhabitants
of Bethsura courageously opposed hhn; and sallied
out upon him, and burnt his engines of war, a great
deal of time was spent in the siege. But when
Judas heard of the king's coming, he raised the
siege of the citadel, and met the king, and pitched

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Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 273

his camp in certain straits, at a place called Beth-
zachariah, at the distance of seventy furlongs from
the enemy; but the king soon drew his forces from
Bethsura, and brought them to those straits. And
as soon as it was day, he put his men in battle
array, and made his elephants follow one another
through the narrow passes, because they could not
be set sideways by one another. Now round about
every elephant there were a thousand footmen, and
five hundred horsemen. The elephants also had high
towers [upon their backs], and archers [in them].
And he also made the rest of his army to go up
the mountains, and put his friends before the rest;
and gave orders for the army to shout aloud, and
so he attacked the enemy. He also exposed to sight
their golden and brazen shields, so that a glorious
splendour was sent from them ; and when they shouted,
the mountains echoed again. When Judas saw this,
he was not terrified, but received the enemy with
great courage, and slew about six hundred of the
first ranks. But when his brother Eleazar, whom
they called Aiiran, saw the tallest of the elephants
armed with royal breastplates, and supposed that
the king was upon him, he attacked him with great
quickness and bravery. He also slew many of those
that were about the elephant, and scattered the rest,
and then went under the belly of the elephant, and
smote him, and slew him; so the elephant fell upon
Eleazar, and by his weight crushed him to death.
And thus did this man come to his end, when he had
first courageously destroyed many of his enemies.

5. But Judas, seeing the strength of the enemy,
retired to Jerusalem, and prepared to endure a siege.
As for Antiochus, he sent part of his army to Beth-
sura, to besiege it, and with the rest of his army he
came against Jerusalem; but the inhabitants of

274 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

Bethsuri* were terrified at his strength; and seeing
that their provisions grew scarce, they dehvered them-
selves up on the security of oaths, that they should
suffer no hard treatment from the king. And when
Antiochus had thus taken the city, he did them no
other harm than sending them out naked. He also
placed a garrison of his own in the city. But as for
the temple of Jerusalem, he lay at its siege a long
time, while they within bravely defended it, for what
engines soever the king set against them, they set
other engines again to oppose them. But then their
provisions failed them; what fruits of the ground
they had laid up were spent, and the land being not
ploughed that year, continued unsowed, because it
was the seventh year, on which, by our laws, we are
obliged to let it lie uncultivated. And withal so many
of the besieged ran away for want of necessaries, that
but a few only were left in the temple.

6. And these happened to be the circumstances of
such as were besieged in the temple. But then, be-
cause Lysias, the general of the army, and Antiochus
the king, were informed that Philip was coming upon
them out of Persia, and was endeavouring to get
the management of public affairs to himself, they
came into these sentiments, to leave the siege, and
to make haste to go again to Philip; yet did they
resolve not to let this be known to the soldiers nor
to the officers: But the king commanded Lysias to
speak openly to their soldiers and the officers, with-
out saying a word about the business of Philip: and
to intimate to them, that the siege would be very
long: that the place was very strong; that they were
already in want of provisions; that many affairs of
the kingdom wanted regulation: and that it was much
better to make a league with the besieged, and to
become friends to their whole nation, by permitting

Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 275

them to observe the laws of their fathers, while they
broke out into this war only because they were de-
prived of them, and so to depart home. When Lysias
had discoursed thus to them, both the army and the
officers were pleased with this resolution.

7. Accordingly the king sent to Judas, and to
those that were besieged with them, and promised to
give them peace, and to permit them to make use of,
and live according to the laws of their fathers. And
they gladly received his proposals: and when they
had gained security upon oath, for their performance,
they went out of the temple. But when Antiochus
came into it, and saw how strong the place was, he
broke his oaths, and ordered his army that was there
to pluck down the walls to the ground, and when he
had so done, he returned to Antioch: he also carried
with him Onias the high priest, who was also called
Menelaus; for Lysias advised the king to slay INIene-
laus, if he would have the Jews be quiet, and cause
him no farther disturbance, for that this man was
the origin of all the mischief the Jews had done them,
by persuading his father to compel the Jews to leave
the religion of their fathers: So the king sent Mene-
laus to Berea, a city of Syria, and there had him
put to death, when he had been high priest ten years.
He had been a wicked and an impious man: and, in
order to get the government to himself, had com-
pelled his nation to transgress their own laws. After
the death of Menelaus, Alcimus. who was also called
Jacimus, was made high priest. But when king An-
tiochus found that Philip had already possessed him-
self of the government, he made war against him,
and subdued him, and took him and slew him. Now,
as to Onias the son of the high priest, who, as we
before informed you, was left a child when his father
died, when he saw that the king had slain his uncle

276 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

JVIenelaus, and given the high priesthood to Alcimus,
who was not of the high priest stock, but was- induced
by Lysias to translate that dignity from this family
to another house, he fled to Ptolemy, king of Egypt.
and when he found 4ie was in great esteem with him,
and with his wife Cleopatra, he desired and obtained
a place in the Nonius of Heliopolis, wherein he built
a temple like to that at Jerusalem: of which there-
fore we shall hereafter give an account in a place
more proper for it.

CHAPTER X.

How Bacchides, the general of Demetrius' army,
made an expedition against Judca, and returned
without success; and how Xicanor teas sent a little
afterward against Judas, and perished, together
with his armij: as also concerning the death of Al-
cimus, and the succession of Judas.

1. About the same time Demetrius, the son of
Seleucus, fled away from Rome, and took Tripoli,
a city of Syria, and set the diadem on his own head.
He also gathered certain mercenary soldiers together,
and entered into his kingdom, and was joyfully re-
ceived by all, who delivered themselves up to him.
And when they had taken Antiochus the king, and
Lysias, they brought them to him alive; both which
were immediately put to death by the command of
Demetrius, when Antiochus had reigned two years,
as we have already elsewliere related. But tliere
were now many of the wicked Jewish runagates that
came together to him, and with them Alcimus the
high priest, who accused the whole nation, and partic-

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 277

ularly Judas and his brethren; and said, That "they
had slain all his friends, and that those in his king-
dom that were of his party, and waited for his return,
were by them put to death; that these men had ejected
them out of their own country; and caused them to
be sojourners in a foreign land; and they desired that
he would send some one of his own friends, and know
from him what mischief Judas' party had done."

2. At this Demetrius was very angry, and sent
Bacchides, a friend of Antiochus Epiphanes, ^ a good
man, and one that had been entrusted with all
INIesopotamia, and gave him an army, and committed
Alcimus the high priest to his care; and gave him
charge to slay Judas, and those that were with him.
So Bacchides made haste, and went out of Antioch
with his army; and when he was come into Judea,
he sent to Judas and his brethren, to discourse with
him about a league of friendship and peace, for he
had a mind to take him by treachery: But Judas
did not give credit to him, for he saw that he came
with so great an army as men do not bring when
they come to make peace but to make war. How-
ever, some of the people acquiesced in that Bacchides
caused to be proclaimed; and supposing they should
undergo no considerable harm from Alcimus, who
was their countryman, they went over to them; and
when they had received oaths from both of them,
that neither they themselves, nor those of the same
sentiments, should come to any harm, they entrusted
themselves with them: But Bacchides troubled him-
self not about the oaths he had taken, and slew three-

* It is no way probable that Josephus would call Bacchides, that
bitter and bloody enemy of the Jews, as our present copies have it, a
good man, or kind and f/entle. What the author of the first iiook of
Maccabees, whom Josephus here follows, instead of that character, says
of him, is that he was a (jnai man in (he kingdom, and faithful to his
king: which was very probably Josephus' meaning also.

278 AXTIQUITIES Book xii.

score of them, although by not keeping his faith
with these that first went over, he deterred all the
rest, who had intentions to go over to him, from doing
it. But as he was gone out of Jerusalem, and was at
the village called Bcthzetha, he sent out and caught
many of the deserters, and some of tlie people also,
and slew them all; and enjoined all that lived in the
country to submit to Alcimus. So he left him there,
with some part of the army that lie might have where-
with to keep the country in obedience, and returned
to Antioch, to king Demetrius.

3. But Alcimus was desirous to have the dominion
more firmly assured to him; and understanding, that
if he could bring it al^out that the multitude should
be his friends, he should govern with gi'eater security,
he spake kind words to them all, and discoursed to
each of them after an agreeable and pleasant manner,
by which means he quickly had a great body of men
and an army about him, although the greater part of
them were of the wicked, and the deserters. With
these, whom he used as his servants and soldiers, he
went all over the country, and slew all that he could
find of Judas' party. But wlien Judas saw that
Alcimus was already become great, and had destroyed
many of the good and holy men of the country, he
also went all over the country, and destroyed those
that were of the other's party. But when Alcimus
saw that lie was not able to oppose Judas, nor
was equal to him in strength, he resolved to apply
himself to king Demetriw* for his assistance; so he
came to Antioch, and irritated him against Judas,
and accused him, alleging that he had undergone a
great many miseries by his means, and that he would
do more mischief unless he were prevented, and
brought to punishment, which must be done by send-
ing a powerful force against him.

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 279

4. So Demetrius, being already of opinion that
it would be a thing pernicious to his own affairs to
overlook Judas, now he was becoming so great, sent
against him Xicanor, the most kind and most faith-
ful of all his friends; for he it was who fled away
with him from the city of Kome. He also gave him
as many forces as he thought sufficient for him to
conquer Judas \yithal, and bid him not to spare
the nation at all. When Xicanor was come to
Jerusalem, he did not resolve to fight Judas im-
mediately, but judged it better to get him into his
power by treachery; so he senc him a message of
peace, and said, "there was no manner of necessity
for them to fight and hazard themselves; and that
he would give him his oath that lie would do him
no harm, for that he only came with some friends,
in order to let him Ivuow what king Demetrius' in-
tentions were, and what opinion he had of their
nation." When Xicanor had delivered this message,
Judas and his brethren complied with him, and sus-
pecting no deceit, they gave him assurances of friend-
ship, and received Xicanor and his army; but while
he was saluting Judas, and they were talking together :
he gave a certain signal to his own soldiers, upon
which they were to seize upon Judas; but he perceived
the treachery, and ran back to his own soldiers, and fled
away with them. So upon this discovery of his pur-
pose, and of the snares laid for Judas, Xicanor de-
termined to make open war with him, and gathered
his army together, and prepared for fighting him;
and upon joining battle with him at a certain village
called Capharsalama, he ^ beat Judas and forced him
to fly to that citadel which was at Jerusalem.

* Josephus' copies must have been corru})ted wlien tliey liere give
victory to Xicanor c-ontrary to the words following-, which iinjily, th.it
he who was beaten fled into the citadel, which for certain belonged to the
tity of Da\id, or to Mount Zion, and was in the ])nssession of N'icanor's

280 AXTIQUITIES Book xii.

5. And when Xicanor came down from the citadel
mito the temple, some of the priests and elders met
him, and saluted him; and showed him the sacrifices
which they said they offered to God for the king:
upon which he ])lasphemed, and threatened them, that
unless the peo23le would deliver up Judas to him,
upon his return he would pull down their temple.
And when he had thus threatened them, he departed
from Jerusalem: But the priests fell into tears out
of grief of what he had said, and besought God
to deliver them from their enemies. But now for
Xicanor, when he was gone out of Jerusalem, and
was at a certain village called Bethhoron, he there
pitched his camp, another army out of Syria having
joined him: And Judas pitched his camp at Adasa,
anotlier village, which was thirty furlongs distant from
Bethhoron, having no more than one thousand soldiers.
And when he had encouraged them not to be dismayed
at the multitude of their enemies, nor to regard how
many they were against whom they were going to fight,
but to consider who they themselves were, and for
what great rewards they hazarded themselves, and
to attack the enemy courageously, he led them out
to fight, and joining battle with Xicanor, which proved
to be a severe one, he overcame the enemy, and slew
many of them; and at last Xicanor himself, as he
was fighting, gloriously fell. Upon whose fall the
army did not stay, but when they had lost their
general they were put to flight and threw down their
arms; Judas also pursued them and slew them; and
gave notice by the sound of the trumpets to the
neighbouring villages, that he had conquered the
enemy; which, when the inhabitants heard, they put

parrison, and not of Judas': As also it is contrary to the express words
of Joscphus' original author, 1 Maccab. vii. 32, who says that Nicanor
lost about oOOO men, and fled to the city of David.

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 281

on their armour hastily, and met their enemies in
the face as they were running away, and slew them,
insomuch that not one of them escaped out of this
battle, and were in number nine thousand. This
victory happened to fall on the thirteenth day of that
month, which by the Jews is called Adar, and the
Macedonians Dystrus; and the Jews thereon cele-
brate this victory every year, and esteem it as a
festival day. After which the Jewish nation were,
for a while, free from wars, and enjoyed peace; but
afterward they returned into their former state of
wars and hazards.

6. But now as the high priest Alcimus was re-
solving to pull down the wall of the sanctuary, which
had been there of old time, and had been built by the
holy prophets, ^ he was smitten suddenly by God,
and fell down. This stroke made him fall down
speechless upon the ground: and undergoing torments
for many days, he at length died, when he had been
high priest four years. And when he was dead,
the people bestowed the high priesthood on Judas;
who hearing of the power - of the Romans, and that
they had conquered in war Galatia, and Iberia, and
Carthage, and Lybia; and that, besides these, they
had subdued Greece, and their kings, Perseus, and
Philip, and Antiochus the Great also, he resolved to
enter into a league of friendship with them. He
therefore sent to Rome some of his friends, Eupolemus

* This account of the miserable death of Alcimus or Jacimxis, the
vvncked high priest, (the first that was not of the family of the high
priests, and made liy a vile heathen, Lyslas,) before the death of Judas,
and of Judas' succession to him as a high priest, both here, and at the
conclusion of this book, directly contradicts, 1 Maccab, ix. 34-57, which
places his death after the death of Judas, and says not a syllable of
the high priesthood of Judas.

* How well the Roman histories agree to this account of the conquests
and powerful condition of the Romans at this time, see the notes in
Havercamp's edition; only that the number of the senators of Rome
was then just 3;i?0, is, I think, only known from 1 Maccab. viii. 15.

282 ANTIQUITIES Book xii.

the son of John, and Jason the son of Eleazar, and
by them desired the Romans that they would assist
them, and be their friends, and would write to De-
metrius that he would not fight against the Jews.
So the senate received the ambassadors that came
from Judas to Rome, and discoursed with them about
the errand on which they came, and then granted
them a league of assistance. They also made a decree
concerning it, and sent a copy of it into Judea. It
was also laid up in the capitol, and engraven in brass.
The decree itself was this: "The decree of the senate
concerning a league of assistance and friendship, with
the nation of the Jews. It shall not be lawful for
any that are subject to the Romans to make war
with the nation of the Jews, nor to assist those that
do so, either by sending them corn, or ships, or money;
and if any attack be made upon the Jews, the Romans
shall assist them, as far as they are able: and again,
if any attack be made upon the Romans, the Jews
shall assist them. And if the Jews had a mind to
add to, or to take away any thing from this league
of assistance, that shall be done with the common
consent of the Romans. And whatsoever addition
shall thus be made, -it shall be of force." This decree
was written by Eupolemus tlie son of John, and by
Jason the son of Eleazar, ^ when Judas was high
priest of the nation, and Simon his brother was general
of the army. And this was the first league that the
Romans made with the Jews, and was managed after
this manner.

* This subscription is wanting, 1 Maccab. viii. 17, 19, and must be
the words of Josephus, who l)y mistake, tiiought, as we have just now
seen, that Judas was at this time high priest, and accordingly then
reckoned his brother Jonathan to be the general of the army, which yet
he seems not to have been till after the death of Judas.

Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 283

CHAPTER XI.

That Bacchides was again sent out against Judas;
and how Judas fell as he was courageously fighting.

1. But when Demetrius was informed of the death
of Nicanor, and of the destruction of the army that
was with him, he sent Bacchides again with an army
into Judea, who marched gut of Antioch, and came
into Judea, and pitched his camp at Arbela, a city
of Gahlee, and having besieged and taken those that
were there in caves, (for many of the people fled into
such places,) he removed, and made all the haste he
could to Jerusalem. And when he had learned that
Judas pitched his camp at a certain village whose
name was Bethzetho, he led his army against him:
they were twenty thousand footmen, and two thousand
horsemen. Now Judas had no more soldiers than
^ one thousand. When these saw the multitude of
Bacchides' men they were afraid, and left their camp,
and fled all away, excepting eight hundred. Xow
when Judas was deserted by his own soldiers, and
the enemy pressed upon him, and gave him no time
to gather his army together, he was disposed to fight
with Bacchides' army, though he had but eight hun-
dred men with him; so he exhorted these men to
undergo the danger courageously, and encouraged
them to attack the enemy. And when they said they
were not a body sufficient to fight so great an army,
and advised that they should retire now, and save

' That this copy of Josephus, as he wrote it, liad here not 1000 but
3000 with 1 Macoab. ix. ^ is very ])lain, because though the main part
ran away at first even in Josephus, as well as in I Maccab. ix. (i, yet,
as there, so here 800 are said to have remained with .ludas, which would
be absurd, if the whole number had been no more than 1000.

284 ANTIQUITIES Book xil

themselves, and that when he had gathered his own
men together, then he should fall upon the enemy
afterwards, his answer was this: "Let not the sun
ever see such a thing that I should show my back to
the enemy; and although this be the time that will
bring me to my end, and I must die in this battle,
I will rather stand to it courageously, and bear what-
soever comes upon me, than by now running away,
bring reproach upon my former great actions, or
tarnish their glory." This was the speech he made
to those that remained with him, whereby he en-
couraged them to attack the enemy.

2. But Bacchides drew his army out of their
camp, and put them in array for the battle. He
set the horsemen on both the wings, and the light
soldiers and the archers he placed before the whole
army, but he was himself on the right wing. And
when he had thus put his army in order of battle,
and was going to join battle with the enemy, he
commanded the trumpeter to give a signal of battle,
and the army to make a shout and to fall on tlie
enemy. And when Judas had done the same, he
joined battle with them; and as both sides fought
valiantly, and the battle continued till sunset, Judas
saw that Bacchides, and the strongest part of the
army, was in the right wing, and thereupon took the
most courageous men with him, and ran upon that
part of the army, and fell upon those that were there,
and broke their ranks, and drove them into the
middle, and forced them to run away, and pursued
tliem as far as a mountain called Aza; but when those
of the left wing saw that tlie right wing was put to
flight, they encompassed Judas; and pursued him,
and came l)ehind liim, and took him into the middle
of their army; so being not able to fly, but encom-
passed round about with enemies, he stood still.

Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 285

and he and those that were with him fought, and
when he had slain a great many of tliose that came
against him, he at last was himself wounded, and fell,
and gave up the ghost, and died in a way like to his
former famous actions. When Judas was dead, those
that were with him had no one whom they could
regard [as their commander,] but when they saw
themselves deprived of such a general, they fled. But
Simon and Jonathan, Judas' brethren, received his
dead body by a treaty from the enemy, and carried
it to the village of ^Nlodin, where their father had been
buried, and there buried him; while the multitude
lamented him many days, and j^erformed the usual
solemn rites of a funeral to him. And this was the
end that Judas came to. He had been a man of
valour and a great warrior, and mindful of the
commands of his father jNIattathias; and had under-
gone all difficulfies, both in doing and suffering, for
the liberty of his countrymen. And when his character
was so excellent [while he was alive,] he left behind
him a glorious reputation and memorial, by gaining
freedom for his nation, and delivering them from
slavery under the JNIacedonians. And when he had
retained the high priesthood three years, he died.

BOOK XIII.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF EIGHTY-TWO YEARS.

[FROM THE DEATH OF JUDAS MACCABEUS, TO THE DEATH
OF QUEEN ALEXANDRA.]

CHAPTER I.

How Jonathan took the government after his brother
Judas, and how he, together with his brother Simon,
waged war against Bacchides. *

1. By what means the nation of the Jews re-
covered their freedom when they had heen brought
into slavery by the INIacedonians, and what struggles,
and how great battles Judas the general of their
army ran through, till he was slain as he was fight-
ing for them, hath been related in the foregoing book;
but after he was dead, all the wicked, and those that
transgressed the laws of their forefathers, sprang up
again in Judea, and grew upon them and distressed
them on every side. A famine also assisted their
wickedness, and afflicted the country, till not a few,
who by reason of their want of necessaries, and be-
cause they were not able to bear up the miseries that
})oth the famine and their enemies brought upon them,
deserted their country, and went to the INIacedonians.
And now Bacchides gathered those Jews together

286

Chap. I. OF TIIK JEWS. 287

who had apostatized from the accustomed way of
hving of their forefathers, and chose to hve like their
neighbours, and committed the care of the country
to them, who also caught the friends of Judas, and
those of his party, and delivered them up to Bacchides,
who, when he had in the first place tortured and tor-
mented them at his pleasure, he by that means at
length killed them. And when this calamity of the
Jews was become so great, as they had never had
experience of the like since their return out of Babylon,
those that remained of the companions of Judas, seeing
that the nation was ready to be destroyed after a
miserable manner, came to his brother Jonathan, and
desired him that he would imitate his brother, and
that care which he took of his countrymen, for whose
liberty in general he died also; and that he would not
permit the nation to l)e without a governor, especially
in those destructive circumstances wherein it now was.
And when Jonathan said, that he w^as ready to die
for them, and was indeed esteemed no way inferior
to his brother, he was appointed to be the general of
the Jewish army.

2. When Bacchides heard this, he was afraid that
Jonathan might be very troublesome to the king and
the Macedonians, as Judas had been before liim, he
sought how he might slay him by treachery: But this
invention of his was not unknown to Jonathan, nor
to his brother Simon: but when these two were
apprized of it, they took all their companions, and
presently fled into that wilderness which was nearest
to the city; and when they were come to a lake called
Asjjhar, they abode there. But when Bacchides was
sensible that they were in a low state, and were in
that place, he hasted to fall upon them with all his
forces, and pitching his camp beyond Jordan, he
recruited his army: But when Jonathan knew that

288 AXTIQUITIES Book xiii.

Bacchides was coming upon him, he sent his brother
John, who was also called Gaddis, to the Xabatean
Arabs, that he might lodge his baggage with them
mitil the battle with Baccliides should be over, for
they were the Jews' friends. And the sons of Ambri
laid an ambush for John from the city ]Medaba. and
seized upon him, and upon those that were with him,
and plundered all that they had with them: They
also slew John, and all his companions. However,
they were sufficiently punished for what they now
did by John's brethren, as we shall relate presently.
3. But when Bacchides knew that Jonathan had
pitched his camp among the lakes of Jordan, he
observed when their Sabbath day came, and then as-
saulted him as supposing that he would not tight
because of the law [for resting on that day:] but he
exhorted his companions [to fight;] and told them
that their lives were at stake, since tliey were en-
compassed by the river, and by their enemies, and
had no way to escape, for that their enemies pressed
upon them before, and the river was behind them.
So after he had prayed to God to give them the
victory, he joined battle with the enemy, of whom
he overthrew many; and as he saw Bacchides coming
up boldly to him, he stretched out his right hand to
smite him, but the other foreseeing and avoiding the
stroke, Jonathan with his companions leaped into
the river, and swam over it, and by that means
escaped beyond Jordan, while the enemy did not
pass over that river: but Bacchides returned presently
to the citadel at Jerusalem, having lost about two
thousand of his army. He also fortified many cities
of Judea, whose walls had been demob shed, Jericho,
and Emmaus, and Bethhoron, and Bethel, and Timna,
and Pharatho, and Tekoa, and Gazara, and built
towers in every one of these cities, and encompassed

Chap. I. OF THP: JEWS. 289

them with strong walls, that were very large also,
and put garrisons into them, that they might issue
out of them, and do mischief to the Jews. He also
fortified the citadel at Jerusalem more than all the
rest. JNIoreover he took the sons of the principal
Jews as pledges, and shut them up in the citadel,
and in that manner guarded it.

4. About the same time one came to Jonathan,
and to his brother Simon, and told them that the sons
of Ambri were celebrating a marriage, and bringing
the bride from the city Gabatha, who was the daughter
of one of the illustrious men among the Arabians, and
that the damsel was to be conducted with pomp and
splendour, and much riches: So Jonathan and Simon
thinking this appeared to be the fittest time for them
to avenge the death of their brother,' and that they
had forces sufficient for receiving satisfaction from
them for his death, they made haste to Medaba, and
lay in wait among the mountains for- the coming of
their enemies; and as soon as they saw them con-
ducting the virgin, and her bridegroom, and such a
great company of their friends with them, as was
to be expected at this wedding, they sallied out of
their ambush, and slew them all; and took their orna-
ments, and all the prey that then followed them, and
so returned, and received this satisfaction for their
brother John from the sons of Ambri; for as well
those sons themselves, as their friends, and wives, and
children, that followed them, perished, being in num-
ber about four hundred.

5. However, Simon and Jonathan returned to the
lakes of the river, and abode there. But Bacchides,
when he had secured all Judea with his garrisons,
returned to the king: and then it was that tlie affairs
of Judea were quiet for two years. But when the
deserters and the wicked saw that Jonathan and those

290 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

that were with him hved in the country very quietly,
by reason of the peace, they sent to king Demetrius,
and excited him' to send Bacchides to seize upon
Jonathan, which they said was to be done without
any trouble, and in one night's time; and that if
they fell upon them before they were aware, they
might slay them all. So the king sent Bacchides,
who, when he was come into Judea, wrote to all his
friends, both Jews and auxiliaries, that they should
seize upon Jonathan, and bring him to him; and,
when, upon all their endeavours, they were not able
to seize upon Jonathan, for he was sensible of the
snares they laid for him, and very carefully guarded
against them, Bacchides was angry at these deserters,
as having imposed upon him, and uj^on the king,
and slew fifty of their leaders. Whereupon Jona-
than, with his brother, and those that were with them,
retired to Bethagla, a village that lay in the wilderness,
out of his fear of Bacchides. He also built towers
on it, and encompassed it with walls, and took care
that it should be safely guarded. Upon the hearing
of which, Bacchides led his own army along with
him, and besides took his Jewish auxiliaries, and came
against Jonathan, and made an assault upon his forti-
fications, and besieged him many days; but Jonathan
did not abate of his courage at the zeal Bacchides
used in the siege, but courageously opposed him:
And while he left his brother Simon in the city, to
fight with Bacchides, he went privately out himself
into the country, and got a great ])ody of men together
of his own party, and fell upon Bacchides' camp in
the night time, and destroyed a great many of them.
His brother Simon knew also of this his falling upon
them, because he perceived that the enemies were
slain by him, so he sallied out upon them, and burnt
the engines wliich the ^lacedonians used, and made a

Chap. I. OF THE JEWS. 291

great slaughter of them. And when Bacchides saw
himself encompassed with enemies, and some of them
before, and some behind him, he fell into despair and
trouble of mind, as confounded at the unexpected ill
success of this siege. However, he vented his dis-
pleasure at these misfortunes upon those deserters
who sent for him from the king, as having deluded
him. So he had a mind to finish this siege after a
decent manner, if it were possible for him so to do,
and then to return home.

6. When Jonathan understood these his intentions,
he sent ambassadors to him, about a league of friend-
ship and mutual assistance, and that they might re-
store those they had taken captive on both sides.
So Bacchides thought this a pretty decent way of
retiring home, and made a league of friendship with
Jonathan, when they sware that they would not any
more make war one against another. Accordingly,
he restored the captives, and took his own men with
him, and returned to the king of Antioch: and after
this his departure, he never came into Judea again.
Then did Jonathan take the opportunity of this quiet
state of things, and went and lived in the city Mich-
mash; and there governed the multitude, and punished
the wicked and ungodly, and by that means piu'ged
the nation of them.

292 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

CHAPTER 11.

Hoxc Alexander [2?rt/r/] in his war with Demetrius,
granted Jonathan many advantages, and appointed
him to he high priest, and persuaded him to assist
him, although Demetrius promised him greater ad-
vantages on the other side. Concerning the death
of Demetrius.

1. Xow in the hundred and sixtieth year, it fell
out that Alexander, the ^ son of Antiochus Epiphanes,
came up into Syria, and took Ptolemais, the soldiers
within having betrayed it to him, for they were at
enmity with Demetrius, on account of his insolence
and difficulty of access; for he shut himself up in
a palace of his that had four towers, which he had
built himself, not far from Antioch, and admitted
nobody. He was withal slothful and negligent about
the public affairs, whereby the hatred of his subjects
was the more kindled against him, as we have else-
where already related. When tlierefore Demetrius
heard that Alexander was in Ptolemais, he took his
whole army, and led it against him: he also sent

* This Alexander Bala, who certainly pretended to be the son of
Antiochus Epiphanes, and was owned for such by the Jews and Romans,
and many others, yet is by several historians deemed to be a counterfeit,
and of lio family at all, is, however, by Josephus believed to have been
the real son of that Antiochus, and by him always spoken of accord-
ingly. And truly, since the original cotemporary and authentic author
of the first book of Maccab. ch. x. 1, calls him by his father's name
Epiphanes, and says he was the son of Antiochus, I suppose the other
writers, who are all much later, are not to be followed against such
evidence, though perhaps Epijihanes might have him by a woman of no
family. The king of Egypt also, Philometer, soon gave him his daughter
in marriage, which he would hardly have done, had he believed him to
be a counterfeit, and of so very mean a birth as the later historians
pretend.

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 293

ambassadors to Jonathan, about a league of mutual
assistance and friendship, for he resolved to be
beforehand with Alexander, lest the other should
treat with him first, and gain assistance from him:
And this he did out of the fear he had, lest Jonathan
should remember how ill Demetrius had formerly
treated him, and should join with him in this war
against him. He therefore gave orders that Jona-
than should be allowed to raise an army, and should
get armour made, and should receive back those
hostages of the Jewish nation wliom Bacchides had
shut up in the citadel of Jerusalem. When this good
fortune had befallen Jonathan, by the concession of
Demetrius, he came to Jerusalem, and read the king's
letter, in the audience of the people, and of those
that kept the citadel. When these were read, these
wicked men and deserters, who were in the citadel,
were greatly afraid, upon the king's permission to
Jonathan to raise an army, and to receive back the
hostages: So he delivered every one of them to his
own parents. And thus did Jonathan make his abode
at Jerusalem, renewing the city to a better state,
and reforming the buildings as he pleased; for he
gave orders that the walls of the city should be re-
built with square stones, that it might be more secure
from their enemies. And when those that kept
the garrisons that were in Judea saw this, they all
left them, and fled to Antioch, excepting those that
were in the city of Bethsura, and those that were
in the citadel of Jerusalem, for the greater part of
these was of the wicked Jews and deserters, and on
that account these did not deliver up their garrisons.
2. When Alexander knew what promises Deme-
trius had made Jonathan, and withal knew his courage,
and what great things he had done when he fought
the Macedonians, and besides what hardships he had

294 ANTIQUITIES Book xmi.

undergone by the means of Demetrius, and of Bac-
chides, the general of Demetrius' army, he told his
friends. That "he could not at present find any one
else that might afford him better assistance than
Jonathan, who was both courageous against his
enemies, and had a particular hatred against Deme-
trius, as having both suffered many hard things from
him, and acted many hard things against him. If
therefore they were of opinion that they should make
him their friend against Demetrius, it was more for
their advantage to invite him to assist them now
than at another time." It being therefore de-
termined by him and his friends to send to Jonathan,
he wrote to him this epistle: "King Alexander to
his brother Jonathan, sendeth greeting: We have
long ago heard of thy courage, and thy fidelity, and
for that reason have sent to thee, to make with thee
a league of friendship and mutual assistance. We
therefore do ordain thee this day the high priest of
the Jews, and that thou beest called my friend. I
have also sent thee, as presents, a purple robe and
a golden crown, and desire, that now thou art by
us honoured, thou wilt in like manner respect us also."
3. When Jonathan had received this letter, he
^ put on the pontifical robe at the time of the feast
of tabernacles, four years after the death of his
brother Judas, for at that time no high priest had
been made. So he raised great forces, and had
abundance of armour got ready. This greatly

* Since Jonathan jilainly did not put on tlie pontifical robes till seven
or eight years after the death of his hrotiier Jndas, or not till the feast
of tabernacles in the IfiOtli of tlie Seleucidae, 1 Maccab. x. ;?!, Petitus'
emendation seems here to deserve consideration, who, instead of after
four years since the death of his brother Judas, would have us read,
and therefore after eight years since the death of his brother Judas.
This woidd toleralily well agree witli tlie death of tlie Maccabees, and
with Joscphiis' own exact chronology at the end of the twentieth book
of these Antiquities, which the ])resent text cannot be made to do.

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 29.5

grieved Demetrius, when he heard of it, and made
him blame himself for his slowness, that he had not
prevented Alexander, and got the good-will of Jon-
athan, but had given him time so to do. However,
he also himself wrote a letter to Jonathan, and to
the people; the contents whereof are these: "King
Demetrius to Jonathan, and to the nation of the
Jews, sendeth greeting: Since you have preserved
your friendship for us; and when you have been
tempted by our enemies, you have not joined your-
selves to them, I both commend you for this your
fidelity, and exhort you to continue in the same
disposition, for which you shall be repaid, and receive
rewards from us: for I will free you from the greatest
part of the tributes and taxes which you formerly
paid to the kings my predecessors, and to myself;
and I do now set you free from those tributes which
you have ever paid; and besides, I forgive you the
tax upon salt, and ^ the value of the crowns which
you used to offer to me; and instead of the third
part of the fruits [of the field], and the half of
the fruits of the trees, I relinquish my part of them
from this day: And as to the poll-money, which
ought to be given me for every head of the inhab-
itants of Judea, and of the three toparchies that
adjoin to Judea, Samaria, and Galilee, and Perea,
that I relinquish to you for this time, and for all
time to come. I will also that the city of Jerusalem
be holy and inviolable; and free from the tithe, and
from the taxes, unto its utmost bounds: And I so
far recede from my title to the citadel, as to permit
Jonathan your high priest to possess it, that he
may place such a garrison in it as he approves of

^ Take Grotius' note here: "The Jews were wont to present crowns
to the kings [of Syria;] afterwards that gold, which was paid instead of
those crowns, or which was expended in making tiiem, Mas called the vroini
ifold and croicn tax.'' On 1 Maccab, x. i?T.

296 ANTIQUITIES Book xm.

for fidelity and good will to himself, that they may
keep it for us. I also make free all those Jews
who have been made captives and slaves in my king-
dom. I also give order that the beasts of the Jews
be not pressed for our service. And let their Sab-
baths, and all their festivals, and three days before
each of them, be free from any imposition. In the
same manner, I set free the Jews that are inhab-
itants in my kingdom, and order that no injury be
done them. I also give leave to such of them as
are willing to list themselves in my army, that they
may do it, and those as far as thirty thousand; which
Jewish soldiers, wheresoever they go, shall have the
same pay that my own army hath: and some of
them I will place in my garrisons, and some as
guards about mine oa^ii body, and as rulers over
those that are in my court. I give them leave also
to use the laws of their forefathers, and to observe
them; and I will, that they have power over the
three toparchies that are added to Judea, and it
shall be in the power of the high priest, to take care
that not one Jew shall have any other temple for
worship, but only that at Jerusalem. I bequeath
also, out of my own revenues, yearly, for the ex-
penses about the sacrifices, one hundred and fifty
thousand [drachmee;] and Avhat money is to spare
I will that it shall be your own. I also release to
you those ten thousand drachmae which the kings
received from the temple, because they appertain to
the priests that minister in that temple. And who-
soever shall fly to the temple at Jerusalem, or to the
places thereto belonging, or who owe the king
money, or are there on any other account, let them
be set free, and let their goods be in safety. I also
give you leave to repair and rebuild your temple,
and that all be done at my expense. I also allow

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 297

you to build the walls of your city, and to erect
high towers, and that they be erected at my charge.
And if there be any fortified town that would be
convenient for the Jewish country to have very
strong, let it be so built at my expenses."

4. This was what Demetrius promised, and
granted to the Jews, by this letter. But king Alex-
ander raised a great army of mercenary soldiers, and
of those that deserted to him out of Syria, and made
an expedition against Demetrius. And when it was
come to a battle, the left wing of Demetrius put
those who opposed them to flight, and j)ursued them
a great way, and slew many of them, and spoiled
their camp, but the right wing, where Demetrius
happened to be, was beaten; and as for all the rest,
they ran away: but Demetrius fought courageously,
and slew a great many of the enemy; but as he was
in the pursuit of the rest, his horse carried him
into a deep bog, where it was hard to get out, and
there it happened, that upon his horse's falling down,
he could not escape being killed; for when his enemies
saw what had befallen him, they returned back, and
encompassed Demetrius round, and they all threw
their darts at him; but he being now on foot, fought
bravely, but at length he received so many wounds,
that he was not able to bear up any longer, but fell.
And this is the end that Demetrius came to when
he had reigned ^ eleven years, as we have elsewhere
related.

' Since the rest of the historians now extant give this Demetrius 13
years, and Josephus only 11 years, Prideaux does not amiss in ascribing
to him the mean number 12.

298 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

CHAPTER III.

The friendship that was between Onias and Ptolemy
Philometer; and how Onias built a temple in Egypt
like to that at Jerusalem.

1. But then the son of Onias the high priest, who
was of the same name with his father, and who
fled to king Ptolemy, who was called Philometer,
lived now at Alexandria, as we have said already.
When this Onias saw that Judea was opjDressed by
the ^Macedonians, and their kings, out of a desire
to purchase to himself a memorial and eternal fame,
he resolved to send to king Ptolemy and queen Cleo-
patra, to ask leave of them that he might build a
temple in Egypt like to that at Jerusalem, and might
ordain Levites and priests out of their own stock.
The chief reason why he was desirous so to do, was,
that he relied upon the prophet Isaiah, who lived
above six hundred years before, and foretold that
there certainly was to be a temple built to Almighty
God in Egypt by a man that was a Jew. Onias
was elevated with this prediction; and wrote the
following epistle to Ptolemy and Cleoj^atra: "Having
done many and great things for you in the affairs
of the war, by the assistance of God, and that in
Celesyria and Phenicia, I came at length with the
Jews to Leontopolis, and to other places of your
nation, where I found that the greatest part of your
people had temples in an improper manner, and
that on tliis account they bare ill will one against
another, whicli ha])pens to the Egyptians by reason
of the multitude of tlieir temples, and the difference
of opinions about divine worship. Xow I found

Cliap.

III.

OF THE JEWS. 299

a very fit place in a castle that hath its name from
the country Diana; this place is full of materials of
several sorts, and replenished with sacred animals:
I desire therefore that you will grant me leave, to
purge this holy place, which belongs to no master,
and is fallen down, and to build there a temple to
Ahnighty God, after the pattern of that in Jerusa-
lem, and of the same dimensions; that may be for
the benefit of thyself, and thy wife and children,
that those Jews which dwell in Egypt may have a
place whither they may come and meet together in
mutual harmony one with another, and be subservient
to thy advantages, for the prophet Isaiah foretold,
that ^ ihere should he an altar in Egypt to the Lord

^ It seems to me, contrary to the opinion of Josephus, and of the
moderns, both Jews and Christians, that this prophecy of Isaiah xix.
19, etc., In that chti/ there sh(fU be an altar to the Lord in the midst of
the land of E f/ypt ^ eic, directly foretold the building of this temple of
Onias in Egypt, and was a sufficient warrant to the Jews for building
it, and for worshipping the true God, the God of Israel, therein. See
Authent. Rec. Vol. II. p. 755. That God seems to have soon better
accepted of the sacrifices and prayers here offered him than those at
Jerusalem, see the note on ch. x. sect. T. And truly the marks of Jewish
corruption or interpolation in this text, in order to discourage their
people from approving of the worship of God here, are very strong,
and highly deserve our consideration and correction. The foregoing verse
in Isaiah "runs thus in our common copies, In that day shall five cities in
the land of Eyi/pt, [the Hebrew language: shall be full of Jews, wliose
sacred boolvs were in Hebrew,] and swear to the Lord of hosts. One
[for the first] shall be called the city of destruction, Isa. xx. 18. A
strange name, city of destruction! upon so joyful an occasion, and a
name never heard of in the land of Egypt, or perhaps in any other
nation. The old reading was evidently the city of the sun, or Heliopolis;
and Onkelos, in effect, and Symmachus with the Arabic version, entirely
confess that to be the true reading. The Septuagint also, though they
have the text disguised in the connnon cojiies, and call it Asedck, tlie
citii of riyhteousness; yet in two or three otlier copies the Hebrew word
itself for the sun, Acheres, or Thares. is preserved. And since Onias
insists with the king and queen, that Isaiah's prophecy contained many
other predictions relating to this place, besides the words by him recited;
it is highly probable that these were especially meant by him; and that
one main reason wliy he applied this prediction to himself, and to his
l)refecture of Heliopolis, which Dean Prideaux well proves was in that
]iart of Egypt, and why he chose to build in that prefecture of Heliopolis,
thoiigli otherwise an improper ])lace, was this, that the same authority
tliat he had for building this temple in Egypt, the very same he had

300 ANTIQUITIES Book xm.

God. And many other such things did he prophesy
relating to that place."

2. And this was what Onias wrote to king Ptol-
emy. Now any one may observe his piety, and that
of his sister and wife Cleopatra's, by that epistle
which they wrote in answer to it; for they laid the
blame and the transgression of the law upon the
head of Onias. And this was their reply: "King
Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra to Onias, send greeting:
We have read thy petition, wherein thou desirest
leave to be given thee to purge that temple which
is fallen down at Leontopolis, in the Nomus of
Heliopolis, and which is named from the country
Buhastis; on which account we cannot but wonder
that it should be pleasing to God to have a temple
erected in a place so unclean, and so full of sacred
animals: But since thou sayest that Isaiah the prophet
foretold this long ago, we give thee leave to do it,
if it may be done according to your law, and so
that we may not appear to have at all offended God
herein."

3. So Onias took the place, and built a temple,
and an altar to God, like indeed to that in Jerusalem,
but smaller and poorer. I do not think it proper
for me now to describe its dimensions, or its vessels,
which have been already described in my seventh
book of the wars of the Jews. However, Onias
found other Jews like to himself, together with priests
and Levites, that there performed divine service.
But we have said enough about this temple.

4. Now it came to pass that the Alexandrian

for building it in his own prefecture of Heliopolis also, which he desired
to do, and which he did accordingly. Prideaux has much ado to avoid
seeing this corruption of the Hebrew, but it being in support of his own
opinion about this temple, he durst not see it; and indeed he reasons
here in the most weak and injudicious manner possible. See him at the
year 149.

Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 301

Jews, and those Samaritans who paid their worship
to the temple that was built in the days of Alexander
at mount Gerizzim, did now make a sedition one
against another, and disputed about their temples
before Ptolemy himself, the Jews saying, that ac-
cording to the laws of Moses, the temple was to
be built at Jerusalem; and the Samaritans saying,
that it was to be built at Gerizzim. They desired
therefore the king to sit with his friends, and hear
the debates about these matters, and punish those
with death who were baffled. Xow Sabbeus and
Theodosius managed the argument for the Samari-
tans, and Andronicus the son of Messalamus, for
the people of Jerusalem; and tliey took an oath by
God and the king, to make their demonstrations
according to the law; and they desired of Ptolemy,
that wdiomsoever he should find that transgressed
what they had sworn to, he would put him to death.
Accordingly the king took several of his friends
into the council, and sat down, in order to hear what
the pleaders said. Xow the Jews that w^ere at Alex-
andria were in great concern for those men, whose
lot it was to contend for the temple at Jerusalem;
for they took it very ill that any should take away
the reputation of that temple, which was so ancient,
and so celebrated all over the habitable earth. Xow
when Sabbeus and Theodosius had given leave to
Andronicus to speak first, he began to demonstrate
out of the law. and out of the successions of the
high priests, how they every one in succession from
his father had received that dignity, and ruled over
the temple; and how all the kings of Asia had hon-
oured that temple with tlieir donations, and with the
most splendid gifts dedicated thereto: But as for
that at Gerizzim, he made no account of it. nor re-
garded it, as if it had never had a being. By this

r;02 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

speech, and other arguments, Andronicus persuaded
the king to ^ determine that the temple at Jerusalem
was built according to the laws of ]Moses, and to
put Sabbeus and Theodosius to death. And these
were the events that befell the Jews at Alexandria
in the days of Ptolemy Philometer.

CHAPTER IV.

How AhiVander honoured Jonathan after an ex-
traordinary manner, and hoic Demetrius, the son
of Demetrius, overcame Alexander, and made a
league of friendship witJi Jonathan.

1. Demetrius being thus slain in battle, as we
have above related, Alexander took the kingdom of
Syria; and wrote to Ptolemy Philometer, and desired
his daughter in marriage; and said, it was but just
that he should be joined in affinity to one that had

^ A very unfair disputation this! while the Jewish disputant, knowing
that he could not properly prove out of the Pentateuch, that the place
vhich the Lord their God shall choose to place his name there, so often
referred to in the book of Deuteronomy, was Jerusalem any more than
Gerizzim, that being not determined till the days of David, Antiq. B.
yil. ch. xiii. sect. 4, Vol. I. proves only, what the Samaritans did not
deny, that the temple at Jerusalem was much more ancient, and much
more celebrated and honoured than that at Gerizzim, which was nothing
to the present purpose. The whole evidence, by the very oaths of both
parties, being. Me see, obliged to be confined to the law of Moses, or
to the Pentateuch alone. However worldly policy and interest, and the
multitude prevailing, the court gave sentence, as usual on the stronger
side, and poor Sabbeus and Theodosius, the Samaritan disputants, were
martyred, and this so fhr as appears, without any direct hearing at all,
which is like the usual practice of such political courts about matters
of religion. Our copies say, that the body of the Jews were in a great
concern about fhoae men in the plural, who were to dispute for their
temple at Jerusalem, whereas it seems here they had but one disjnitant,
Andronicus by name: perhaps more were prejiared to speak on the Jews'
side; but the first having answered to his name, and overcome the Samari-
tans, there was no necessity for any other defender of the Jerusalem
temple.

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 303

now received the principahty of his forefathers, and
had been promoted to it by God's providence, and
had conquered Demetrius, and that was on other
accounts not unworthy of being related to him.
Ptolemy received this proposal of marriage gladly;
and wrote him an answer, saluting him on account
of his having received the j^i'incipality of his fore-
fathers; and promising him that he would give him
his daughter in marriage; and assured him that he
was coming to meet him at Ptolemais, and desired
that he would there meet him, for that he would
accompany her from Egypt so far, and would there
marry his child to him. When Ptolemy had written
^ thus, he came suddenly to Ptolemais, and brought
his cousin Cleopatra along with him: and as he found
Alexander there before him, as he desired him to
come, he gave him his child in marriage, and for
her portion gave her as much silver and gold as
became such a king to give.

2. When the wedding was over, Alexander wrote
to Jonathan the high priest, and desired him to come
to Ptolemais. So when he came to these kings, and
had made them magnificent presents, he was hon-
oured by them both. Alexander compelled him also
to put off his own garment, and to take a purple
garment, and made him sit with him in his throne;
and commanded his captains that they should go
with him into the middle of the city, and proclaim,
that it was not permitted to any one to speak against
him, or to give him any disturl3ance. And when the
captains had thus done, those that were prepared
to accuse Jonathan, and who bore him ill-will, when
they saw the honour that was done him by proclama-
tion, and that by the king's order, ran away, and
were afraid lest some mischief sliould befall them.
Xay, king Alexander was so very kind to Jonathan,

304 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

that he set him down as the principal of his friends.

3. But then, upon the hundred and sixty-fifth
year, Demetrius, the son of Demetrius, came from
Crete with a great number of mercenary soldiers,
which Lasthenes, the Cretian, brought him, and sailed
to Cilicia. This thing cast Alexander into great
concern and disorder when he heard it; so he made
haste immediately out of Phenicia and came to
Antioch, that he might put matters in a safe posture
there before Demetrius should come. He also left
^ Apollonius Daus governor of Celesyria, who coming
to Jamnia with a great army, sent to Jonathan the
high priest, and told him, That "it was not right
that he alone should live at rest, and with authority,^
and not be subject to the king; and this thing had
made him a reproach among all men, that he had
not yet made him subject to the king. Do not thou
therefore deceive thyself, and sit still among the
mountains, and pretend to have forces with thee:
but if thou hast any dependence on thy strength,
come down into the plain, and let our armies be
compared together, and the event of the battle will
demonstrate which of us is the most courageous.
However, take notice, that the most valiant men of
every city are in my army, and that these are the
very men who have always beaten thy progenitors;
but let us have the battle in such a place of the
country where we may fight with weapons, and not
witli stones, and where there may be no place whither
those that are ])eaten may fly."

4. With this Jonathan was irritated; and choosing

* Of the several Apollonii about these ages, see Prideaux at the year
148. This Apolh)nius Daus was, by his account, the son of that Apollonius
who had licPti made frovernor of felesyria and Phenicia bv Seleucus
Philopator. and was himself a confident of his son Demetrius the father,
and n-storcd to his fatlierVs go' criuiicnt Ity liim, but afterwards revolted
from him to Alexander, but not to Demetrius the son, as he sujiposes.

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 305

himself out ten thousand of his soldiers, he went
out of Jerusalem in haste with his brother Simon,
and came to Joppa, and pitched his camp on the
outside of the city, because the people of Joppa
had shut their gates against him, for they had a
garrison in the city put there by Apollonius; but
when Jonathan was preparing to besiege them, they
were afraid he would take them by force, and so
they opened the gates to him. But Apollonius, when
he heard that Joppa was taken by Jonathan, took
three thousand horsemen, and eight thousand foot-
men, and came to Ashdod, and removing thence, he
made his journey silently and slowly, and going up
to Joppa, he made as if he was retiring from the
place, and so drew Jonathan into the plain, as
valuing himself highly upon his horsemen, and having
his hopes of victory principally in them. However,
Jonathan sallied out, and pursued Apollonius to
Ashdod; but as soon as Apollonius perceived that
his enemy was in the plain, he came back and gave
him battle: but Apollonius had laid a thousand
horsemen in ambush in a valley, tliat they might not
be seen by their enemies as behind them: which when
Jonathan perceived, he was imder no consternation,
but ordering his army to stand in a square battle
array, he gave them a charge to fall on the enemy
on both sides, and set them to face those that attacked
them both before and behind: And while the fight
lasted till the evening, he gave part of his forces to
his brother Simon, and ordered him to attack the
enemies, but for himself, he charged those that were
with them to cover themselves with their armour,
and receive the darts of the horsemen, who did as
they were commanded; so that the enemies' horse-
men, while they threw their darts till they had no
more left, did them no harm, for the darts that were

306 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

thrown did not enter into their bodies, being thrown
upon the shields, that were united and conjoined
together, the closeness of which easily overcame the
forces of the darts, and they flew about without
any effect. But when the enemy grew remiss in
throwing their darts from morning till late at night,
Simon perceived their weariness, and fell upon the
body of men before him; and because his soldiers
showed great alacrity, he put the enemy to flight,
and when the horsemen saw that the footmen ran
away, neither did they stay themselves, but they
being very weary, by the duration of the fight till
the evening, and their hope from the footmen being
quite gone, they basely ran away, and in great con-
fusion also, till they were separated one from another,
and scattered over all the plain. Upon which Jona-
than pursued them as far as Ashdod, and slew a
great many of them, and compelled the rest, in despair
of escaping, to fly to the temple of Dagon, which
was at Ashdod; but Jonathan took the city on the
first onset, and burnt it, and the villages about it,
nor did he abstain from the temple of Dagon itself,
and burnt it also, and destroyed those that had fled
to it. Now the entire multitude of the enemies that
fell in the battle, and were consumed in the temple,
were eight thousand. When Jonatlian therefore had
overcome so great an army, he removed from Ash-
dod, and came to Askelon: and when he had pitched
his camp without the city, the people of Askelon
came out and met him, bringing him hospitable
presents, and honouring him; so he accepted of their
kind intentions, and returning thence to Jerusalem
with a great deal of prey, which he brought thence
when he conquered his enemies: but when Alex-
ander heard that Apollonius, the general of his army,
was beaten, he pretended to be glad of it, because

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 307

he had fought with Jonathan liis friend and ally
against his directions. Accordingly, he sent to Jon-
athan, and gave testimony to his worth; and gave
him honorary rewards, as a golden button, which it
is the custom to give the king's kinsmen; and allowed
him Ekron, and its toparchy, for his own inheritance.

5. About this time it was that king Ptolemy,
who was called Philometer, led an army, part by
the sea, and part by land, and came to Syria, to
the assistance of Alexander, who was his son-in-law;
and accordingly all the cities received him willingly,
as Alexander had commanded them to do, and con-
ducted him as far as Ashdod; where they all made
loud complaints about the temple of Dagon, which
was burnt, and accused Jonathan of having laid it
waste, and destroyed the country adjoining ^vith fire,
and slain a great number of them. Ptolemy heard
these accusations, but said nothing. Jonathan also
went to meet Ptolemy as far as Joppa, and obtained
from him hospitable presents, and those glorious in
their kinds, with all the marks of honour. And when
he had conducted him as far as the river called Eleu-
therus, he returned again to Jerusalem.

6. But as Ptolemy was at Ptolemais, he was very
near to a most unexpected destruction, for a treacher-
ous design was laid for his life by Alexander, by the
means of Ammonius, who was his friend; and as the
treachery was very plain, Ptolemy wrote to Alexander,
and required of him that he should bring Ammonius
to condign punishment, informing him what snares
had been laid for him by Ammonius, and desiring
that he might be accordingly punished for it. But
when Alexander did not comply with his demands,
he perceived that it was he himself who laid the
design, and was very angry at liim. Alexander had
also formerly been in very ill terms with the people

308 ANTIQUITIES Book xm.

of Antioch, for they had suffered very much by
his means; yet did Ammonius at length undergo the
punishment his insolent crimes had deserved, for he
was killed in an opprobrious manner, like a woman,
while he endeavoured to conceal himself in a feminine
habit, as we have elsewhere related.

7. Hereupon Ptolemy blamed himself for having
given his daughter in marriage to Alexander, and for
the league he had made with him to assist him against
Demetrius; so he dissolved his relation to him, and
took his daughter away from him, and immediately
sent to Demetrius, and offered to make a league of
mutual assistance and friendship with him, and agreed
with him to give him his daughter in marriage, and
to restore him to the principality of his fathers.
Demetrius Avas well pleased with this embassage, and
accepted of his assistance, and of the marriage of
his daughter. But Ptolemy had still one more hard
task to do, and that was to persuade the people of
Antioch to receive Demetrius, because they were
greatly displeased at him, on account of the injuries
his father Demetrius had done them; yet did he
bring this about; for as the people of Antioch hated
Alexander on Ammonius' account, as we have showed
already, they were easily prevailed with to cast him
out of Antioch; Avho thus expelled out of Antioch,
came into Cilicia. Ptolemy came then to Antioch,
and was made king by its inhabitants, and by the
army; so that he was forced to put on two diadems,
the one of Asia, the other of Egypt: but being
naturally a good and a righteous man, and not de-
sirous of what belonged to others, and besides these
dispositions, being also a wise man in reasoning
about futurities, he determined to avoid the en^y of
the Romans, so he called the people of Antioch to-
gether to an assembly, and persuaded them to receive

Chap. IT. OF THE JEWS. 309

Demetrius; and assured them, that "he would not
be mindful of what they did to his father in case
he should now be obliged by them; and he undertook
that he would himself be a good monitor and governor
to him; and promised that he would not permit him
to attempt any bad actions; but that for his own
part, he was contented with the kingdom of Egypt."
By which discourse he persuaded the people of An-
tioch to receive Demetrius.

8. But now Alexander made haste with a numer-
ous and great army, and came out of Cilicia into
Syria, and burnt the country belonging to Antioch,
and pillaged it; whereupon Ptolemy, and his son-
in-law Demetrius, brought their army against him,
(for he had already given him his daughter in
marriage,) and beat Alexander, and put him to flight:
and accordingly he fled into Arabia. iVow it hap-
pened, in the time of battle, that Ptolemy's horse,
upon hearing the noise of an elephant, cast him off
his back, and threw him on the ground; upon the
sight of which accident, his enemies fell upon him,
and gave him many wounds upon his head, and
brought him into danger of death; for when his
guards caught him up, he was so very ill, that for
four days' time he was not able either to understand,
or to speak. However, Zabdiel, a prince among the
Arabians, cut off Alexander's head, and sent it to
Ptolemy, who recovering of his wounds, and return-
ing to his understanding on the fifth day, heard at
once a most agi'eeable hearing, and saw a most
agreeable sight, which were the death and the head
of Alexander; yet a little after this his joy for the
death of Alexander, with which he was so greatly
satisfied, he also departed this life. Xow, Alexander,
who was called Balas, reigned over Asia five years;
as we have elsewhere related.

310 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

9. But when Demetrius, who was styled ^ Nicator,
had taken the kingdom, he was so wicked as to treat
Ptolemy's soldiers very hardly, neither remembering
the league of mutual assistance that was between
them, nor that he was his son-in-law and kinsman,
by Cleopatra's marriage to him; so the soldiers fled
from his wicked treatment to Alexandria, but De-
metrius kept his elephants. But Jonathan the high
priest levied an army out of all Judea, and attacked
the citadel at Jerusalem, and besieged it; it was held
by a garrison of Macedonians, and by some of those
wicked men who had deserted the customs of their
forefathers. These men at first despised the attempts
of Jonathan for taking the place, as depending on
its strength; but some of those wicked men went
out by night and came to Demetrius, and informed
him, that the citadel was besieged; who was irritated
with what he heard, and took his army, and came
from Antioch, against Jonathan. And when he was
at Antioch, he wrote to him, and commanded him
to come to him quickly to Ptolemais: upon which
Jonathan did not intermit the siege of the citadel,
but took with him the elders of the people, and the
priests, and carried with him gold, and silver, and
garments, and a great numl)er of presents of friend-
ship, and came to Demetrius, and presented him witli
them, and thereby pacified the king's anger. So he
was honoured by him, and received from him the
confirmation of his high priesthood, as he had pos-
sessed it by the grants of the kings his prede-
cessors. And when the Jewish deserters accused him,
Demetrius was so far from giving credit to them,
that when he petitioned him that he would demand

* This name Bcmetrlus Xirafnr, or Demefriu.t fhp rnnqvernr, is so
written on his coins still extant; as Hudson and Spanlieim inform us;
the latter of whom gives us here the entire inscri])tion, Kinc/ Demetrius
the God, Philadelphiis Nicator.

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 311

no more than three hundred talents for the tribute
of all Judea, and the three toparchies of Samaria,
and Perea, and Galilee, he complied with the pro-
posal, and gave him a letter confirming all those
grants, whose contents were as follows: "King De-
metrius to Jonathan his brother, and to the nation
of the Jews, sendeth greeting: We have sent you a
copy of that epistle which we have written to Las-
thenes our kinsman, that you ma}^ know its contents.
King Demetrius to Lasthenes our father, sendeth
greeting: I have determined to return thanks, and
to show favour to the nation of the Jews, which
hath observed the rules of justice in our concerns.
Accordingly, I remit to them the three prefectures,
Apherimo, and Lydda, and Ramatha, which have
been added to Judea out of Samaria, with their
appurtenances: As also what the kings my prede-
cessors received from those that offered sacrifices
in Jerusalem, and what are due from the fruits of
the earth, and of the trees, and what else belongs to
us; with the salt pits and the crowns that used to
be presented to us! Xor shall they be compelled
to pay any of these taxes from this time to all fu-
turity. Take care therefore that a copy of this
epistle be taken, and given to Jonathan, and be set
up in an eminent place of their holy temple." And
these were the contents of this writing. And now
when Demetrius saw that there was peace every
M'here; and that there was no danger, nor fear of
war, he disbanded the greatest part of his army, and
diminished tlieir pay, and even retained in pay no
others but such foreigners as came up with him from
Crete, and from the other islands. However, this
procured him ill-will and hatred from the soldiers,
on whom he bestowed nothing from this time, while
the kings before him used to pay them in time of

312 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

peace, as they did before, that they might have their
good-will, and that they might be very ready to
undergo the difficulties of war, if any occasion should
require it.

CHAPTER V.

How Trypho, after he ^had beaten Demetrius, de-
livered the kingdom to Antiochus, the son of Alex-
ander, and gained Jonathan for his assistant: And
concerning the actions and embassies of Jonathan.

1. Now there was a certain commander of Alex-
ander's forces, an Apenemian by birth, whose name
was Diodotus, and was also called Trypho, took
notice of the ill-will the soldiers bare to Demetrius,
and went to Malchus the Arabian, who brought up
Antiochus the son of Alexander, and told him what
ill-will the army bare Demetrius, and persuaded him
to give him Antiochus, because he would make him
king, and recover to him the kingdom of his father.
Malchus at the first ojjposed him in this attempt,
because he could not believe him, but when Trypho
lay hard at him for a long time, he over-persuaded
him, to comply with Trypho's intentions and en-
treaties. And this was the state Trypho was now in.

2. But Jonathan the high priest, being desirous
to get clear of those that were in the citadel at Jeru-
salem, and of the Jewish deserters, and wicked men,
as well as of those in all the garrisons in the country,
sent presents and ambassadors to Demetrius, and
entreated him to take away his soldiers out of the
strongholds of Judea. Demetrius made answer, That
after the war, which he was now deeply engaged in,
was over, he would not only grant him that, but

Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 313

greater things than that also, and he desired he would
send him some assistance; and informed him that his
army had deserted him. So Jonathan chose out three
thousand of his soldiers, and sent them to Demetrius.
3. Now the people of Antioch hated Demetrius,
both on account of what mischief he had himself done
them, and because they were his enemies also on
account of his father Demetrius, who had greatly
abused them, so they watched some opportunity which
they might lay hold on, to fall upon him. And
when they were informed of the assistance that was
coming to Demetrius from Jonathan, and consid-
ered at the same time that he would raise a numerous
army, unless they prevented him, and seized upon
him, they took their weapons immediately, and en-
compassed his palace in the way of a siege, and
seizing upon all the ways of getting out, they sought
to subdue their king. And when he saw that the
people of Antioch were become his bitter enemies,
and that they were thus in arms, he took the mer-
cenary soldiers, which he had with him, and those
Jews who were sent by Jonathan, and assaulted the
Antiochians; but he was overpowered by them, for
they were many ten thousands, and was beaten. But
when the Jews saw that the Antiochians were su-
perior, they went up to the top of the palace, and
shot at them from thence; and because they were
so remote from them by their height, that they suf-
fered nothing on their side, but did great execution
on the others, as fighting from such an elevation,
they drove them out of the adjoining houses, and
immediately set them on fire, whereupon the flames
spread itself over the whole city, and burnt it all
down. This happened by reason of the closeness of
the houses, and because they were generally built of
wood: so the Antiochians, when they were not able

314 AXTIQUITIES Book xiii.

to help themselves, nor to stop the fire, were put
to flight. And as the Jews leaped from the top of
one house to the top of another, and pursued them
after that manner, it thence happened that the pur-
suit was so very surprising. But when the king saw
that the Antiochians were very busy in saving their
children and their wives, and so did not fight any
longer, he fell upon them in the narrow passages,
and fought them, and slew a great many of them,
till at last they were forced to throw down their
arms, and to deliver themselves up to Demetrius.
So he forgave them this their insolent behaviour, and
put an end to the sedition: and when he had given
rewards to the Jews out of the rich spoils he had
gotten, and had returned them thanks, as the cause
of his victory, he sent them away to Jerusalem, to
Jonathan, with an ample testimony of the assistance
they had afforded him. Yet did he prove an ill
man to Jonathan afterward, and broke the promises
he had made; and he threatened that he would make
war upon him, unless he would pay all that tribute
which the Jewish nation owed to the first kings [of
Syria.] And this he had done, if Trypho had not
hindered him, and diverted his preparations against
Jonathan, to a concern for his own j^i'eservation :
for he now returned out of Arabia into SjTia, with
the child Antiochus, for he was in age but a youth,
and put the diadem on his head: And as the whole
forces that had left Demetrius, because they had no
pay, came to his assistance, he made war upon
Demetrius, and joining battle with him, overcame
him in the fight, and took from him both his elephants
and the city Antioch.

4. Demetrius, upon this defeat, retired into Cilicia:
but the child Antiochus sent ambassadors, and an
epistle to Jonathan, and made him his friend and

Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 315

confederate, and confirmed to him the high priest-
hood, and yielded up to him the four prefectures
which had been added to Judea. Moreover he sent
him vessels and cups of gold, and a purple garment;
and gave him leave to use them. He also presented
him with a golden button, and styled him one of
his principal friends, and appointed his brother
Simon to be the general over the forces, from the
ladder of Tyre unto Egypt. So Jonathan was so
well pleased with these grants made him by Antiochus,
that he sent ambassadors to him, and to Trypho, and
professed himself to be their friend and confederate,
and said he would join with him in a war against
Demetrius, informing him that he had made no proper
returns for the kindnesses he had done him; for that
when he had received many marks of kindness from
him, when he stood in great need of them, he for
such good turns, had requited him with further in-
juries.

5. So Antiochus gave Jonathan leave to raise
himself a numerous army out of Syria and Phenicia,
and to make war against Demetrius' generals; where-
upon he went in haste to the several cities, which
receiA^ed him splendidly indeed, but put no forces
into his hands. And when he was come from thence
to Askelon, the inhabitants of Askelon came and
brought him presents, and met him in a splendid
manner. He exliorted them, and every one of the
cities of Celesyria, to forsake Demetrius, and to
join with Antiochus; and in assisting him, to en-
deavour to punish Demetrius for what offences he
had been guilty of against themselves; and told
them there were many reasons for that their pro-
cedure, if they had a mind so to do. And when
he had persuaded those cities to promise their as-
sistance to Antiochus, he came to Gaza, in order

316 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

to induce them also to be friends to Antiochus; but
he found the inhabitants of Gaza much more ahenated
from him than he expected, for they had shut their
gates against him, and although they had deserted
Demetrius, they had not resolved to join them-
selves to Antiochus. This provoked Jonathan to
besiege them, and to harass their country, for as
he set a part of his army round about Gaza, itself,
so with the rest he overran their land, and spoiled
it, and burnt what was in it. When the inhabitants
of Gaza saw themselves in this state of affliction, and
that no assistance came to them from Demetrius,
that what distressed them was at hand, but what
should profit them was still at a great distance, and
it was uncertain whether it would come at all or
not, they thought it would be prudent conduct to
leave off any longer continuance with him, and to
cultivate friendship with the other; so they sent to
Jonathan, and professed they would be his friends,
and afford him assistance; for such is the temper of
men, that before they have had the trial of great
afflictions, they do not understand what is for their
advantage; but when they find themselves under
such afflictions, they then change their minds, and
what it had been better for them to have done before
they had been at all damaged, they choose to do,
but not till after they have suffered such damages.
However, he made a league of friendship with them,
and took from them hostages for their performance
of it, and sent these hostages to Jerusalem, while he
went himself over all the country as far as Damascus.
6. But when he heard that the generals of De-
metrius' forces were come to the city Kadesh with
a numerous army, (the place lies between the land
of the Tyrians and Galilee,) for they supposed they
should hereby draw him out of Syria, in order to

Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 317

preserve Galilee, and that he would not overlook
the Galileans, who were his own people, when war
was made upon them, he went to meet them, having
left Simon in Judea, who raised as great an army
as he was able out of the country, and then sat down
before Bethsura, and besieged it, that being the
strongest place in all Judea; and a garrison of
Demetrius' kept it, as we have already related. But
as Simon was raising banks, and bringing his en-
gines of war against Bethsura, and was very earnest
about the siege of it, the garrison was afraid lest
the place should be taken of Simon by force, and
they put to the sword; so they sent to Simon, and
desired the security of his oath, that they should
come to no harm from him, and that they would
leave the place, and go away to Demetrius. Ac-
cordingly he gave them his oath, and ejected them
out of the city, and he put therein a garrison of
his own.

7. But Jonathan removed out of Galilee, and
from the waters which are called Gennesar, for there
he was before encamped, and came into the plain
that is called Asor, without knowing that the enemy
was there. When therefore Demetrius' men knew
a day beforehand, that Jonathan was coming against
them, they laid an ambush in the mountain, who were
to assault him on the sudden, while they themselves
met him with an army in the plain: which army when
Jonathan saw ready to engage him, he also got ready
his own soldiers for the battle as well as he was
able; but those that were laid in ambush by De-
metrius' generals being behind them, the Jews were
afraid lest they should be caught in the midst be-
tween two bodies, and perish, so they ran away in
haste, and indeed all the rest left Jonathan; but
a few there were, in number about fifty, who staved

318 ANTIQUITIES Book xm.

with hliii, and with them INIattathias the son of Ab-
salom, and Judas the son of Chapseus, who were
commanders of the whole army. These marched
boldly, and like men desperate, against the enemy,
and so pushed them, that by their courage they
daunted them, and with their weapons in their hands,
they put them to flight. And when those soldiers
of Jonathan that had retired, saw the enemy giving
way, they got together after their flight, and pur-
sued them with great violence, and this did they as
far as Kadesh, where the camp of the enemy lay.

8. Jonathan having thus gotten a glorious victory,
and slain two thousand of the enemy, returned to
Jerusalem. So when he saw that all his affairs
prospered, according to his mind, by the providence
of God, he sent ambassadors to the Romans, being
desirous of renewing that friendship which their na-
tion had with them formerly. He enjoined the same
ambassadors, that, as they came back, they should
go to the Spartans, and put them in mind of their
friendship and kindred. So when the ambassadors
came to Rome, they went into their senate, and
said what they were commanded by Jonathan the
high priest to say, how he had sent them to confirm
their friendship. The senate then confirmed what
had been formerly decreed concerning their friend-
ship with the Jews; and gave them letters to carry
to all the kings of Asia and Europe, and to the
governors of the cities, that they might safely conduct
them to their own country. Accordingly, as they
returned, they came to Sparta, and delivered the
epistle which they had received of Jonathan to them;
a copy of which here follows: "Jonathan the higli
priest of the Jewish nation, and the senate, and
body of the people of the Jews, to the ephori and
senate, and people of the Lacedemonians, send greet-

Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 310

ing: If you be well, antl both your public and private
affairs be agreeable to your mind, it is according
to our wishes. We are well also. When in former
times an epistle was brought to Onias, who was then
our high priest, from Areus, who at that time was
your king, by Demoteles, concerning the kindred
that was between us and you, a copy of w^hich is
here subjoined, we both joyfully received the epistle,
and \vere well pleased with Demoteles and Areus,
although we did not need such a demonstration, be-
cause ' we were satisfied about it from the sacred
writings, yet did not we think fit, first to begin the
claim of this relation to you, lest we 'should seem
too early in taking to ourselves the glory which is
now given us by you. It is a long time since this
relation of ours to you hath been renewed; and when
we, upon holy and festival days, offer sacrifices to
God, we pray to him for your ^^reservation and
victory. As to ourselves, although we have had many
wars that have compassed us around, by reason of
the covetousness of oiu' neighbours, yet did we not
determine to be troublesome either to you, or to others
that were related to us; but since we have now
overcome our enemies, and have occasion to send
Xinnenius, the son of Antiochus, and Antipater, the
son of Jason, who are both honourable men belonging
to our senate, to the Romans, we gave them this
epistle to you also, that they might renew that friend-
ship which is between us. You will therefore do
well yourselves to write to us, and send us an account
of what you stand in need of from us, since we are

^ This clause is otherwise rendered in the first book of Maccabees,
xii. 9, "For that we have the holy books of scripture in our hands to
comfort us." The Hebrew original lieing lost, we cannot certainly judge
which was the truest version, only tlie coherence favours Josephus. But
it this were the Jews' meaning, that they were satisfied out of their
Bible that the Jews and Lacedemonians were of kin, that part of their
Bible is now lost, for we find no such assertion in our present copies.

320 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

in all things, disposed to act according to your de-
sires." So the Lacedemonians received the ambas-
sadors kindly, and made a decree for friendship
and mutual assistance and sent it to them.

9. At this time there were three sects among the
Jews, who had different opinions concerning human
actions; the one was called the sect of the Pharisees,
another the sect of the Sadducees, and the other the
sect of the Essens. Xow for the ^ Pharisees, they
say that some actions, but not all, are the work of
fate, and some of them are in our own power, and
that they are liable to fate, but are not caused by
fate. But the sect of the Essens affirm, that fate
governs all things, and that nothing befalls men
but what is according to its determination. And for
the Sadducees they take away fate and say there
is no such thing, and that the events of human affairs
are not at its disposal, but they suppose that all our
actions are in our own power, so that we are our-
selves the causes of what is good, and receive what
is evil from our own folly. However, I have given

^ Those that suppose Josephus to contradict himself in his three
several accounts of the notions of the Pliarisees, this here, and that
earlier one, which is the largest, Of the War, B. II. ch. viii. sect. 14, ^'ol.
III. and the latter, Antiq. B. XVIII. ch. i. sect. 3, Vol. III. as if he
sometimes said thev introduced an absolute fatality, and denied all
freedom of human actions, is almost wholly groundless ; he ever, as the
very learned Casauhon here truly observes, asserting, that the Pharisees
were between the Essens and Sadducees, and did so far ascribe all to
fate or divine providence as was consistent with the freedom of human
actions. However, their perplexed way of talking alrout fate or provi-
dence, as overruling all things, made it commonly thought they were
willing to excuse their sins by ascribing them to fate, as in the Apos-
tolical Constitutions, B. VI. ch. vi. Perhaps under the same general
name some difference of opinions in this point might be propagated, as
is very common in all parties, especially in points of metaphysical
subtilty: However our Josephus, who in his heart was a great admirer
of the piety of the Essens, was yet in practice a Pharisee, as he himself
informs us, in his own life, sect. 2, Vol. III. And his account of this
doctrine of the Pharisees, is for certain agreeable to his own opinion,
who ever both fully allowed the freedom of human actions, and yet
strongly believed the powerful interposition of divine providence. See
concerning this matter a remarkable clause, Antiq. B. XVI. ch. xi, sect. 7.

Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 321

a more exact account of these opinions in the second
book of the Jewish war.

10. But now the generals of Demetrius being
wilhng to recover the defeat they had had, gathered
a greater army together than they had before, and
came against Jonathan; but as soon as he was in-
formed of their coming, he went suddenly to meet
them, to the country of Hamoth, for he resolved
to give them no opportunity of coming into Judea,
so he pitched his camp at fifty furlongs distant from
the enemy, and sent out spies to take a view of their
camp, and after what manner they were encamped.
When his spies had given him full information, and
had seized upon some of them by night, who told
him the enemy would soon attack him, he, thus ap-
prized beforehand, provided for his security, and
placed watchmen beyond his camp, and kept all his
forces armed all night; and he gave them a charge
to be of good courage, and to have their minds pre-
pared to fight in the night time, if they should be
obhged to do so, lest their enemies' designs should
seem concealed from them. But when Demetrius'
commanders were informed, that Jonathan knew what
they intended, their counsels were disordered, and
it alarmed them to find, that the enemy had discov-
ered those their intentions, nor did they expect to
overcome them any other way, now they had failed
in the snares they had laid for them; for should they
hazard an open battle, they did not think they should
be a match for Jonathan's army, so they resolved to
fly: and having lighted many fires, that when the
enemy saw them they might suppose they were
there still, they retired. But when Jonathan came
to give them battle in the morning in their camp,
and found it deserted, and understood they were
fled, he pursued them, yet he could not overtake them.

322 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

for they had ah'eady passed over the river Eleutherus,
and were out of danger. So when Jonathan was
returned thence, he went into Arabia, and fought
against the Nabateans, and drove away a great deal
of their prey, and took [many] captives, and came
to Damascus, and there sold of that he had taken.
About the same time it was, that Simon his brother
went over all Judea and Palestine, as far as Askelon,
and fortified the strongholds; and when he had made
them very strong, both in the edifices erected, and in
the garrisons placed in them, he came to Joppa,
and when he had taken it, he brought a great gar-
rison into it, for he heard that the people of JojDpa
were disposed to deliver up the city to Demetrius'
generals.

11. When Simon and Jonathan had finished these
affairs, they returned to Jerusalem, where Jonathan
gathered all the people together and took counsel
to restore the walls of Jerusalem, and to rebuild the
wall that encompassed the temple, which had been
thrown down, and to make the places adjoining
stronger by very high towers; and besides that, to
build another wall in the midst of the city, in order
to exclude tlie market-place from tlie garrison, which
was in tlie citadel, and by that means to hinder them
from any plenty of provisions; and moreover, to
make the fortresses that were in the country much
stronger, and more defensible, than they were be-
fore. And when these things were approved of by
the multitude, as rightly proposed, Jonatlian him-
self took care of the building that belonged to the
city, and sent Simon away to make the fortresses
in the country more secure than formerly. But
Demetrius passed over [Euphrates,] and came into
Mesopotamia, as desirous to retain tliat country still,
as well as Bal)yl{)n; and when he should have obtained

Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 323

the dominion of Iiis upper provinces, to lay a foun-
dation for recovering his entire kingdom; for those
Greeks and Macedonians who dwelt there, frequently
sent ambassadors to him, and promised, that if he
would come to them, they would deliver themselves
up to him, and assist him in fighting against ^ Ar-
saces, the king of the Parthians. So he was elevated
with these hojDcs, and came hastily to them, as having
resolved that, if he had once overthrown the Parthians,
and gotten an army of his own, he would make war
against Trypho, and eject him out of Syria; and
the people of that country received him with great
alacrity. So he raised forces, with which he fought
against Arsaces, and lost all his army, and was him-
self taken alive, as we have elsewhere related.

CHAPTER VI.

How Jonathan was slain by treachery; and how
thereupon the Jews made Simon their general and
high jwiest: what courageous actions also he per-
formed, esp'ecially against Trypho.

1. Now when Trypho knew what had befallen
Demetrius, he was no longer firm to Antiochus, but
contrived by subtilty to kill him, and then take pos-
session of his kingdom; but the fear that he was in
of Jonathan was an obstacle to this his design, for
Jonathan was a friend to Antiochus, for which cause

* This king, who was of the famous race of Arsaces, is bofh here,
and 1 Mac. xiv. 3, called by the family name Arsaces, but Appion says,
his proper name was Phrates. He is here also called by Josephus the
khi(/ of the Parfhin))s. as the Greeks used to call them, but by the elder
author of the first Maccabees the king of the Persians and Medes, ac-
cording to the language of the eastern nations. See Authent. Rec. Part
II. p. 1108.

324 AXTIQUITIES Book xiii.

he resolved first to take Jonathan out of the way,
and then to set about his design relating to Antiochus;
but he judging it best to take hin: off by deceit and
treachery, came from Antioch to Bethshan, which by
the Greeks is called Scijtliopolis, at which place Jon-
athan met him with forty thousand chosen men,
for he thought that he came to fight him; but when he
perceived that Jonathan was ready to fight, he at-
tempted to gain him by presents, and kind treat-
ment, and gave order to his captains to obey him, and
by these means was desirous to give assurance of his
good-will, and to take away all suspicions out of his
mind, that so he might make him careless and incon-
siderate, and might take him when he was unguarded.
He also advised him to dismiss his army, because
there was no occasion for bringing it with him when
there was no war, but all was in peace. However,
he desired him to retain a few about him, and go with
him to Ptolemais, for that he would deliver the city
up to him, and would bring all the fortresses that were
in tlie country under his dominion; and he told him,
that he came with those very designs.

2. Yet did not Jonathan suspect any thing at all
by this his management, but believed" that Trypho
gave him this advice out of kindness, and with a
sincere design. Accordingly, he dismissed his army;
and retained no more than three thousand of them
with liim, and left two thousand in Galilee, and he
himself, with one thousand, came with Trypho to
Ptolemais: But when the people of Ptolemais had shut
their gates, as it had been commanded by Trypho
to do, he took Jonathan alive, and slew all that were
with liim. He also sent soldiers against those two
thousand that were left in (ialilee, in order to destroy
them: but those men having heard the report of what
had happened to Jonathan, tliey prevented the execu-

Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 325

tion, and before those that were sent by Trypho came,
they covered themselves with their armour, and went
away out of the country. Now when those that were
sent against them saw that they were ready to fight
for their hves, they gave them no disturbance, but
returned back to Trypho.

3. But when the people of Jerusalem heard that
Jonathan was taken, and that the soldiers who were
with him were destroyed, they deplored his sad fate,
and there was earnest inquiry made about him by
every body, and a great and just fear fell upon
them, and made them sad, lest, now they were de-
prived of the courage and conduct of Jonathan, the
nations about them should bear them ill-will; and
as they were before quiet on account of Jonathan,
they should now rise up against them, and by making
war with them, should force them into the utmost
dangers. And indeed what they suspected really
befell them, for when those nations heard of the death
of Jonathan, they began to make war with the Jews
as now destitute of a governor; and Trypho himself
got an army together, and had an intention to go up
to Judea; and make war against its inhabitants. But
when Simon saw that the people of Jerusalem were
terrified at the circumstances they were in, he desired
to make a speech to them, and thereby to render them
more resolute in opposing Trypho when he should
come against them. He then called the people to-
gether into the temple, and thence began thus to
encourage them, "O my countrymen, you are not
ignorant that oui- father, myself, and my brethren,
have ventured to hazard our lives, and that willingly
for the recovery of your liberty; since I have there-
fore such plenty of examples before me, and we of
our family have determined with ourselves to die for
our laws, and our divine worship, there shall no terror

326 Antiquities Book xm.

be so great as to banish this resolution from our souls,
nor to introduce in its place a love of life, and a
contempt of glory. Do you therefore follow me with
alacrity whithersoever I shall lead you, as not destitute
of such a captain as is willing to suffer, and to do the
greatest things for you; for neither am I better than
my brethren that I should be sparing of my own life,
nor so far worse than they as to avoid and refuse
what they thought the most honoin'able of all things,
I mean to undergo death for your laws, and for that
worship of God which is peculiar to you; I will there-
fore give such proper demonstrations as will show
that I am their own brother; and I am so bold as
to expect that I shall avenge their blood upon our
enemies, and deliver you all with your wives and
children, from the injuries they intend against you,
and with God's assistance, to preserve your temple
from destruction by them, for I see that these nations
have you in contempt, as being without a governor,
and that they thence are encouraged to make war
against you."

4. By this speech of Simon's he inspired the
multitude with courage, and as they had been before
dispirited through fear, they were now raised to a
good hope of better things, insomuch, that the whole
multitude of the people cried out all at once, that
Simon should be their leader; and that instead of
Judas and Jonathan his brethren, he should have
the government over them: and they promised that
they would readily obey him in whatsoever he sliould
command them. So he got together immediately all
his own soldiers that were fit for war, and made haste
in relniilding tlie walls of the city, and strengthening
them l)v vei'v lii<'li and strong towers, and sent a friend
of his, one Jonatlian the son of Absalom, to Joppa,
and gave him orders to eject the inhabitants out of

Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 327

the city, for he was afraid lest they should deliver up
the city to Trypho, but he himself stayed to secure
Jerusalem.

5. But Trypho removed from Ptolemais with a
great army, and came into Judea, and brought Jon-
athan with him in bonds. Simon also met him with
his army at the city Adida, which is upon a hill, and
beneath it lie the plains of Judea. And when Trypho
knew that Simon was by the Jews made their governor,
he sent to him, and would have imposed upon him
by deceit and treachery; and desired him, if he would
have his brother Jonathan released, that he would send
him a hundred talents of silver, and two of Jonathan's
sons as hostages, that when he shall be released, he
may not make Judea revolt from the king, for that
at present he was kept in bonds on account of the
money he had borrowed of the king, and now owed
it to him. But Simon was aware of the craft of
Trypho, and although he knew that if he gave him
the money he should lose it, and that Trypho would
not set his brother free, and withal, should deliver the
sons of Jonathan to the enemy, yet because he was
afraid that he should have a calumny raised against
him among the multitude as the cause of his brother's
death, if he neither gave the money, nor sent Jon-
athan's sons, he gathered his army together, and told
them what offers Trypho had made, and added this,
that the offers were ensnaring and treacherous, and
yet that it was more eligible to send the money and
Jonathan's sons than to be liable to the imputation
of not complying with Trypho's offers, and thereby
refusing to save his brother. Accordingly, Simon
sent the sons of Jonathan and the money; but when
Trypho had received them, he did not keep his
promise, nor set Jonathan free, but took his army,
a-nd went about all the country, and resolved to go

328 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

afterward to Jerusalem by the way of Idumea, while
Simon went over against him with his army, and all
along pitched his own camp over against his.

6. But when those that were in the citadel had
sent to Trypho, and besought him to make haste and
come to them, and to send them provisions, he pre-
pared his cavalry as though he would be at Jerusa-
lem that very night, but so great a quantity of snow
fell in the night, that it covered the roads, and made
them so deep, that there was no passing, especially
for the cavalry. This hindered him from coming to
Jerusalem; whereupon Trypho removed thence, and
came into Celesyria, and falling vehemently upon the
land of Gilead, he slew Jonathan there, and when he
had given order for his burial, he returned himself
to Antioch. However, Simon sent some to the city
Basca to bring away his brother's bones, and buried
them in their own city INIodin; and all the people
made great lamentation over him. Simon also erected
a very large monument for his father and his brethren,
of white and polished stone, and raised it a great
height, and so as to be seen a long way off, and made
cloisters about it, and set up pillars, which were of
one stone a-piece; a work it was wonderful to see.
INIoreover, he built seven pyramids also for his parents
and his brethren, one for each of them, which were
made very surprising, both for their largeness and
beauty, and which have been preserved to this day;
and we know that it was Simon who bestowed so
much zeal a}>out the burial of Jonathan, and the build-
ing of these monuments for his relations. Now Jon-
athan died when he had been high priest ^ four years,

^ There is some error in tlic eopies liere, when no more than four
years are aseribed to tlie liigli jiriesthood of Jonathan. We know by
Josephus' last Jewish chronology, Antiq. B. XX. eh. x. Vol. III. that there
was an interval of seven years between the death of Alcimus or Jacimus,
the last high priest, and the real jiriesthood of Jonathan, to whom yet

Chap.

vi. " OF THE JEWS. 329

and had been also the governor of his nation. And
these were the circumstances that concerned his death.
7. But Simon, who w^as made high priest by the
multitude, on the very first year of his high priest-
hood set his people free from their slavery under the
JNIacedonians, and permitted them to pay tribute to
tliem no longer; which liberty and freedom from
tribute they obtained after a ' hundred and seventy
years of the kingdom of the Ass^Tians, which was
after Seleucus, who was called Nicator, got the domin-
ion over Syria. Now the affection of the multitude
towards Simon was so great, that in their contracts
one with another, and in the public records, they
wrote, "In the first year of Simon the benefactor
and ethnarch of the Jews:" for under him they were
very happy, and overcame the enemies that were
round about them, for Simon overthrew the city
Gazara, and Joppa, and Jamnia. He also took the
citadel of Jerusalem by siege, and cast it down to the
ground, that it might not be any more a place of
refuge to their enemies w^hen they took it, to do them
a mischief, as it had been till now. And when he

those seven years seem here to be ascribed, as a part of tliem Mere to
Judas before, Antiq. B. XII. ch. x. sect. 6, A'ol. II. Now since, besides
these seven years' interregimm in the pontificate, we are told, Antiq. B.
XX. ch. X. that Jonathan's real high priesthood lasted seven years more;
these two seven years will make up fourteen years, which I suppose was
Josephus' own number in this place, instead of the four in our present
copies.

^ These 170 years of the Assyrians mean no more, as Josephus explains
himself here, than from the aera of Seleucus, which, as it is known to have
began on the 31^th year before the Christian aera, from its spring in the
first book of Maccabees, and from its autumn in the second book of
Maccabees, so did it not begin at Babylon till the next spring, on the
31Ith year. See Prid. at the year 313. And it is truly observed by Dr.
Hudson on this place, that "the Syrians and Assyrians are sometimes
confounded in ancient authors, according to the words of Justin the
epitoniizer of Trogus Pompeius, who says. That "the Assyrians were
afterwards called Syrlnnn," B. I. ch. xi. See Of the War, B. V. ch. ix.
sect. 4, Vol. IV. where the Philistines themselves, at the very south limit
of Syria, in its utmost extent, are called Assyrians by Josephus, as
Spanheim observes.

330 ANTIQUITIES 'Book xiii.

had done this, he thought it their best way, and most
for their advantage, to level the very mountain itself
upon which the citadel happened to stand, that so the
temple might he higher than it. And indeed, when
he had called the multitude to an assembly, he per-
suaded them to have it so demolished, and this by
putting them in mind what miseries they had suf-
fered by its garrison, and the Jewish deserters, and
what miseries they might hereafter suffer in case any
foreigner should ol)tain the kingdom, and put a gar-
rison into that citadel. This speech induced the multi-
tude to a compliance, because he exhorted them to
do nothing but what was for their own good: so they
all set themselves to the work, and levelled the mountain,
and in that work spent both day and night without any
intermission, w^hich cost him three whole years before it
was removed, and brought to an entire level with the
plain of the rest of the city. After which the temple
was the highest of all the buildings, now the citadel, as
well as the mountain whereon it stood, were demolished.
And these actions were thus performed under Simon.

CHAPTER VII.

How Simon confederated himself with Antiochus
Pius, and made war against Tryplio: and a little
afterward against Cendeheus, the general of An-
tiochus' army: As also how Simon was murdered
hy his son-i7i-law Ptolemy, and that by treachery.

1. ^ Now a little while after Demetrius had been
carried into captivity, Trypho his governor destroyed

* It must here hv diliffcntly noted, tli;it .T()se])lius' co])}' of the first
l)Ook of Maccabees, wliich he h;i(l so carefully followed, aud faithfully

Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 331

Antiochus ^ the son of Alexander, who was also called
- the God, and this when he had reigned four years,
tliough he gave it out that he died under the hands
of the surgeons. He then sent his friends, and those
that were most intimate with him, to the soldiers; and
promised that he would give them a great deal of
money if they would make him king. He intimated
to them that Demetrius was made a captive by the
Parthians; and that Demetrius' brother Antiochus,
if he came to be king, would do them a great deal

abridged, as far as the 50th verse of the twelfth chapter, seems there
to have ended. What few things there are afterward common to both,
might probably be learned by him from some other more imperfect
records. However, we nmst exactly observe here, what the remaining
part of that book of the Maccabees informs us of, and what Josephus
would never have omitted, had his copy contained so much, that this
Simon the Great, the Maccabee, made a league with Antiochus Soter,
the son of Demetrius Soter, and brother of the other Demetrius, who
was now a captive in Parthia, that upon his coming to the crown, about
the 140th year before the Christian aera, he granted great privileges to
the Jewish' nation, and to Simon their high priest and ethnarch, which
privileges Simon seems to have taken of his own accord about three
years before. In particular, he gave him leave to coin money for his
country with his own stamji; and as concerning Jerusalem, and the
sanctuary, that they should be frte, or as the vulgar Latin hath it,
hoUj and free, 1 Maccal). xv. 6, 7, which I -take to be the true reading,
as being the very worils of his father's concession offered to Jonathan
several years before, ch. x. 31, and Antiq. B. XIII. ch. li. sect. 3, Vol. II.
Now wliat makes this date, and these grants, greatly remarkable, is the
state of the remaining genuine shekels of the Jews with Samaritan
characters, which seem to have been (most of them at least) coined in
the four first years of this Simon the Asamonean, and having upon th.em
these words on one side, Jerusalem the holj/, and on the reverse. In the
year of freedom, 1, or -2, or 3, or \, which shekels therefore are original
monuments of these times, and undeniable marks of the truth of the
history in these chapters, though it be in a great measure omitted by
Josephus. See Essay on the Old Test. pp. 157, 158. The reason why I
rather suppose that his copy of the Maccabees wanted these chap-
tefs, than that his own copies are here imperfect, is this, that ail
their contents are not here omitted, though mfR-h the greatest part
be.

"■ How Trypho killed this Antiochus, the epitome of Livy informs us,
ch. 55, viz. that he corrupted his jihysicians or surgeons, who falsely
pretending to the ])eoi)le that he was perishing with the stone, as they
cut him for it, killed him, which exactly agrees with Josephus.

'■'That this Antiochus, the son of Alexander Balas, was called the
God, is evident from his coins, which vSpanheim assures us bear this
inscri]iti(in, A'/zc/ A ittioclms the (lod, EpiphaucK the Victorious.

332 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

of mischief, in way of revenge for their revolting
from his brother. So the soldiers, in expectation of
the v/ealth they should get by bestowing the kingdom
on Trypho, made him their ruler. However, when
Trypho had gained the management of affairs, he
demonstrated his disposition to be wicked; for while
he was a private person, he cultivated a familiarity
with the multitude, and pretended to great modera-
tion, and so drew them on artfully to whatsoever he
pleased; but when he had once taken the kingdom,
he laid aside any farther dissimulation, and was true
Tryplio, which behaviour made his enemies superior
to him, for the soldiery hated him, and revolted from
him to Cleopatra the wife of Demetrius, who was
then shut up in Seleucia with her children. But as
Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius, who was called
Soter, w^as not admitted by any of the cities on ac-
count of Trypho, Cleopatra sent to him, and invited
him to marry her, and to take the kingdom. The
reasons why she made this invitation were these:
That her friends persuaded her to it, and that she
was afraid for herself, in case some of the people of
Seleucia should deliver up the city to Trypho.

2. As Antiochus was now come to Seleucia, and
his forces increased every day, he marched to fight
Trypho; and having beaten him in the battle, he
ejected him out of the Upper Syria into Phenicia,
and pursued him thither, and besieged him in Dora,
which was a fortress hard to be taken, whither he
had fled. He also sent ambassadors to Simon the
Jewish high priest, about a league of friendship and
mutual assistance; who readily accepted of the in-
vitation, and sent to Antiochus great sums of money,
and provisions, for those that besieged Dora, and
there})y sup])lied tliem very plentifully, so that for
a little while lie was looked upon as one of his most

Chap. rii. OF THE JEWS. 333

intimate friends: but still Trypho fled from Dora
to Apamia, where he was taken during the siege, and
23ut to death, when he had reigned three years.

3. However, Antiochus forgot the kind assistance
that Simon had afforded him in his necessity, by
reason of his covetous and wicked disposition, and
committed an army of soldiers to his friend Cendebeus,
and sent him at once to ravage Judea, and to seize
Simon. When Simon heard of Antiochus' breaking
his league with him, although he were now in years,
yet, provoked with the unjust treatment he had met
with from Antiochus, and taking a resolution brisker
than his age could well bear, he went like a young
man to act as general of his army. He also sent
his sons before among the most hardy of his soldiers,
and he himself marched on with his army another
way, and laid many of his men in ambushes in the
narrow valleys between the mountains; nor did he
fail of success in any one of his attempts, but was
too hard for his enemies in e^^ery one of them. So
he led the rest of his life in peace, and did also him-
self make a league with the Romans.

4. Now he was the ruler of the Jews in all eight
years; but at a feast came to his end. It was caused
by the treachery of his son-in-law Ptolemy; who
caught also his wife, and two of his sons, and kept
them in bonds. He also sent some to kill John the
third son, whose name was Hyrcanus; but the young
man perceiving them coming, he ^ avoided the danger

^ Here Josephus begins to follow, and to abridge the next sacred
Hel)re\v book, stjied in the end of the first book of Maccabees, The
Chronicle of John's \Hi/rcoiiys-'] hujh priesthood, but in some of the
(Jreek copies the fourth book of Mdccabces. A Greek version of this
chronicle was extant not very long ago, in the days of Santes Pagnimis
and Sixtus wSenensis, at Lyons, tliongh it seem to have been there burnt,
and to be now utterly lost. See Sixtus Senensis' account of it, of its
many Hebraisms, and its great agreement with Josephus' abridgment,
in the Authent. Rec. Part I. 306, 207, 208.

334 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

he was in from them, and made haste into the city
[Jerusalem,] as relying on the good-will of the
multitude, because of the benefits they had received
from his father, and because of the hatred the same
multitude bare to Ptolemy; so that when Ptolemy
was endeavouring to enter the city by another gate,
they drove him away, as having alreadj^ admitted of
Hyrcanus.

CHAPTER VIII.

Hyrcanus receives the high priesthood, and ejects
Ptolemy out of the country. ^Lntiochus makes
tear against Hyrcanus, and aftertcards makes a
league tcith him.

1. So Ptolemy retired to one of the fortresses
that was above Jericho, which was called Dagon: but
Hyrcanus having taken the priesthood that had been
his father's before, and in the first place propitiated
God by sacrifices, he tlien made an expedition against
Ptolemy; and when he made his attacks upon the
place, in other points he was too hard for him, but
was rendered weaker than he, by the commiseration
he had for his mother and brethren, and by that only,
for Ptolemy brought tliem upon the wall, and tor-
mented them in the sight of all, and threatened that
he would throw them down headlong, unless Hyrcanus
would leave off the siege. And as he thought, that so
far as he relaxed as to the siege and taking of the
place, so much favour did he show to those that were
dearest to him by preventing their misery, his zeal
about it was cooled. However, his mother spread
out her hands, and begged of him that he would not
grow remiss on her account, ])ut indulge liis indigna-

Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 335

tion so much the more, and that he would do his
utmost to take the place quickly, in order to get their
enemy under his power, and then to avenge upon
him what he had done to these that were dearest to
himself; for that death would be to her sweet, though
with torment, if that enemy of theirs might but be
brought to punishment for his wicked dealings to
them. Now, when his mother said so, he resolved
to take the fortress immediately; but when he saw
her beaten, and torn to pieces, his courage failed him,
and he could not but sympathize with what his mother
suffered, and was thereby overcome. And as the
siege was drawn out into length by this means, that
year on which the Jews use to rest came on, for the
Jews observe this rest every seventh year, as they
do every seventh day; so that Ptolemy being ^ for
this cause released from the war, he slew the brethren
of Hyrcanus, and his mother: and when he had so
done he fled to Zeno, who was called Coiylas, who
was then the tyrant of the city of Philadelphia.

2. But Antiochus being very uneasy at the miseries
that Simon had brought upon him, he invaded Judea
in the fourth year of his reign, and the first year
of the principality of Hyrcanus, in - the hundred and

^ Hence we le.-irn, that in the days of this excellent high priest, John
Hyrcanus, the observation of the Sabbafic year, as Josephus supposed,
required a rest from var, as did that of the ireekl;/ Sabbalh from irork:
T mean this, imless in the case of necessity, when the Jews were attacked
by their enemies, in which case indeed, and in which alone, they then
allowed defensive fighting to be lawful even on the Sabbath day, as we
see in several places of Josephus, Antiq. B. XII. ch. vi. sect. -2, B. XIII.
ch. 1, sect. -2, Vol. II. Of the War, B. I. ch. vii. sect. 2, Vol. HI. But
then it must be noted, that this rest from war no way appears in the
first book of Maccabees, ch. xvi. but the direct contrary; though indeed
the Jews, in the days of Antiochus Epiphanes, did not venture upon
fighting on the Sabbath day, even in the defence of their own lives, till
the Asamonians or Maccabees decreed so to do, 1 ^lac. ii. 3:3-41, Antiq.
B. XII. ch. vii. sect. 2.

" Josephus' copies, both Greek and I^atin, have here a gross mistake,
when they say, that this first year of John Hyrcanus, which we have
just now seen to luive been a Sabballc year, was in the \(}2([ Olympiatl,

336 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

sixty-second Olympiad. And when he had burnt the
country, he shut up Hyrcanus in the city, which he
encompassed round with seven encampments, but did
nothing at the first, because of the strength of the
walls, and because of the valour of the besieged;
although they were once in want of water, which yet
they were delivered from by a large shower of rain,
which fell at the ^ setting of the Pleiades. However,
about the north part of the wall, where it happened
the city was upon a level with the outward ground,
the king raised a hundred towers of three stories high,
and placed bodies of soldiers upon them, and as he
made his attacks every day, he cut a double ditch,
deep and broad, and confined the inhabitants within
it as within a wall; but the besieged contrived to make
frequent sallies out, and if the enemy were not any
where upon their guard, they fell upon them, and did
them a great deal of mischief, and if they perceived
them, they then retired into the city with ease. But
because Hyrcanus discerned the inconvenience of so
great a number of men in the city, while the pro-
visions were the sooner spent by them, and yet, as is
natural to suppose those great numbers did nothing,
he separated the useless part and excluded them out
of the city, and retained that part only which were in
the flower of their age, and fit for war. However
Antiochus would not let those that were excluded go
away, who therefore wandering about between the
walls, and consuming away by famine, died miserably;

whereas it was for certain the second year of the 161st. See the like
before, B. XII. ch. vi. sect. 6.

^ Tliis heliacal setting of the Pleiades, or seven stars, was, in the
days of Hyrcanus and Josephus, early in the sjiring, about February,
the time of the latter rain in Judca, and this so far as I remember, is
the only astronomical character of time, besides one eclipse of the moon
in the reign of Herod, that we meet with in all Josephus, the Jews being
little accustomed to astronomical observations, any farther than for the
uses of their calendar, and utterly forbidden those astrological uses
which the heathens commonly made of them.

Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 337

but when the feast of tabernacles was at hand, those
that were within commiserated their condition and
received them in again. And when HjTcanus sent to
Antiochus, and desired there might be a truce, for
seven days, because of the festival, he gave way to
his piety towards God, and made that truce accord-
ingly: and besides that, he sent in a magnificent sacri-
fice, bulls with their ^ horns gilded with all sorts of
sweet spices, and with cups of gold and silver. So
those that were at the gates received the sacrifices
from those that brought them, and led them to the
temple, Antiochus the meanwhile feasting his army;
which was a quite different conduct from Antiochus
Epiphanes, who, when he had taken the city, 'he of-
fered swine upon tlie altar, and sprinkled the temple
with the broth of their flesh, in order to violate the
laws of the Jews, and the religion they derived from
their forefathers; for which reason our nation made
war with him, and would never be reconciled to him:
but for this Antiochus, all men called him Antiochus
the Pious, for the great zeal he had about religion.

3. Accordingly Hyrcanus took this moderation of
his kindly; and when he understood how religious he
was towards the Deity, he sent an embassage to him,
and desired that he would restore the settlements they
received from their forefathers. So he rejected the
counsel of those that " would have him utterly destroy
the nation by reason of their way of li^dng, which was
to others unsociable, and did not regard what they
said. But being persuaded that all they did was
out of a religious mind, he answered the ambassadors,

' Dr. Hudson tells us here, that this custom of gilding the horns of
those oxen that were to be sacrificed, is a known thing both in the poets
and orators.

^ This account in Josephus, that the present Antiochus, was per-
suaded, though in vain, not to make peace with the Jews, but to cut
them off utterly, is fully confirmed by Diodorus Siculus, in Photius'
extracts out of his S+th Book.

338 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

That if the besieged would deKver up their arms and
pay tribute for Joppa, and the other cities which
bordered uj^on Judea, and admit a garrison of his,
on these terms he would make war against them no
longer. But the Jews, although they were content
with the other conditions, did not agree to admit the
garrison, because they could not associate with other
people, nor converse with them; yet were they willing,
instead of the admission of the garrison, to give him
hostages, and five hundred talents of silver, of which
they paid down three hundred, and sent the hostages
immediately, which king Antiochus accepted. One
of those hostages was Hyrcanus' brother; but still
he broke down the fortifications that encompassed the
city: and upon these conditions Antiochus broke up
the siege and departed.

4. But Hyrcanus opened the sepulchre of David,
who excelled all other kings in riches, and took out
of it three thousand talents. He was also the first
of the Jews that, relying on this wealth, maintained
foreign troops. There was also a league of friend-
ship and mutual assistance made between them: Upon
which Hyrcanus admitted him into the city, and
furnished him with whatsoever his army wanted in
rjreat plenty, and with great generosity, and marched
along with him when he made an expedition against
the Parthians; of which Xicolaus of Damascus is a
witness for us; who in his history writes thus: "When
Antiochus had erected a trophy at tlie river Lycus,
upon his conquest of Indates, the general of the
Parthians, he stayed there two days. It was at the
desire of Hyrcanus the Jew, because it was such a
festival derived to them from their forefathers, whereon
the law of the Jews did not allow them to travel."
And truly he did not speak falsely in saying so; for
that festival, which we call Pentecost, did then fall

Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 339

out to be the next daj^ to the Sabbath: nor is it ^ law-
ful for us to journey, either on the Sabbath day, or
on a festival day. But when Antiochus joined battle
with xVrsaces, the king of Parthia, he lost a great part
of his army, and was himself slain: and his brother
Demetrius succeeded in the kingdom of Syria by the
permission of Arsaces, who freed him from his
captivity, at the same time that Antiochus attacked
Parthia, as we have formerly related elsewhere.

CHAPTER IX.

How, after the death of Antiochus, Hijrcanus made
an ejcpedition against Syria, and made a league
tcith the Romans. Concerning the death of hing
Demetrius and AlecVander.

1. But when Hyrcanus heard of the death of
Antiochus, he presently made an expedition against
the cities of Syria, hoping to find them destitute of
lighting men, and of such as were able to defend
them. However, it was not till the sixth month that
he took ^Nledaba, and that not without the great
distress of his army. After this he took Samega,
and the neighbouring places; and besides these,
Shechem and Gerizzim, and the nation of the
Cutheans, who dwelt at the temple which Alexander
permitted Sanballat, the general of his army, to build
for the sake of JNIanasseh, who was son-in-law to
Jaddua the higli priest, as we have formerly related;
which temple was now deserted two hundred years

* The Jews were not to march or journey on the Sabbath, or on such
a great festival as was equivalent to the Sabbath, any farther than a
Sabbath dai/'s journei/, or -2000 cubits. See the note on Antiq. B. XX.
ch. vii. sect. 6, Vol. III.

34.0 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

after it was built. HjTcanus took also Dora and
JNIarissa, cities of Idumea, and subdued all the
Idumeans ; and permitted them to stay in that country,
if they would circumcise their genitals, and make use
of the laws of the Jews; and they were so desirous
of living in the country of their forefathers, that
they ^ submitted to the use of circumcision, and of
the rest of the Jewish ways of living; at which time
therefore this befell them, that they were hereafter
no other than Jews.

2. But Hyrcanus the high priest was desirous to
renew that league of friendship they had with the
Romans. Accordingly he sent an embassage to them:
and when the senate had received their epistle, they
made a league of friendship with them, after the
manner following: "Fanius, the son of Marcus the
pretor, gathered the senate together on the eighth

* This account of the Idumeans admitting circumcision, and the entire
Jewish law, from this time, or from tlie days of Hyrcanus, is confirmed
by their entire history afterward. See Antiq. B. XIV. ch. viii. sect. 1,
B. XV. ch. vii. sect. 9, Vol. II. Of the AVar, B. II. ch. iii. sect. 1, Vol.
III. B. IV. ch. iv. sect. 5, Vol. IV. This, in the opinion of Josephus,
made them proselytes of justice, or entire Jews, as here and elsewhere,
Antiq. B. XIV. ch. viii. sect. 1. However, Antigonus, the enemy of
Herod, though Herod were derived from such a proselvte of justice
for several generations, will allow him to be no more than a half Jew,
B. XIV. ch. XV. sect. -2. But still take out of Dean Prideaux, at the
year 1:?9, the words of Ammonius a grammarian, which fully confimis
this account of the Idumeans in Josephus. "The Jews," says lie, "are
such b}' nature, and from the begimiing, whilst the Idumeans were not
Jews from the beginning, but Phenicians and Syrians; but being after-
ward subdued by the Jews, and compelled to be circumcised, and to
unite into one nation, and be subject to the same law«, they were called
Jews." Dio also says, as the Dean there quotes him, from B. XXXVI.
p. 37, "That country is called Judea, and the people Jews; and this name
is given also to as many others as embrace their religion, though of
other nations." But then upon what foundation so good a governor as
Hyrcanus took upon him to compel those Idumeans either to become
Jews or to leave the country, deserves great consideration. I suppose
it was because they had long ago been driven out of the land of Edom,
and seized on and jjossessed the tribe of Simeon, and all the southern
parts of the tribe of Judah, which was the jieculiar inheritance of the
worshippers of the true God without idolatry, as the reader may learn
from Heland, Palestine, Part I. pp. Iji, UOj, and from Prideaux, at the
vears MO, ;ind l(i5.

Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 341

day before the ides of February, in the senate house,
when Lucius Manhus, the son of Lucius, of the
Mentine tribe, and Caius Sempronius, the son of
Caius, of the Falernian tribe, were present. The
occasion was, that the ambassadors sent by the ^ people
of the Jews, Simon, the son of Dositheus, and Apol-
lonius, the son of Alexander, and Diodorus, the
son of Jason, who were good and virtuous men, had
somewhat to propose about that league of friendship
and mutual assistance which subsisted between them
and the Romans, and about other public affairs, who
desired that Joppa, and the havens, and Gazara,
and the springs [of Jordan,] and the several other
cities and countries of theirs, which Antiochus had
taken from them in the war, contrary to the decree
of the senate, might be restored to them; and that
it might not be lawful for the king's troops to pass
through their country, and the countries of those
that are subject to them: And that what attempts
Antiochus had made during that war, without the
decree of the senate, might be made void: and that
they would send ambassadors, who should take care
that restitution be made them of what Antiochus
had taken from them, and that they should make an
estimate of the country that had been laid waste in
the war, and that they would grant them letters of
protection to the kings, and free people, in order
to their quiet return home. It was therefore decreed,
as to those points, to renew their league of friendship
and mutual assistance with these good men, and
who were sent by a good and a friendly people."
But that as to the letters desired, their answer was,
that the senate would consult about that matter,

^ In this decree of the Roman Senate, it seems that these ambassadors
were sent from the people of the Jews, as well as from their prince, or
hi(/li priest, John Hi/rcanus.

342 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

when their own affairs would give them leave, and
that they would endeavour, for the time to ccme,
that no like injury should be done them; and that
their pretor Fanius should give them money out of
the public treasury to bear their expenses home.
And thus did Fanius dismiss the Jewish ambassadors,
and gave them money out of the public treasury;
and gave the decree of the senate to those that were
to conduct them, and take care that they should
return home in safety.

3. And thus stood the affairs of Hyrcanus the
high priest. But as for king Demetrius, who had
a mind to make war against Hyrcanus, there was
no opportunity nor room for it, while both the
Syrians and the soldiers bare ill will to him, because
he was an ill man. But when they had sent am-
bassadors to Ptolemy, who was called Physcon, that
he would send them one of the family at Seleucus,
in order to take the kingdom, and he had sent them
Alexander, who was called Zebina, with an army,
and there had been a battle between them, Demetrius
was beaten in the light, and fled to Clecpatra his
wife, to Ptolemais, but his wife would not receive
him. He went thence to Tyre, and was there caught;
and when he had suffered much from his enemies
before his death, he was slain by them. So Alex-
ander took the kingdom, and made a league with
Hyrcanus, who yet, when he afterward fought with
Antiochus the son of Demetrius, who was called
Grypus, was also beaten in the fight, and slain.

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 343

CHAPTER X.

How, upon the quarrel between Antiochus Grypm,
and Antioekus Cydcenus, about the kingdom, Hyr-
canus took Samaria, and utterly demolished it;
and how Hyrcanus joined himself to the sect of
the Sadducees, and left that of the Pharisees.

1. Whex Antiochus had taken the kingdom, lie
was afraid to make war against Judea, because lie
heard that his brother, by the same mother, who was
also called Antiochus, was raising an army against
him out of Cyzicum, so he stayed in his own land,
and resolved to prepare himself for the attack he
expected from his brother, who was called Cyzicenus,
because he had been brought up in that city. He
was the son of Antiochus that was called Soter,
who died in Parthia. He was the brother of De-
metrius, the father of Grypus, for it had so happened,
that one and the same Cleopatra was married to
two, who were brethren, as we have related else-
where. But Antiochus Cyzicenus coming into Syria,
continued many years at war with his brother. Now
Hyrcanus hved all this while in peace; for after the
death of Antiochus, he ^ revolted from the INIace-
donians, nor did he any longer pay them the least
regard, either as their subject or their friend, but
his affairs were in a very improving and flourishing
condition in the times of* Alexander Zebina, and
especially under these brethren, for the war which

' Prideaiix takes notice at the year 130, that Justin, in agreement
with Josephus, says, "The power of the Jews was now grown so great,
that after this Antiochus, they would not bear any Macedonian i<ing
over them, and that they set u]) a government of their own, and infested
Syria witli great wars."

3U ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

they had with one another gave Hyrcanus the op-
portunity of enjoying himself in Judea quietly, in-
somuch that he got an immense quantity of money.
However, when Antiochus Cyzicenus distressed his
land, he then openly showed what he meant. And
when he saw that Antiochus was destitute of Egyp-
tian auxiliaries, and that both he and his brother
were in an ill condition in the struggles they had
with one another, he despised them both.

2. So he made an expedition against Samaria,
which was a very strong city; of whose present name
Sebaste, and its rebuilding ]3y Herod, we shall sj^eak
at a proper time: but he made his attack against it,
and besieged it Avith a great deal of pains, for he
was greatly displeased with the Samaritans for the
injuries they had done to the people of ]Merissa, a
colony of the Jews, and confederate with tliem, and
this in compliance to the kings of Syria. When he
had therefore drawn a ditch, and built a double Avail
round the city, which were fourscore furloners Ions,
he set Ills sons Antigonus and Aristobulus over the
siege, w^.ncli brought the Samaritans to that great
distress by famine, that they were forced to eat what
used not to be eaten, and to call for Antiochus
Cyzicenus to help them, who came readily to their
assistance, but was beaten by Aristobulus, and when
he Avas pursued as far as Scythopolis by the two
brethren, he got aAvay: So they returned to Samaria,
and shut them again within the Avail, till they were
forced to send for the same Antiochus a second time
to help them, Avho procured about six thousand men
from Ptolemy Lathyrus, Avhich Avere ser.t them Avith-
out his mother's consent, aa^Iio had tlien in a manner
turned liim out of his government. With these
Egyptians Antiochus did at first OA^errun and raA^age
the country of Hyrcanus after the manner of a

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 345

robber, for he durst not meet him in the face to
fight with him, as not liaving an army sufficient for
that purpose, but only from this supposal, that by
thus harassing his land he should force Hyrcanus
to raise the siege of Samaria; but because he fell into
snares, and lost many of his soldiers therein, he went
away to Tripoli, and committed the prosecution of the
war against the Jews to Callimander and Epicrates.

3. But as to Callimander, he attacked the enemy
too rashly, and was put to flight, and destroyed im-
mediately; and as to Epicrates, he was such a lover
of money, that he openly betrayed Sc}i:hopolis, and
other places near it, to the Jews, but was not able
to make them raise the siege of Samaria. And when
Hyrcanus had taken that city, which was not done
till after a year's siege, he was not contented with
doing that only, but he demolished it entirely, and
brought riMjlets to it to drown it, for he dug such
hollows as might let the water run under it; nay,
he took away the very marks that there had ever
been such a city there. Xow a very surprising thing
is related of this high priest Hyrcanus, how God
came to discourse with him: for they say, that on
the very same day on which his sons fought ^vith
Antiochus Cyzicenus, he was alone in the temple, as
high priest offering incense, and heard a voice, that
"his sons had just then overcome Antiochus." And
this he openly declared before all the multitude upon
his coming out of the temj^le; and it accordingly
proved true: and in this posture were the affairs
of HjTcanus.

4. Xow it happened at this time, that not only
those Jews who werq^ at Jerusalem and in Judea
were in prosperity, but also those of them that were
at Alexandria, and in Egypt and Cyprus, for Cleo-
patra the queen was at variance with her son Ptolemy,

34G ANTIQUITIES Book xm.

who was called Lathyrus, and appointed for her
generals, Chelcias and Ananias, the sons of that
Onias who built the temple in the prefecture of
Heliopolis, like to that at Jerusalem, as we have
elsewhere related. Cleopatra intrusted these men
with her army; and did nothing without their advice,
as Strabo of Cappadocia attests, when he saith thus,
"Xow the greater part, both those that came to
Cyprus with us, and those that were sent afterward
thither, revolted to Ptolemy immediately; only those
that were called Onias' party, being Jews, continued
faithful, because their countrymen Chelcias and
Ananias were in chief favour with the queen." These
are the words of Strabo.

5. However, this prosperous state of affairs moved
the Jews to envy Hyrcanus, but they that were the
worst disposed to him were the ^ Pharisees, who were
one of the sects of the Jews, as we have informed
you already. These have so great a power over the
multitude, that when they say any thing against
the king, or against the high priest, they are pres-
ently believed. Xow Hyrcanus was a disciple of
theirs, and greatly beloved by them. And when he
once invited them to a feast, and entertained them
very kindly, when he saw them in a good humour,
he began to say to them, that "they knew he was

* The original of the Sadducees, as a considerable party among the
Jews, being contained in this, and the two following sections, take Dean
Prideaiix's note upon this their first public ajipearance, which I suppose
to be true: Hyrcanus, says he, "went over to the ]Kirty of tlie Sadducees,
that is, by embracing the doctrine against the tradition of the elders,
added to the written law, and made of equal authority with it, but not
their doctrine against the resurrection and a future state, for this can-
not be supposed of so good and righteous a man as John Hyrcanus is
said to be. It is most probable, that at this time the Sadducees had
gone no farther in the doctrines of tha!f sect than to deny all the un-
written traditions, which the Pharisees were so fond of; for Josephus
mentions no other difference at this time between them; neither dotii
he say that Hyrcanus went over to the Sadducees in any other })articular
than in the abolishing of all the traditionary constitutions of the Pharisees,"

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 347

desirous to be a righteous man, and to do all things
whereby he might please God, which was the pro-
fession of the Pharisees also. However, he desired,
if they observed him offending in any point, and
going out of the right way, they would call him
l)ack and correct him." On which occasion they at-
tested to his being entirely virtuous, with which
commendation he was well pleased. But still there
was one of his guests there, whose name was ^ Eleazar,
a man of an ill temper, and delighting in seditious
practices. This man said, "since thou desirest to
know the truth, if thou wilt be righteous in earnest,
lay down the high priesthood, and content thyself
with the civil government of the people." And when
lie desired to know for what cause he ought to lay
down the high priesthood, the other replied, "We
have heard it from old men, that thy mother had
been a captive under the reign of Antiochus Epiph-
anes." This story was false, and Hyrcanus was
provoked against him; and all the Pharisees had a
very great indignation against him.

6. Now there was one Jonathan, a very great
friend of Hyrcanus', but of the sect of the Sadducees,
whose notions are quite contrary to those of the
Pharisees. He told Hyrcanus, that "Eleazar had
cast such a reproach upon him, according to the
conmion sentiments of all the Pharisees, and that
this would be made manifest, if he would but ask
them the question, what punishment they thought
this man deserved? for that he might depend upon
it, that the reproach was not laid on him v/ith their
apjDrobation, if they were for punishing him as his

' This slander, that arose from a Pharisee, has been preserved by
their successors the Rabbins, to these later ages, for Dr. Hudson assures
us, that David Gantz, in his Chronology, S. pr. p. 77, in \''orstius' version,
relates that Hyrcanus' mother was taken captive in mount Modiith. See
ch. xiii. sect. 5.

348 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

crime deserved." So the Pharisees made answer,
that "he deserved stripes and bonds, but that it did
not seem right to punish reproaches with death."
And indeed the Pharisees, even upon other occa-
•sions, are not apt to be severe in punishments. At
this gentle sentence, Hyrcanus was very angry, and
thought that this man reproached him by their ap-
probation. It was this Jonathan who chiefly irri-
tated him, and influenced him so far, that he made
him leave the party of the Pharisees, and abolish the
decrees they had imposed on the people, and to
punish those that observed them. From this source
arose that hatred which he and his sons met with
from the multitude; but of these matters we shall
speak hereafter. What I would now explain is
this, that the Pharisees have delivered to the people
a great many observances by succession from their
fathers, which are not written in the laws of Moses;
and for that reason it is that the Sadducees reject
them, and say, that we are to esteem those observ-
ances to be obligatory which are in the written word,
but are not to observe what are derived from the
tradition of our forefathers. And concerning these
things it is that great disputes and dift'erences have
arisen among them, while the Sadducees are able
to persuade none but the rich, and have not the
populace obsequious to them, but the Pharisees have
the multitude on their side. But about these two
sects, and that of the Essens, I have treated ac-
curately in the second book of Jewish aft'airs.

7. But when Hyrcanus had put an end to this
sedition, he after that lived happily, and administered
the government in the best manner for thirty-one
years, and then ^ died, leaving behind him five sons.

* Here ends the high priesthood, and the life of this excellent person
John Hyrcanus, and together with him the holy theocracy or divine gov-

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 349

He was esteemed by God worthy of the three greatest
privileges, the government of his nation, the dignity
of the high priesthood, and prophecy, for God was
with him, and enabled him to know futurities; and
to foretell this in particular, that as to his two eldest
sons, he foretold that they would not long continue
in the government of public affairs; whose unhappy
catastrophe will be w^orth our description, that we
may thence learn how very much they were inferior
to their father's happiness.

cniment of the Jewish nation, and its concomitant oracle by Urim.
Xow follows the profane and tyrannical Jewish monarchy, first of the
Assanionians or ^laccabees, and then of Herod the Great, the Idumean.
See the note on Antiq. B, III. ch. viii. sect. 9. Hear Strabo's testimony
on this occasion, B. XVI. pp. 761, 762. "Those that succeeded Moses,
continued for some time in earnest, both in righteous actions, and in
jiiety; but after a while, there were others that took upon them the
high priesthood; a.t first superstitious, and afterwards tyrannical persons.
Such a prophet was Closes and those that succeeded liim, beginning in
a way not to be blamed, but changing for the worse. And when it
openly appeared that the government was become tyrannical, Alexander
was the first that set up himself for a king instead of a priest; and
his sons were Hyrcanus and Aristobuhis." All in agreement with Jo-
sephus, excepting this, that Strabo omits the first king Aristol)ulus, whose
reign being but a single year, seems hardly to have come to his knowledge.
Nor indeed does Aristobuhis, the son of Alexander, pretend that the
name of king was taken before his father Alexander took it himself.
Antiq. B. XIV. ch. iii. sect. 3. See also ch. xii. sect. 1, which favour
Strabo also. And indeed if we may judge from the very different
characters of the Egyptian Jews under high priests, and of the Palestine
Jews under kings, in the two next centuries, we may Mell suppose, that
the divine Shechinah was removed into Egypt, and that the worshippers
at the temple of Onias were better men than those at the temple of
Jerusalem.

350 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

CHAPTER XL

How AristobuluSj tchen he had taken the government,
first of all put a diadem on Jils head, and was most
harharously cruel to his mother and his brethren; and
how after he had slain Antigonus lie himself died.

1. Xow when their father Hyrcanus was dead,
the eldest son Arist()])uhis, intending to change the
goverinnent into a kingdom, for so he resolved to
do, first of all put a diadem on his head, four hundred
eighty and one years and three months after the
people had been deli^'ered from the Babylonish
slavery, and were returned to their own country
again. This Aristo])ulus loved his next brother An-
tigonus, and treated him as his equal, but the others
he held in bonds. He also cast his mother into
prison, because she disputed the government with
him, for Hyrcanus had left her to be mistress of all.
He also proceeded to that degree of barbarity, as
to kill her in prison with hunger; nay, he was alien-
ated from his brother Antigonus by calumnies, and
added him to the rest whom he slew, yet he seemed
to have an affection for him, and made him above
the rest a partner with him in the kingdom. Those
calumnies he at first did not give credit to, partly
because he loved him, and so did not g\\e heed to
what was said against him, and partly because he
thought the reproaches were derived from the envy
of the relaters. But when Antigonus was once re-
turned from the army, and that feast was then at
hand when they make tabernacles to the [honour
of] God, it happened that Aristolmlus was fallen
sick, and that Antigonus went up most splendidly

Chap. XI. Ol' THE JEWS. 351

adorned, and with his soldiers about him in their
armour, to the temple to celebrate the feast, and to
put up many prayers for the recovery of his brother,
when some wicked persons, who had a great mind
to raise a difference between the brethren, made use
of this opportunity of the pompous appearance of
Antigonus, and of the great actions which he had
done, and went to the king, and spitefully aggra-
vated the pompous show of his at the feast, and
pretended that all these circumstances were not like
those of a private f)erson; that these actions were
indications of an affectation of royal authority; and
that his coming with a strong body of men must
be with an intention to kill him; and that his way
of reasoning was this, that it was a silly thing in
him, while it was in his power to reign himself, to
look upon it as a great favour that he was honoured
with a lower dignity by his brother.

2. Aristobulus yielded to these imputations, but
took care both tliat his brother should not suspect
him, and that lie himself might not run the hazard
of his own safety; so lie ordered his guards to lie
in a certain place that was underground, and dark,
(he himself then lying sick in the tower which was
called Antonia, ) and he commanded them, that in
case Antigonus came in to him unarmed, they should
not touch any body, but if armed, they should kill
him; yet did he send to Antigonus, and desired that
he would come unarmed: But the queen, and those
that joined with her in the plot against Antigonus,
persuaded the messenger to tell him the direct con-
trary: How his brother had heard that he had made
himself a fine suit of armour for war, and desired
him to come to him in that armour, that he might
see how fine it was. So Antigonus suspecting no
treachery, but depending on the good-will of his

352 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

brother, came to Aristobulus armed, as lie used to
be, with his entire armour, in order to show it to
him; but when he was come at a place which was
called Strato's Tower, where the passage happened
to be exceeding dark, the guards slew him; which
death of his demonstrates that nothing is stronger
than envy and calumny, and that nothing does more
certainly divide the good-will and natural affections
of men than those passions. But here one may take
occasion to wonder at one Judas, who was of the
sect of the Essens, and who never missed the truth
in his predictions; for this man when he saw Antig-
onus passing by the temple, cried out to his com-
panions and friends, who abode with him as his
^ scholars, in order to learn the art of foretelling
things to come, "That it was good for him to die
now, since he had spoken falsely about Antigonus,
who is still alive, and I see him passing by, although
he had foretold he should die at the place called
Strato's Tower, that very day, while yet the place
is six hundred furlongs off, where he had foretold
he should be slain; and still this day is a great part
of it already past, so that he was in danger of proving
a false prophet." As he was saying this, and that
in a melancholy mood, the news came tliat Antigonus
was slain in a place underground, which itself was
called also Strato's Tower, or of the same name
with that Cesarea which is seated at the sea. This
event put the prophet into a great disorder.

3. But Aristobulus repented immediately of this
slaughter of his brother, on which account his disease

' Hence we learn that the Essens pretended to have rules whereby
men niifrlit foretell things to come, and that this Judas the Essen, taught
those rules to his scholars; but whether their jjretences were of an
astrologicHJ or magical nature, which yet in such religious Jews, who
were utterly foriiidden such arts, is no way ))roi)ahle, or to any Bath
Col, spoken of bv the latter Ral)i)ins, or otherwise, I cannot tell. See
Of the War, B. II. ch. viil. sect. 12, Vol. ill.

Chap. XL OF THE JEWS. 3.53

increased upon him, and he was disturbed in his
mind, upon the guilt of such wickedness, insomuch
that his entrails were corrupted by his intolerable
pain, and he vomited blood: at which time one of
the servants that attended upon him, and was carry-
ing his blood away, did, by divine j^i'o^'iflence, as
I cannot but suppose, slip down and shed part of
his blood at the very place where there were spots
of Antigonus' blood there slain, still remaining; and
when there was a cry made by the spectators, as
if the servant had on purpose shed the blood on
that place, Aristobulus heard it and inquired what
the matter was? And as they did not answer him,
he was the more earnest to know what it was, it
being natural to men to susj^ect that what is thus
concealed, is verj^ bad: so upon his threatening, and
forcing them by terrors to speak, they at length told
him the truth; whereupon he shed many tears, in
that disorder of mind which arose from his conscious-
ness of what he had done, and gave a deep groan,
and said, "I am not therefore, I perceive, to be
concealed from God, in the impious and horrid crimes
I have been guilty of, but a sudden punishment is
coming upon me for the shedding the blood of my
relations. And now, O thou most impudent body
of mine, how long wilt thou retain a soul that ought
to die, in order to appease the ghosts of my brother,
and my mother? Wliy dost thou not give it all up
at once? And why do 1 deliver up my blood drop
by drop, to those wliom I have so wickedly mur-
dered?" In saying wliich last words, he died, liaving
reigned a year. He was called a lover of the
Grecians, and had conferred many benefits on his
own country, and made war against Iturea, and
added a great part of it to Judea, and compelled
the inhabitants, if they would continue in that country,

354 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

to be circumcised, and to live according to the Jewish
laws. He was naturally a man of candour, and
of great modesty, as Strabo bears witness, in the
name of Timagenes; who says thus: "This man was
a person of candour, and very serviceable to the
Jews, for he added a country to them, and obtained
a part of the nation of the Itureans for them, and
bound them to them by the bond of the circumcision
of their genitals."

CHAPTER XII.

How Aleocander, tcheu lie had tahrn the government,
made an eiTpedition against Ptolemais, and then
raised the siege out of fear of Ptolemy Lathijrus:
and Jioic Ptohmy made tear against him, because lie
had sent to Cleopatra to persuade her to make near
against Ptolemy, and yet pretended to he in friend-
ship tcith him, tchen he beat the Jews in the battle.

1. Whex Aristobulus was dead, his wife Salome,
who, by the Greeks, was called Alexandra, let his
brethren out of prison, for Aristobulus had kept
them in bonds, as we have said already, and made
Alexander Janneus king, who was the superior in
age and in moderation. This child happened to be
hated by his father as soon as he was born, and could
never be permitted to come into his father's sight till
he died. The occasion of which hatred is thus re-
ported: When Hyrcanus chiefly loved the two eldest
of his sons, Antigonus and Aristobulus, God appeared
to him in his sleej), of whom he inquired, which
of his sons should be his successor? Upon God's
representing to liim the countenance of Alexander,

Chap. XII. OF THE JEWS. 355

he was grieved that he was to be the lieir of all his
goods, and suffered him to be brought up in ^ Galilee.
However, God did not deceive Hyrcanus, for after
the death of Aristobulus, he certainly took the king-
dom, and one of his brethren, who affected the
kingdom, he slew, and the other, who chose to live
a private and quiet life, he had in esteem.

2. When Alexander Janneus had settled the gov-
ernment in the manner that he judged best, he
made an expedition against Ptolemais; and having
overcome the men in battle, he shut them up in the
city, and sat round about it, and besieged it; for of
the maritime cities there remained only Ptolemais
and Gaza to be conquered, besides Strato's Tower,
and Dora, which were held by the tyrant Zoiliis.
Now while Antiochus Philomcter, and Antiochus who
was called Cyzicenus, were making war one against
another, and destroying one another's armies, the
people of Ptolemais could have no assistance from
them; ])ut when they were distressed with this siege,
Zoilus, who possessed Strato's Tower and Dora, and
maintained a legion of soldiers, and on occasion of
the contest between the kings, affected t\Tanny him-
self, came and brought some small assistance to the
people of Ptolemais; nor indeed had the kings such
a friendship for them, as that they should hope for
any advantage from them: Both these kings were
in the case of wrestlers, who finding themselves de-
ficient in strength, and yet being ashamed to yield,
put off the fight by laziness and by lying still as
long as they could. The only hope they had remain-

^ The reason why Hyrcanus suffered not this son of liis, whom he
did not love, to come to Judea, l)ut ordered him to he hrought up in
Galilee, is suggested by Dr. Hudson, that Cialilee was not esteemed so
happy and well cultivated a country as Judea, ^latt. xxvi. 73, John vii.
5-2, Acts ii. 7, although another obvious reason occurs also, that he was
farther out of his sight in Galilee than he would have I)een in Judea.

356 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

ing was from the king of Egypt, and from Ptolemy
Lathyrus, who now held Cyprus, and who came to
Cyprus when he was driven from the government
of Egypt, by Cleopatra his mother: So the people of
Ptolemais sent to this Ptolemy I^athyrus, and desired
him to come as a confederate, to deliver them, now they
were in such danger, out of the hands of Alexander.
And as the ambassadors gave him hopes, that if he
would pass over into Syria, he would have the people
of Gaza, on the side of those of Ptolemais; as also they
said, that Zoilus, and besides these the Sidonians, and
many others, would assist them, so he was elevated at
this, and got his fleet ready as soon as possible.

3. But in this interval Demenetus, one that was
of abilities to persuade men to do as he would have
them, and a leader of the populace, made those of
Ptolemais change their opinions: and said to them,
That "it was l^etter to run the hazard of being sub-
ject to the Jews, than to admit of evident slavery
by delivering themselves up to a master: and besides
that, to have not only a war at present, but to expect
a much greater war from Egypt, for that Cleopatra
would not overlook an army raised by Ptolemy for
himself out of the neighbourhood, but would come
against them with a great army of her own, and
this because she was labouring to eject her son out
of Cyprus also; that as for Ptolemy, if he fail of his
hopes he can still retire to Cyprus, but that they
will be left in the greatest danger possible." Now
Ptolemy, although he had heard of the change that
was made in tlie people of Ptolemais, yet did he
still go on with his voyage, and came to the country
called Sycamine, and there set his army on shore.
This army of his in the whole, horse and foot to-
gether, were about thirty thousand, with which he
marched near to Ptolemais, and there j^itched his

Chap. XII. OF THE JEWS. 357

camp; But when the people of Ptolemais neither
received his ambassadors, nor would hear what they
had to say, he was under a very great concern.

4. But when Zoilus and the people of Gaza came
to him, and desired his assistance, because their
country was laid waste by the Jews, and by Alex-
ander, Alexander raised the siege, for fear of Ptol-
emy: And when he had drawn off his army into his
own country, he used a stratagem afterwards, by
privately inviting Cleopatra to come against Ptolemy,
but publicly pretending to desire a league of friend-
ship and mutual assistance with him; and promising
to give him four hundred talents of silver, be desired
that, by way of requital, he w^ould take off Zoilus
the tjTant, and give his country to the Jews. And
then indeed Ptolemy, with pleasure, made such a
league of friendship with Alexander, and subdued
Zoilus; but when he afterward heard that he had
privily sent to Cleopatra his mother, he broke the
league with him, which yet he had confirmed with
an oath, and fell upon him, and besieged Ptolemais,
bec<ause it would not receive him. However, leaving
his generals, with some part of his forces, to go on
with the siege, he went himself immediately with
the rest to lay Judea waste; and when Alexander
understood this to be Ptolemy's intention, he also
got together about fifty thousand soldiers out of
his own country; nay, ^ as some writers have said,
eighty thousand. He then took his army, and went
to meet Ptolemy; but Ptolemy fell upon Assochis,

* From these and other occasional expressions, dropped by Josephus,
we may learn, that where the sacred books of the Jews were deficient,
he had several other histories then extant, but now most of them lost,
which he faithfully followed in his own history. — Xor indeed have we
any other records of those times, relating to Judea, that can be com-
pared to these accounts of Josephus, tliough when we do meet with
authentic fragments of such original records, they do almost always
confirm his history.

358 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

a city of Galilee, and took it by force on the sabbath
day, and there he took about ten thousand slaves,
and a great deal of other prey.

5. He then tried to take Sepphoris, which was
a city not far from that which was destroyed, but
lost many of his men; yet did he then go to fight
with Alexander, which Alexander met him at the
river Jordan, near a certain place called Sappoth,
[not far from the river Jordan,] and pitched his
camp near to the enemy. He had however eight
thousand in the first rank, which he styled Hccaton-
tomachi, having shields of brass. Those in the first
rank of Ptolemy's soldiers, also had shields covered
with brass: but Ptolemy's soldiers in other respects
were inferior to those of Alexander, and therefore
were more fearful of running hazards: but Philo-
stephanus the camp master put great courage into
them, and ordered them to pass the river, which was
between their camps: Nor did Alexander think fit
to hinder their passage over it, for he thought, that
if the enemy had once gotten the river on their back,
that he should the easier take them prisoners, when
they could not flee out of the battle: In the beginning
of which, the acts on both sides, with their hands,
and with their alacrity, were alike, and a great
slaughter was made by both the armies; but Alex-
ander was superior, till Philostephanus opportunely
brought up the auxiliaries, to help those that were
giving way; but as there were no auxiliaries to afford
help to that part of the Jews that gave way, it fell
out that they fled, and those near them did not assist
them, but fled along with them. However, Ptol-
emy's soldiers acted quite otherwise; for they fol-
lowed the Jews, and killed them, till at length those
that slew them pursued after them, when they had
made them all run away, and slew them so long.

Chap. xiTi. OF THE JEWS. 359

that their weapons of iron were blunted, and tlieir
hands quite tired with the slaughter; for the report
was, that thirty thousand men were then slain. Ti-
magenes says, they were fifty thousand. As for the
rest, they were part of them taken captives, and
the other part ran away to their own country.

6. After this victory, Ptolemy overran all the
country; and when night came on, he abode in certain
villages of Judea, which when he found full of
women and children, he commanded his soldiers to
strangle them, and to cut them in pieces, and then
to cast them into boiling caldrons, and then to
devour their limbs as sacrifices. This commandment
was given, that such as fled from the battle, and
came to them, might suppose their enemies were
cannibals, and eat men's flesh, and might on that
account be still more terrified at them upon such a
sight. And both Strabo and Nicolaus [of Damas-
cus] aflirm, that they used these people after this
manner, as I have already related. Ptolemy also took
Ptolemais by force, as we have declared elsewhere.

CHAPTER XIII.

How Aleocander, upon the league of mutual defence
which Cleopatra had agreed with him, made an
eocpedition against Celesyria, ajid utterly overthrew
the city of Gaza; and how he slew many ten
thousands of Jews that rebelled against him: Also
concerning Antiochus Grypus, Seleucus, Antiochus
Cyzicenus, and Antiochus Pius, and others.

1. When Cleopatra saw that her son was grown
great, and laid Judea waste without disturbance,

360 AXTIQUITIES Book xiii.

and had gotten the city of Gaza under his power,
she resolved no longer to overlook what he did, when
he was almost at her gates; and she concluded, that
now he was so much stronger than before, he would
be very desirous of the dominion over the Egyptians;
])ut she immediately marched against him with a
fleet at sea, and an army of foot on land, and made
Chelcias and Ananias the Jews, generals of her
whole army, while she sent the greatest part of her
riches, her grand-children, and her testament, to the
people of. ^ Cos. Cleopatra also ordered her son
Alexander to sail with a great fleet to Phenicia: and
when that country had revolted, she came to Ptol-
emais; and because the people of Ptolemais did not
receive her, she besieged the city; but Ptolemy went
out of Sp'ia, and made haste into Egypt, supposing
that he should find it destitute of an army and soon
take it, though he failed of his hopes. At this time
Chelcias, one of Cleopatra's generals, happened to
die in Celesyria, as he was in pursuit of Ptolemy.

2. When Cleopatra heard of her son's attempt,
and that his Egyj^tian expedition did not succeed
according to his expectations, she sent thither part
of her army, and drove him out of that country,
so when he was returned out of Egypt again, he
abode during the winter at Gaza, in which time
Cleopatra took the garrison that was in Ptolemais
by siege, as well as the city; and when Alexander
came to her, he gave her presents, and such marks
of respect as were but proper, since under the mis-
eries he endured by Ptolemy, he had no other refuge
but her. Now there were some of her friends who

^ The city, or island Cos, is not that remote island in the Egean Sea,
famous for the l)irth of the great Hippocrates, but a city or island of
the same name, adjoining to Egj'pt, mentioned both by Stephanus and
Ptolemy, as Dr. Hudson informs us. Of wliich Cos, and the treasures there
laid up by Cleopatra and the Jews, see Antlq. B. XIV. ch. vii. sect. 2.

Chap. XIII. OF THE JEWS. 361

persuaded her to seize Alexander, and to overrun
and take possession of the country, and not to sit
still and see such a multitude of brave Jews subject
to one man. But Ananias' counsel was contrary to
theirs, who said, that, "she would do an unjust action,
if she deprived a man that was her ally, of that
authority which belonged to him, and this a man
who is related to us; for, said he, I would not have
thee ignorant of this, that what injustice thou dost
to him, will make all us that are Jews to be thy
enemies." This desire of Ananias' Cleopatra com-
plied with, and did no injury to Alexander, but
made a league of mutual assistance with him, at
Scythopolis, a city of Celesyria.

3. So when Alexander was delivered from the
fear he was in of Ptolemy, he presently made an
expedition against Celesyria. He also took Gadara,
after a siege of ten months. He took also Amathus,
a very strong fortress belonging to the inhabitants
above Jordan, where Theodorus, the son of Zeno, had
his chief treasure, and what he esteemed most precious.
This Zeno fell unexpectedly upon the Jews, and
slew ten thousand of them, and seized uj)on Alex-
ander's baggage: Yet did not this misfortune terrify
Alexander, but he made an expedition ujDon the
maritime parts of the country, Raphia and Anthedon,
(the name of which king Herod afterwards changed
to Agrippias,) and took even that by force, but
when Alexander saw that Ptolemy was retired from
Gaza to Cyprus, and his mother Cleopatra was re-
turned to Egypt, he grew angry at the people of
Gaza, because they had invited Ptolemy to assist
them, and besieged their city and ravaged their coun-
try. But as Apollodotus, the general of the army
of Gaza, fell upon the camp of the Jews by night,
with two thousand foreign, and ten thousand of his

362 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

own forces, while the night lasted, those of Gaza
prevailed, because the enemy was made to believe
that it was Ptolemy who attacked them: but when
day was come on, and that mistake was corrected,
and the Jews knew the truth of the matter, they
came back again and fell upon those of Gaza, and
slew of them about a thousand; but as those of Gaza
stoutly resisted them, and would not yield for either
their want of any thing, nor for the great multitude
that were slain, for they would rather suffer any hard-
ship whatever- than come under the power of their
enemies, Aretus, king of the Arabians, a ]3erson then
very illustrious, encouraged them to go on with
alacrity, and promised them that he would come to
their assistance; but it happened, that before he
came, Apollodotus was slain, for his brother Ly-
simachus envying him for the great rejjutation he
had gained among the citizens, slew him, and got
the army together, and delivered up the city to Alex-
ander, who, when he came in at first, lay quiet, and
afterv/ard set his army upon the inhabitants of Gaza,
and gave them leave to punish them; so some went
one way, and some went another, and slew the in-
habitants of Gaza; yet were not they of cowardly
hearts; but opposed those that came to slay them,
and slew as many of the Jews; and some of them,
when they saw themselves deserted, burnt their own
houses, that the enemy might get none of their spoils;
nay, some of them with their own hands, slew their
children and their wives, having no other way but
this of avoiding slavery for them; but the senators,
who were in all five hundred, fled to AjdoHo's temple
(for this attack liappened to be made as they were
sitting,) whom Alexander slew; and when he had
utterly overtlirown tlieir city, he returned to Jeru-
salem, having spent a year in that siege.

Chap. XIII. OF THE JEWS. 363

4. About this very time ' Antiochus, who was
called Grypus, died. His death was caused by Hera-
cleoii's treachery, when he had lived forty-five years,
and had reigned " twenty-nine. His son Seleucus
succeeded him in his kingdom; and made war with
Antiochus, his father's l)rother, who was called An-
tiochus Cyzicenus, and beat him, and took him pris-
oner, and" slew him. But after a while •' Antiochus,
the son of Cyzicenus, who was called Pius, came
to Aradus, and put the diadem on his own head;
and made war with Seleucus, and beat him, and
drove him out of all Syria. But when he fled out
of Syria, he came to INIopsuestia again, and levied
money upon them; but the people of Mopsuestia
had indignation at what he did, and burnt down
his palace, and slew him, together with his friends.
But when Antiochus, the son of Cyzicenus, was king
of Syria, ^ Antiochus, the brother of Seleucus, made
war upon him and was overcome, and destroyed, he
and his army. After him, his brother Philip put
on the diadem, and reigned over some part of Syria ;
but Ptolemy Lathyrus sent for his fourth brother
Demetrius, who was called Eucerus from Cnidus,
and made him king of Damascus. Both these brothers
did Antiochus vehemently oppose, but presently
died ; for when he was come as an auxiliary to Laodice,
^ queen of the Gileadites, when she was making war

* This account of the death of Antiochus Grypus is confirmed hy
Appian, Syriac. p. 13:?, here cited l)y SiKuilieim.

^ Porpliyry says, tiiat tiiis Antiochus Grypus reigned hut 26 years,
as Dr. Hudson ol)serves.

' The co])ies of Josephus, hoth Greelc and Latin, have here so grossly
false a reading, Antiochus and Antoninus, or Antonius Pius for Antiochus
Pius, that the editors are forced to correct the text from the otlier
historians, who all agree that this king's name was nothing more than
Antiochus Pius.

* These two hrothers, Antiochus and Philippus, are called tirius hy
Porphyry; the fourth l)rother was king of Damascus. Botli which are
the observations of Spanl.eiin.

^ This Laodicea v.as a r'd\ of Gilead l)evond .Tordan. However^

364 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

against the Parthians, and as he was fighting cou-
rageously, he fell, while Demetrius and Philip gov-
erned Syria, as hath been elsewhere related.

5. As to Alexander, his own people were sedi-
tious against him; for at a festival which was then
celebrated, when he stood upon the altar, and was
going to sacrifice, the nation rose upon him, and
pelted him with citrons, [which they then had in
their hands,] because the law of the Jews required,
that at the feast of tabernacles every one should
have branches of the palm-tree and citron-tree: which
thing we have elsewhere related. They also reviled
him, as ^ derived from a captive, and so unworthy
of his dignity, and of sacrificing. At this he was
in a rage, and slew of them about six thousand. He
also built a partition wall of wood round the altar
and the temple, as far as that partition within which
it was only lawful for the priests to enter, and by
this means he obstructed the multitude from coming
at him. He also maintained foreigners of Pisidia^
and Cilicia, for as to the Syrians, he was at war
with them, and so made no use of them. He also
overcame the Arabians, such as the Moabites, and
Gileadites, and made them bring tribute. Moreover,
he demolished Amathus, while '" Theodorus durst not
fight with him; but as he had joined battle with
Obedas, king of the Arabians, and fell into an am-
bush in the places that were rugged and difficidt to

Porphyry says, that this Antiochus Pius did not die in this battle, but
running away, was drowned in the river Orontes. A])pian says that he
was deprived of the kingdom of Syria liy Tigranes; but Porphyry makes
this Laodice, Queen of the Calamans — All which is noted by Spanheim.
In such confusion of the latter liistorians, we have no reason to prefer
any of them before Jose])hus, who had more original ones before him.

' This re})roach upon Alexander, that he was sprung from a captive,
seems only the repetition of the old Pharisaical calumny upon his father,
ch. X. sect. V.

* This Theodorus was the son of Zeno, and was in possession of
Amathus, as we learn from sect. 3, foregoing.

Chap. xiv. OF THE JEWS. 365

be travelled over, he was thrown down into a deep
valley, by the multitude of the camels at Gadara,
a village of Gilead, and hardly escaped with his life.
From thence he fled to Jerusalem, where, besides
his other ill success, the nation insulted him, and he
fought against them for six years, and slew no fewer
than fifty thousand of them. And when he desired
that they would desist from their ill-will to him,
they hated him so much the more, on account of
what had already happened; and when he had asked
them what he ought to do, they all cried out, that
"he ought to kill himself." They also sent to De-
metrius Eucerus, and desired him to make a league
of mutual defence with them.

CHAPTER XIV.

How Demetrius Eucerus overcame Alexander, and
yet in a little time retired out of the country for
fear of the Jews. As also how AlccVander slew
many of the Jews, and thereby got clear of his
troubles. Concerning the death of Demetrius.

1. So Demetrius came with an army, and took
those that invited him; and pitched his camp near
the city Shechem; upon which Alexander, with his
six thousand two hundred mercenaries, and about
twenty thousand Jews, who were of his party, went
against Demetrius, who had three thousand horse-
men, and forty thousand footmen. Now there were
great endeavours used on both sides, Demetrius,
trying to bring ofl" the mercenaries, that were with
Alexander, because they ' were Greeks, and Alex-
ander, trying to bring off the Jews that were with

366 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

Demetrius. However when neither of them could
persuade them so to do, they came to a battle, and
Demetrius was the conqueror, in which all Alex-
ander's mercenaries were killed, when they had given
demonstration of their fidelity and courage. A great
number of Demetrius' soldiers were slain also.

2. Now as Alexander fled to the mountains, six
thousand of the Jews hereupon came together, [from
Demetrius] to him, out of pity at the change of
his fortune; upon which Demetrius was afraid, and
retired out of the country; after which the Jews
fought against Alexander, and being beaten, were
slain in great numbers in the several battles which
they had ; and when he had shut up the most powerful
of them in the city Bethome, he besieged them
therein; and when he had taken the city, and gotten
the men into his power, he brought them to Jeru-
salem, and did one of the most barbarous actions
in the world to them: for as he was feasting with
his concubines, in the sight of all the city, he ordered
about eight hundred of them to be crucified, and
while they were living he ordered the throats of
their children and wives to be cut before their eyes.
This was indeed by way of revenge for the injuries
they had done him; which punishment yet was of
an inhuman nature, though we suppose that he had
been ever so much distressed, as indeed he had been,
by his wars with them; for he had by their means
come to the last degree of hazard, both of his life
and of his kingdom, while they were not satisfied
by themselves only to fight against him, but intro-
duced foreigners also for the same purpose; nay,
at length they reduced him to that degree of necessity,
that he was forced to deliver back to the king of
Arabia the land of Moab and Gilead; which he had
subdued, and the places that were in them, that they

Chap. XIV. OF THE JEWS. 367

might not join with them in the war against him,
as they had done ten thousand other things that
tended to affront and reproach him. However this
barbarity seems to have been without any necessity,
on which account he bare the name of a Thracian
' among the Jews; whereupon the soldiers that had
fought against him, being about eight thousand in
number, ran away by night, and continued fugi-
tives all the time that Alexander lived; who being
now freed from any fartlier disturbance from them,
reigned the rest of his time in the utmost tranquillity.
3. But when Demetrius was departed out of
Judea, he went to Berea, and besieged his brother
Philip, having with him ten thousand footmen, and
a thousand horsemen. However Strato the tyrant
of Berea, the confederate of Philip, called in Zizon,
the ruler of the Arabian tribes, and Mithridates Sinax,
the ruler of the Parthians, who coming with a great
number of forces and besieging Demetrius in his
encampment, into which they had driven him with
their arrows, they compelled those that were with
him by thirst to deliver up themselves. So they
took a great many spoils out of that country, and
Demetrius himself, whom they sent to Mithridates,
who was then king of Parthia; but as to those whom
they took captives of the people of Antioch, they
restored them to the Antiochians without any reward.
Now Mithridates, the king of Parthia, had Demetrius
in great honour, till Demetrius ended his life by
sickness. So Philip, presently after the fight was
over, came to Antioch, and took it, and reigned over
Syria.

' This name Thracida. wliifli tlie Jews gave Alexander, must by the
coherence, denote as harbaroiis ns a Thracian, or somewhat like it; but
what it properly signifies is not known.

368 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

CHAPTER XV.

How Antiochus, who was called Dionysus, and after
him Aretas, made ea^peditions into Judea; as also
how Alexander took mani) cities, and then returned
to Jerusalem, and after a sickness of three years
died; and what counsel he gave to Alexandra.

1. After this Antiochus, who was called ^ Diony-
sus and was Philip's brother, aspired to the do-
minion, and came to Damascus, and got the power
into his hands, and there he reigned: but as he was
making war against the Arabians, his brother Philip
heard of it, and came to Damascus, where Melesius,
who had been left governor of the citadel, and the
Damascens themselves, delivered up the city to him;
yet because Philip was become ungrateful to him,
and had bestowed upon him nothing of that in hopes
whereof he had received him into the city, but had
a mind to have it believed that it was rather delivered
up out of fear than by the kindness of Melesius,
and because he had not rewarded him as he ought
to have done, he became suspected by him, and so
he was obliged to leave Damascus again; for Melesius
caught him marching out into the Hippodrome and
shut him up in it, and kej)t Damascus for Antiochus
[Eucerus], who hearing how Philip's affairs stood,
came back out of Arabia. He also came immediatelj^,
and made an expedition against Judea, with eight
thousand armed footmen, and eight hundred horse-
men. So Alexander, out of fear of his coming, dug

' Spniilieini t.ikps notice, that this Antiochus Dionysus (the brother
of rhili)), and of Deinctrius I';uccrus, and of two others) was the fiftli
son of Antio<'luis (;ryi)us; and lliat lie is styled on the coins Antiochus
Epiphanes Dionysus.

Chap. XV. OF THE JEWS. 369

a deep ditch, beginning at Chabarzaba, which is now
called Antipatris, to the sea of Joppa, on which
part only his army could be brought against him.
He also raised a wall, and erected wooden towers,
and intermediate redoubts, for one hundred and
fifty furlongs in length, and there expected the
coming of Antiochus, but he soon burnt them all,
and made his army pass by that way into Arabia.
The Arabian king [Aretas] at first retreated, but
afterward appeared on the sudden with ten thousand
horsemen. Antiochus gave them the meeting, and
fought desperately; and indeed when he had gotten
the victory, and was bringing some auxiliaries to
that part of his army that was in distress, he was
slain. When Antiochus was fallen, his army fled
to the village Cana, where the greatest part of them
perished by famine.

2. After him ^ Aretas reigned over Celesyria,
being called to the government by those that held
Damascus, by reason of the hatred they bare to
Ptolemy Menneus. He also made thence an ex-
pedition against Judea, and beat Alexander in battle,
near a place called Adida, yet did he upon certain
conditions agreed on between them, retire out of
Judea.

3. But Alexander marched again to the city Dios,
and took it; and then made an expedition against
Essa, where was the best part of Zeno's treasures,
and there he encompassed the place with three walls;
and when he had taken the city by fighting, he
marched to Golan and Seleucia; and when he had
taken these cities, he, besides them, took that valley

* This Aretas was the first king of the Arahians who took Damascus,
and reigned there: Which name liecame afterwards common to such
Arabian kings, both at Petra and at Damascus, as we learn from Josephus
in many places, and from St. Paul, 2 Cor. xi. 3^. See the note on
Antiq. B. XVI. ch. ix. sect. 4,

370 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

which is called the valley of Antiochus, as also the
fortress of Gamala. He also accused Demetrius,
who was governor of those places, of many crimes,
and turned him out: and after he had spent three
years in this war, he returned to his own country,
when the Jews joyfully received him upon this his
good success.

4. Now at this time the Jews were in possession
of the following cities that had belonged to the
Syrians, and Idumeans, and Phenicians; at the sea
side, Strato's Tower, Apollonia, Joppa, Jamnia,
Ashdod, Gaza, Anthedon, Raphia, and Rhinoculura;
in the middle of the country, near to Idumea, Adora,
and Marissa; near the country of Samaria, Mount
Carmel, and Mount Tabor, Scythopolis, and Gardara;
of the country of Gaulonites, Seleucia, and Gabala;
in the country of Moab, Heshbon and Medaba,
Lemba, and Oronas, Gelithon, Zara, the valley of
the Celices, and Pella; which last they utterly de-
stroyed, because its ^ inhabitants would not bear to
change their religious rites for those peculiar to the
Jews. The Jews also possessed others of the prin-
cipal cities in Syria, which had been destroyed.

5. After this, king Alexander, although he fell
into a distemper ])y hard drinking, and had a quartan
ague, which held him three years, yet would not
leave off going out with his army, till he was quite
spent with the labours he had undergone, and died

^ We may here, and elsewhere, take notice, that whatever countries
or cities, the Asamonians conquered from an}' of the neighbouring nations,
or whatever countries or cities they gained from them, that had not
belonged to them before, they, after the days of Hyrcanus, compelled
the inhabitants to leave their idolatry, and entirely to receive the law
of Moses, as proselytes of justice, or else banish them into other lands.
That excellent prince, John Hyrcanus, did it to the Idumeans, as I have
noted on ch. Ix. sect. 1, already, who lived then in the promised land,
and this I suppose justly; but by what right the rest did it, even to the
countries or cities that were no part of that land, I do not at all know,
This looks too like unjust persecution for religion,

Chap. XY. OF THE JEWS. 371

in the bounds of Regaba, a fortress beyond Jordan.
But when his queen saw that he was ready to die,
and had no longer any hopes of surviving, she came
to him weeping and lamenting, and bewailed herself,
and her sons, on the desolate condition they should
be left in: and said to him, "To whom dost thou
thus leave me and my children, who are destitute
of all other supports, and this when thou knowest
how nmch ill-will thy nation bears thee?" But he
gave her the following advice, "That she need but
follow what he would suggest to her, in order to
retain the kingdom securely, with her children, that
she should conceal his death from the soldiers till
she should have taken that place; after this she
should go in triumph, as upon a victory, to Jeru-
salem, and put some of her authority into the hands
of the Pharisees, for that they would commend her
for the honour she had done them, and would recon-
cile the nation to her; for he told her, they had
great authority among the Jews, both to do hurt
to such as they hated, and to bring advantages to
those to whom they w^ere friendly disposed, for that
they are then believed best of all by the multitude
when they speak any severe thing against others,
though it be only out of envy at them. And he
said, tliat it was by their means that he had incurred
the displeasure of the nation, whom indeed he had
injured. Do thou, therefore, said he, when thou
art come to Jerusalem, send for the leading men
among them, and show them my body, and with
great appearance of sincerity, give them leave to use
it as they themselves please, whether they will dis-
honour the dead body, by refusing it burial, as having
severely suffered by my means, or whether in their
anger they will offer any other injury to that body.
Promise them also that thou wilt do nothing without

372 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

them in the affaii's of the kingdom. If thou dost
but say this to them, I shall have the honour of a
more glorious funeral from them than thou couldst
have made for me; and when it is in their power to
abuse my dead body, they will do it no injury at all,
and thou wilt rule in safety." ^ So when he had
given his wife this advice, he died, after he had reigned
twenty-seven years, and lived fifty years within one.

CHAPTER XVI.

How Alexandra, by gaining the good-will of the
Pharisees, retained the kingdom nine years, and
then having done many glorious actiofis, died.

1. So Alexandra, when she had taken the fortress,
acted as her husband had suggested to her, and spake
to the Pharisees, and put all things into their power,
both as to the dead body, and as to the affairs of the
kingdom, and thereby pacified their anger against
Alexander, and made them bear good-will and friend-
ship to him; who then came among the multitude, and
made speeches to them, and laid before them the
actions of Alexander, and told them that they had
lost a righteous king; and by the commendation they
gave him, they brought them to grieve, and to be in
heaviness for him, so that he had a funeral more
splendid than had any of the kings before him. Alex-
ander left behind him two sons, Hyrcanus and Aris-

* It seems, by tliis dying advice of Alexander Janneus to his wife,
that lie liad himself pursued the measures of his father Hyrcanus, and
taken ])art witli the Sathlucecs, who kejit close to the written law, against
the Pharisees, who had introduced their own tnulitions, ch. xvi. sect. 3,
and th;it he now saw a i)olltical necessity of submitting to tlie Pharisees,
and their traditions hereafter, if his widow and Family minded to retain
their monarchial <rovernmeiit or tvrannv over the Jewish nation.

Chap. XVI. OF THE JEWS. 373

tobulus, but coniniitted the kingdom to Alexandra.
Now, as to these two sons, Hyrcanus was nndeed
unable to manage pubhc affairs, and dehghted rather
in a quiet life; but the younger, Aristobulus, was an
active and a bold man; and for this woman herself,
Alexandra, she was loved by the multitude, because
she seemed displeased at the offences her husband
had been guilty of.

2. So she made Hyrcanus high priest, because he
was the elder, but much more because he cared not
to meddle witli politics, and permitted the Pharisees
to do every thing; to whom also she ordered the
multitude to be obedient. She also restored again
those practices which the Pharisees had introduced,
according to the traditions of their forefathers, and
which her father-in-law, Hyrcanus, had abrogated.
So she had indeed the name of the Regent, but the
Pharisees had the authority; for it was they who
restored such as had been loanished, and set such as
were prisoners at liberty, and, to say all at once,
they differed in nothing from lords. However, the
queen also took care of the affairs of the kingdom,
and got together a great body of mercenary soldiers,
and increased her own army to such a degree, that
she became terrible to the neighbouring tyrants, and
took hostages of them: And the country was entirely
at peace, excepting the Pharisees; for they disturbed
the queen, and desired that she should kill those who
persuaded Alexander to slay the eight hundred men;
after wliich they cut the throat of one of them,
Diogenes: and after him they did the same to several,
one after another, till the men that were the most
potent came into the palace, and Aristobulus with
them, for he seemed to be displeased at what was
done, and it appeared openly, that if he had an op-
portunity, he would not permit his mother to go on

374 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

so. "These put the queen in mind what great
dangers they had gone through, and great things
they had done, wherehy they had demonstrated tlie
firmness of their fidehty to their master, insomuch
that they had received the greatest marks of favour
from him; and they hegged of her, that she woukl
not utterly hkast their liopes, as it now happened,
that when they had escaped the hazards that arose
from their [open] enemies, they were to he cut off
at home, hy their [private] enemies, hke brute beasts,
without any help whatsoever. They said also, that
if their adversaries would be satisfied with those that
had been slain already, they would take what had
been done patiently, on account of their natural love
to their governors; but if they must expect the same
for the future also, they implored of her a dismission
from her service, for they could not bear to think of
attempting any method for their deliverance without
her, but would rather die willingly before the palace-
gate, in case she would not forgive them. And that
it was a great shame both for themselves, and for
the queen, that when they were neglected by her,
they should come under the lash of her husband's
enemies; for that Aretas, the Ara])ian king, and the
monarchs, would give any reward, if they could get
such men as foreign auxiliaries, to whom their very
names, before their voices be heard, may perhaps
be terrible: But if they could not obtain this their
second request, and if she had determined to prefer
the Pharisees before them, they still insisted that she
would place them every one in her fortresses; for if
some fatal demon had a constant s])ite against Alex-
ander's house, they would be willing to bear their
part, and to live in a private station there."

3. As these men said thus, and called upon Alex-
ander's ghost for commiseration of those already slain,

Chap. XYi. OF THE JKWS. 375

and those in danger of it, all the bystanders broke out
into tears: But Aristobulus chiefly made manifest
what were his sentiments, and used many reproachful
expressions to his mother [saying,] "Nay, indeed,
the case is this, that they have been themselves the
authors of their own calamities, who have permitted
a woman who, against reason, was mad with ambi-
tion, to reign over them, when there were sons in the
flower of their age fitter for it." So Alexandra not
knowing what to do with any decency, committed
the fortresses to them, all but Hyrcania and Alexan-
drium, and JNIacherus, where her principal treasures
were. After a little while also, she sent her son
Aristobulus with an army to Damascus against
Ptolemy, who was called Menneus, who was such a
bad neighbour to the city; but he did nothing con-
siderable there and so returned home.

4. About this time news was brought that Ti-
granes, the king of Armenia, had made an irruption
into Syria with ^ five hundred thousand soldiers, and
was coming against Judea. This news, as may well
be supposed, terrified the queen and the nation. Ac-
cordingly they sent him many and very valuable
presents; as also ambassadors, and that as he was
besieging Ptolemais; for Selene the queen, the same
that was also called Cleopatra, ruled then over
Syria, who had persuaded the inhabitants to exclude
Tigranes. So the Jewish ambassadors interceded with
him, and entreated him that he would determine noth-
ing that was severe about their queen or nation.
He commended them for the respects they paid him

* The number of 500,000 or even 300,000, as one Greek copy, with the
Latin copies have it, Tigranes' army, that came out of Armenia into
Syria and Judea seems much too large. We have had already several
such extravagant numbers in Jose])hus' j)resent copies, which are not to
be at all ascrilied to him. Acconlingly, I incline to Dr. Hudson's emenda-
tion here, which supposes them but 40,000.

376 ANTIQUITIES Book xiii.

at so great a distance: and gave them good hopes of
his favour. But as soon as Ptolemais was taken,
news came to Tigranes that Lucullus, in his pursuit
of ^lithridates, could not hght upon him, who was
fled into Iberia, but was laying waste Armenia and
besieging its cities. Now, when Tigranes knew this
he returned home.

5. After this, when the queen was fallen into a
dangerous distemper, Aristobulus resolved to attempt
the seizing of the government; so he stole away
secretly by night, with only one of his servants, and
went to the fortresses wherein his friends that were
such from the days of his father, were settled: for
as he had been a great while displeased at his mother's
conduct, so he was now much more afraid, lest upon
her death, their whole family should be under the
power of the Pharisees, for he saw the inability of
his brother, who was to succeed in the government:
nor was any one conscious of what he was doing but
only his wife, whom he left at Jerusalem with their
children. He first of all came to Agaba, where was
Galestes, one of the potent men before mentioned,
and was received by him. When it was day the
queen perceived that Aristobulus was fled; and for
some time she supposed that his departure was not in
order to make any innovation, but when messengers
came one after another with the news that he had
secured the flrst place, the second place, and all the
places, for as soon as one had begun they all sub-
mitted to his disposal, then it was that the queen
and the nation were in the greatest disorder, for they
were aware that it would not be long ere Aristobulus
would be able to settle himself firmly in the govern-
ment. What they were principally afraid of was
this, that he would inflict punishment upon them for
the mad treatment his house had had from them: So

Chap. XVI. OF THE JEWS. 377

they resolved to take his wife and children into
custody, and keep them in the ^ fortress that was over
the temple. Xow there w^s a mighty conflux of
people that came to Aristobulus from all parts, in-
somuch that he had a kind of royal attendants about
him; for in a little more than fifteen days, he got
twenty-two strong places, which gave him the op-
portunity of raising an army from Libanus and
Trachonitis, and the monarchs: for men are easily
led by the greater number, and easily submit to them.
And besides this, that by affording him their as-
sistance, when he could not expect it, they, as well
as he, should have the advantages that would come
by his being king, because they had been the occasion
of his gaining the kingdom. Now the elders of the
Jews, and Hyrcanus with them, went in unto the
queen, and desired, "That she would give them
her sentiments about the present posture of afl^airs,
for that Aristobulus was in effect lord of almost all the
kingdom, by possessing of so many strongholds, and
that it was al3surd for them to take any counsel by
themselves, how ill soever she w^ere, whilst she was
alive, and that the danger would be upon them in no
long time." But she "bid them do what they thought
proper to be done: that they had many circumstances
in their favour still remaining, a nation in good heart,
an army, and money in their several treasuries, for
that she had small concern about public affairs now,
when the strength of her body already failed her."

6. Xow a little while after she had said this to
them, she died, when she had reigned nine years, and
had in all lived seventy-three. A woman she was

^ This fortress, castle, citadel, or tower, whither the wife and children
of Aristobulus were now sent, and which overlooked the temple, could
be no other than what Hyrcantis I. iuiilt, Antiq. B. XVTII. ch. iv. sect. 3,
Vol. III. and Herod the Great rebuilt, and called the Tower of Antonia,
Antiq. B. XT. ch. xi. sect. 5, Vol. II.

378 ANTIQUITIES Book xm.

who showed no signs of the weakness of her sex, for
she was sagacious to the greatest degree in her ambi-
tion of governing, and demonstrated by her doings at
once, that her mind was fit for action, and that some-
times men themselves show the httle understanding
they have by the frequent mistakes they make in
point of government; for she always j^ref erred the
present to futurity, and preferred the power of an
imperious dominion above all things, and in compari-
son of that had no regard to what was good, or what
was right. However, she brought the affairs of her
house to such an unfortunate condition, that she was
the occasion of the taking away that authority from
it, and that in no long time afterward, which she had
obtained by a vast number of hazards and mis-
fortunes, and this out of a desire of what does not
belong to a woman, and all by a compliance in her
sentiments with those that bare ill-will to their family,
and by leaving the administration destitute of a
proper support of great men: and indeed, her manage-
ment during her administration, while she was alive,
was such, as filled the palace, after her death, with
calamities and disturbance. However, although this
had been her way of governing, she preserved tho
nation in peace. And this is the conclusion of tho
affairs of Alexandra.

BOOK XIV.

CONTAIXING THE INTERVAL OF THIRTY-TWO YEARS.

[FROxM THE DEATH OF QUEEN ALEXANDRA TO THE DEATH
OF ANTIGONLS.]

CHAPTER I.

The war between Aristohulus and Hyrcanus about
the kingdom; and how they made an agreeinent,
that Anstobulus shoidd be king, and Hyrcanus
live a private life: as also how Hyrcanus, a little
afterward, was persuaded by Antipater to fly to
Aretas.

1. We have related the affairs of Queen Alexandra,
and her death in the foregoing book, and will now
speak of what followed, and was connected with those
histories; declaring, before we proceed, that we have
nothing so much at heart as this, that we may omit
no facts, either through ignorance or laziness, for we
are upon the history and explication of such things
as the greatest part are unacquainted withal, because
of their distance from our times; and we aim to do
it with a proper beauty of style, so far as that is
derived from proper words harmonically disposed,
and from such ornaments of speech also as may
contribute to the pleasure of our readers, that we may

379

380 AXTIQUITIES Book xiv.

entertain the knowledge of what we write with some
agreeable satisfaction and pleasure. But the principal
scope that authors ought to aim at above all the rest,
is to speak accurately, and to speak truly, for the
satisfaction of those that are otherwise unacquainted
with such transactions, and obhged to believe what
these writers inform them of.

2. Hyrcanus then began his high priesthood on
the third year of the hundred seventy-seventh Olym-
piad, when Quintus Hortensius and Quintus Me-
tellus, who was called JNIetellus of Crete, were consuls
at Rome; when presently Aristobulus began to make
war against him, and as it came to a battle with
Hyrcanus at Jericho, many of the soldiers deserted
him, and went over to his brother; upon which
H>Tcanus fled into the citadel, where Aristobulus'
wife and children were imprisoned by their mother,
as we have said already, and attacked and overcame
those his adversaries that had fled thither, and lay
within the walls of the temple. So when he had
sent a message to his brother about agreeing the
matters between them, he laid aside his enmity to
him on these conditions, that Aristobulus should be
king, that he should live without intermeddling with
public affairs, and quietly enjoy the estate he had
acquired. When they had agreed upon these terms
in the temple, and had confirmed the agreement with
oaths, and the giving one another their right hands,
and embracing one another in the sight of the whole
multitude, they departed; the one, Aristobulus, to
the palace; and Hyrcanus, as a private man, to the
former house of Aristobulus.

3. But there was a certain friend of Hyrcanus',
an Idumean, called Antipater, who was very rich,
and in his nature an active and a seditious man; who
was at enmity with Aristobulus, and had differences

Chap. I. OF THE JEWS. 381

with him on account of his good will to Hyrcanus.
It is true that Xicolaus of Damascus says, that Anti-
pater was of the stock of the principal Jews who came
out of Babylon into Judea; but that assertion of his
was to gratify Herod, who was his son, and who, by
certain revolutions of fortune, came afterward to be
king of the Jews, whose history w^e shall give you
in its proper place hereafter. However, this Anti-
pater was at first called ^ Antipas, and that was his
father's name also: of whom they relate this, that king
Alexander and his wife made him general of all
Idumea, and that he made a league of friendship
with those Arabians, and Gazites, and Ascalonites,
that were of his own party, and had, by many and
large presents, made them his fast friends. But
now, this younger Antipater was suspicious of the
power of Aristobulus, and was afraid of some mis-
chief he might do him, because of his hatred to him,
so he stirred up the most powerful of the Jews and
talked against him to them privately; and said, that
"it was unjust to overlook the conduct of Aristobulus,
who had gotten the government unrighteously, and
ejected his brother out of it, who was the elder, and
ought to retain what belonged to him by prerogative
of his birth." And the same speeches he perpetually
made to Hyrcanus; and told him, that his own life
would be in danger, unless he guarded himself, and
got shut of Aristobulus; for he said, that the friends
of Aristobulus omitted no opportunity of advising
him to kill him, as being then, and not befo^, sure
to retain his principality. Hyrcanus gave no credit
to these words of his, as being of a gentle disposition,

' That the famous Antipater's or Antipas' father was also Antipater
or Antipait (which two may justly be esteemed one and the same name,
the former with a Greek or Gentile, the latter with a Helirew or Jewish
termination,) Josephus here assures us, though Eusebius indeed says It
was Herod.

382 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

and one that did not easily admit of calumnies against
other men. This temper of his, not disposing him to
meddle with public affairs, and want of spirit, oc-
casioned him to appear to spectators to be degenerous
and unmanly; while Aristobulus was of a contrary
temper, an active man, and one of a great and generous
soul.

4. Since therefore Antipater saw that Hyrcanus
did not attend to what he said, he never ceased, day
by day, to charge feigned crimes upon Aristobulus,
and to calumniate him before him, as if he had a mind
to kill him, and so, by urging him perpetually, he
advised him, and persuaded him to fly to Aretas, the
king of Arabia, and promised, that if he would comply
with his advice, he would also himself assist him,
[and go with him.] When Hyrcanus heard this, he
said that it was for his advantage to fly away to
Aretas. Xow Arabia is a country that borders upon
Judea. However, Hyrcanus sent Antipater first to
the king of Arabia, in order to receive assurances from
him. that when he should come in the manner of a
supplicant to him, he would not deliver him up to his
enemies. So Antipater having received such as-
surances, returned to Hyrcanus to Jerusalem. A
while afterward he took Hyrcanus, and stole out of
the city by night, and went a great journey, and
came and brought him to the city called Petra, where
the palace of Aretas was; and as he was a very
familiar friend of that king's he persuaded him to
bring hack Hyrcanus into Judea, and his persuasion
he continued every day without any intermission. He
also j^roposed to make him presents on that account.
At length he prevailed with Aretas in his suit. ]More-
over, Hyrcanus })romise(l him, that when he had been
brouglit thither, and liad received his kingdom, he
would restore that country, and those twelve cities

Chap. II. OF THE JP^WS. 383

which his father Alexander had taken from the
Arabians, which w^ere these, jNIedaba, Na hallo, Libias,
Tharabasa, Agala, Athone, Zoar, Orone, Marissa,
Rudda, Lussa, and Oruba.

CHAPTER II.

How Aretas and Hyrcanus made an expedition
against Aristohuhis, and besieged Jerusalem; and
how Scaurus, the Roman general, raised the siege.
Concerning the death of Onias.

1. After these promises had been given to Aretas,
he made an expedition against Aristobulus, with an
army of fifty thousand horse and foot, and beat him
in the battle. And when after that victory many
went over to Hyrcanus as deserters, Aristobulus was
left desolate, and fled to Jerusalem; upon w^hich the
king of Arabia took all his army and made an assault
upon tlie temple, and ])esieged Aristobulus therein,
the people still supporting Hyrcanus, and assisting
him in the siege, w^hile none but the priests continued
with Aristobulus. So Aretas united the forces of
the Arabians and of the Jews together, and pressed
on the siege vigorously. As this happened at the
time when the feast of unleavened bread was cele-
})rated, which we call the Passover, the principal men
among the Jews left the country and fled into Egj^pt.
Now there w^as one whose name was Onias, a righteous
man he was, and beloved of God, w'ho, in a certain
drought, had prayed to God to put an end to the
intense heat, and whose prayers God had heard, and
had sent them rain. This man had hid himself,
because he saw that this sedition would last a great

384 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

while. However they brought him to the Jewish
camp, and desired, that as by his prayers he had
once put an end to the drought, so he would in like
manner make imprecations on Aristobulus, and those
of his faction. And when, upon his refusal, and the
excuses that he made, he was still by the multitude
compelled to speak, he stood up in the midst of them,
and said, "O God, the king of the whole world! since
those that stand now with me are thy people, and
those that are besieged are also thy priests, I be-
seech thee, that thou wilt neither hearken to the
prayers of those against these, nor bring to effect
what these pray against those." Whereupon such
wicked Jews as stood about him, as soon as he had,
made this prayer, stoned him to death.

2. But God punished them immediately for this
their barbarity, and took vengeance of them for the
murder of Onias, in the manner following: While
the priests and Aristobidus were besieged, it hap-
pened that the feast called the Passover was come,
at whicli it is our custom* to offer a great number of
sacrifices to God; but tliose that were with Aristobu-
lus wanted saci'ifices, and desired tliat their country-
men without would furnish them with such sacrifices,
and assured them tliey should have as much money
for them as they should desire; and when they re-
quired them to pay a thousand drachmae for eacli
head of cattle, Aristobulus and the priests willingly
undertook to pay for them accordingly, and those
within let down the money over the walls, and gave
it them. But when the others had received it, they
did not deliver the sacrifices, but arrived at that height
of wickedness as to break the assurances they had
given, and to be guilty of impiety towards God, by
not furnishing those that wanted them with sacrifices.
And when the priests found they had been cheated,

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 885

and that the agreements they had made were violated,
they prayed to God, that he would avenge them on
their countrymen. Nor did he delay that their punish-
ment, but sent a strong and vehement storm of wind,
that destroyed the fruits of the whole country, till a
modius of wheat was then bought for eleven draclimte.
3. In the meantime Pompey sent Scaurus into
Syria, while he was himself in Armenia, and making
war with Tigranes: But when Scaurus was come to
Damascus, and found that Lollius and ^letellus had
newly taken the city, he came himself hastily into
Judea. And when he was come thither, ambassadors
came to him, both from Aristobulus and Hyrcanus,
and both desired he would assist them. And when
both of them promised to give him money, Aristo-
bulus four hundred talents, and Hyrcanus no less,
he accepted of Aristobulus' promise, for he was rich
and had a great soul, and desired to obtain nothing
but what was moderate; whereas the other was poor,
and tenacious, and made incredible promises in hopes
of greater advantages; for it was not the same thing
to take a city, that was exceeding strong and power-
ful, as it was to eject out of the country some fugi-
tives, with a greater number of Xabateans, who were
no very warlike people. He therefore made an agree-
ment with Aristobulus, for the reasons before men-
tioned, and took his money, and raised the siege, and
ordered Aretas to depart, or else he should be de-
clared an enemy to the Romans. So Scaurus re-
turned to Damascus again; and Aristobulus, with
a great army, made war with Aretas and Hyrcanus,
and fought them at a place called Papyron, and beat
them in the battle, and slew about six thousand of
the enemy; with whom fell Phalion also, the brother
of Antipater.

380 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

CHAPTER III.

How Aristohulus and Hyrcanus came to Pompey, in
order to argue who ought to have the kingdom: and
how upon the flight of Aristohulus to the fortress
Alexandrium, Pompey led his army against him,
and ordered him to deliver up the fortresses whereof
he was possessed.

1. A LITTLE afterward Pompey came to Damascus,
and marched over Celesyria, at whicli time there came
ambassadors to him from all Syria, and Egypt, and
out of Judea also, for Aristohulus had sent him a
great present, which was a ^ golden vine, of the value
of five hundred talents. Now Straljo of Cappadocia
mentions this present in these words: "There came
also an embassage out of Egypt, and a crown of the
value of four thousand pieces of gold, and out of
Judea there came another, whether you call it a
vine or a garden: They called the thing Terpule,
The delight. However, we ourselves saw that pres-
ent reposited at Rome, in the temple of Jupiter

^ This golden vine or garden, seen by Strabo at Rome, has its in-
scription here as if it were the gift of Alexander, the father of Aris-
tohulus, and not of Aristohulus himself, to whom yet Josephus ascribes
it; and in order to prove the truth of that part of liis history, introduces
this testimony of Strabo's; so that the ordinary copies seem to be here
cither erroneous or defective, and the original reading seems to have
been either Aristohulus. instead of Alexander, with one Greek copy, or
else Aristohulus the son of Alexander, with the Latin copies, which
last seems to mc the most probable — For as to Archbishop Usher's con-
jectures, that Alexander made it, and dedicated it to God in the temple,
and that thence yVristobulus took it, and sent it to Pompey, they are
both very improbable, and no way agreeable to Josephus, who would
hardly have avoided the recording both these imconunon points of history,
had he known any of them; nor would either the Jewish nation, or even
Pompey himself, then have relished such a flagrant instance of sacrilege.

Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 387

Capitolinus, with this inscription, The gift of Alex-
ander the ling of the Jews. It was valued at five
hundred talents; and the report is, that Aristobulus,
the governor of the Jews, sent it."

2. In a little time afterward came ambassadors again
to him, Antipater from Hyrcanus, and Xicodemus
from Aristobulus; which last also accused such as
had taken bribes, first Gabinius, and then Scaurus,
the one three hundred talents, and the other four
hundred; by which procedure he made these two his
enemies, besides those he had before. And when
Pompey had ordered those that had controversies
one with another to come to him in the beginning
of the spring, he brought his army out of their winter
quarters, and marched into the country of Damascus;
and as he went along he demolished the citadel that
was at Apamia, which Antiochus Cyzicenus had built,
and took cognizance of the country of Ptolemy ]Men-
neus, a wicked man, and not less so than Dionysius
of Tripoli, who had been beheaded, who was also
his relation by marriage ; yet did he buy ofi^ the punish-
ment of his crimes for a thousand talents, with which
money Pompey paid the soldiers their wages. He
also conquered the place called Lysias, of which Silas
a Jew, was tyrant. And when he had passed over
the cities of Heliopohs and Chalcis, and got over the
mountain Mdiich is on the limit of Celesyria, he came
from Pella to Damascus; and there it was that he
heard the causes of the Jews, and of their governors
Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at difference
one with another, as also of the nation against them
both, which did not desire to be under kingly govern-
ment, because the form of government they received
from their forefathers was that of subjection to the
priests of that God whom they worshipped, and [they
complained,] that though these two were the posterity

388 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

of priests, yet did they seek to change the government
of their nation to another form, in order to enslave
them. Hyreanus complained, that although he were
tlie elder brother, he was deprived of the prerogative
of his birth by Aristobulus, and that he hath but a
small part of the country under him, Aristobulus
having taken away tlie rest from him by force. He
also accused him, that the incursions which had been
made into tlieir neighbours' countries, and the piracies
that had been at sea, were ov/ing to him; and that
the nation would not have revolted, unless Aristobulus
had been a man given to violence and disorder: and
there were no fewer than a thousand Jews, of the
best esteem among them, who confirmed this accu-
sation: which confirmation was procured by Antipater.
But Aristobulus alleged against him, that it was
Hyreanus' own temper, which was inactive, and on
that account contempti])le, M'hich caused him to be
deprived of the government; and that for himself he
was necessitated to take it upon him, for fear lest
it should be transferred to others. And that as to
his title [of king,] it was no other than what his
father had taken [before him.] He also called for
witnesses of what he said, some persons who were
both young and insolent: whose purple garments, fine
heads of hair, and other ornaments, were detested [by
the court,] and which they appeared in, not as though
they were to plead their cause in a court of justice,
but as if they were marching in a pompous procession.
3. When Pompey had heard the causes of these
two, and had condemned Aristobulus for his violent
procedure, he then spake civilly to them, and sent
them away; and told them, that when he came again
into their country he wouhl settle all their affairs,
after he had first taken a view of the affairs of the
Nabateans. In tlie mean time, he ordered them to

Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 389

be quiet; and treated Aristobulus civilly, lest he should
make the nation revolt, and hinder his return: which
j^et Aristobulus did; for without expecting any further
determination, which Pomj^ey had promised them,
he went to the city Delius, and thence marched into
Judea.

4. At this behaviour Pompey was angry; and
taking wdtli him that army which he was leading
against the Xabateans, and the auxiliaries that came
from Damascus, and the other parts of Syria, with
the other Roman legions which he had with him, he
made an expedition against Aristobulus: but as he
passed by Pella, and Scythopohs, he came to CorccE,
which is the first entrance into Judea when one passes
over the midland countries, where he came to a most
beautiful fortress that was built on the top of a
mountain called AleaYiudrium, whither Aristobulus had
fled, and thence Pompey sent his commands to him,
that he should come to him. Accordingly, at the
persuasions of many, that he would not make war
with the Romans, he came down: and when he had
disputed with his brother about the right to the
government; he went up again to the citadel, as
Pompey gave him leave to do; and this he did two
or three times, as flattering himself with the hopes
of having the kingdom granted him; so that lie still
pretended he would obey Pompey in whatsoever he
commanded, although at the same time he retired to
his fortress, that he might not depress himself too
low, and that he might be prepared for a war, in
case it should prove as he feared, that Pompey should
transfer the government to Hyrcanus. But when
Pompey enjoined Aristobulus to deliver up the for-
tresses he held, and to send an injunction to their gov-
ernors under his own hand, for that purpose, for they
had been forbidden to deliver them up upon any other

390 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

commands, he submitted indeed to do so, but still he
retired in displeasure to Jerusalem, and made prep-
aration for war. A little after this, certain persons
came out of Pontus, and informed Pompey, as he was
on the way, and conducting his army against Aristobu-
lus, that INIithridates was dead, and was slain by his
son Pharnaces.

CHAPTER IV.

Hoiv Pompey, when the citizens of Jerusalem shut
the gates against him, besieged the city, and took
it by force; as also what other things he did in
Judea.

1. Now when Pompey had pitched his camp at
Jericho, (where the ^ palm-tree grows, and that bal-
sam which is an ointment of all the most precious,
which upon any incision made in the wood with a
sharj) stone, distils out thence like a juice,) he
marched in the morning to Jerusalem. Hereupon
Aristobulus repented of what he was doing, and
came to Pompey, and [promised to] give him money,
and received him into Jerusalem, and desired that
he would leave off the war, and do what he pleased

' These express testimonies of Josephus' here, and Aiitiq. B. YITT.
ch. vi. sect. 6, Vol. I. and B. XV. cli. iv. sect. 2, \o\. II. that tlie only
balsam gardens, and the best ])alm-trees, were, at least in his days, near
Jericho and Kngaddi, about the north part of the dead sea (whereal)out
also Alexander the Great saw the balsam drop,) show the mistake of
those that understand Eusebius and Jerom, as if one of those gardens
were at the south part of that sea, at Zoar or Segor, whereas they must
either mean another Zoar or Segor, which was between Jericho and
Engaddi, agreeably to .Josephus, which yet they do not appear to do,
or else they directly contradict Jose]iluis, and were therein greatly
mistaken; unless tiiat balsam and the best ])alni-trees, grew nuich more
southward in Judea in the days of Paisebius and Jerom than they did
in the days of ■Iose|)luis.

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 391

peaceably. So Pompey, upon his entreaty, forgave
him: and sent Gabinius, and soldiers with him, to
receive the money and the city: Yet was no part
of this performed, but Gabinius came back being
both excluded out of the city, and receiving none
of the money promised, because Aristobulus' soldiers
would not permit the agreements to be executed. At
this Pompey was very angry, and put Aristobulus
into prison and came himself to the city, which was
strong on every side, excepting the north, which was
not so well fortified, for there was ^ a broad and
deep ditch that encompassed the city, and included
within the temple, which was itself encompassed about
with a very strong stone wall.

2. Xow there was a sedition of the men that
were within the city, who did not agree what was to
be done in their present circumstances, while some
thought it best to deliver up the city to Pompey:
but Aristobulus' party exhorted them to shut the
gates, because he was kept in prison. Now these
prevented the others and seized upon the temple,
and cut off the bridge which reached from it to
the city, and j^i'epared themselves to abide a siege;
but the others admitted Pompey's army in, and
delivered up both the city and the king's palace to
him. So Pcmipey sent his lieutenant Piso with an
army, and placed garrisons both in the city and in
the palace, to secure them, and fortified the houses
that joined to the temple: and all those which were
more distant, and without it. And in the first place,
he offered terms of accommodation to those within,

' The particular depth and breadth of this ditch whence the stones
for the wall about the temple were probably taken, are omitted in our
copies of Josephus, but set down by Strabo, B, XVI. p. 763, from whom
we learn, that this ditch was 60 feet deep, and 250 feet broad. However,
its depth is, in the first section, said by Josephus to be immense, which
exactly agrees to Strabo's description, and which numbers in Strabo are
a strong confirmation of the truth of Josephus' description also.

392 AXTIQUITIES Book xiv.

but when they would not comply with what was
desired, he encompassed all the places thereabout
with a wall, wherein Hyrcanus did gladly assist him
on all occasions, but Pompey pitched his camp w^ithin
[the wall,] on the north part of the temple, where
it was most practicable; but even on that side there
were great towers, and a ditch had been dug, and
a deep valley begirt it round about, for on the parts
towards the city were precipices, and the bridge on
which Pompey had gotten in, was broken down;
however, a bank was raised day by day, with a great
deal of labour, while the Romans cut down ma-
terials for it from the places round about: And when
this bank was sufficiently raised and the ditch filled
up, though but poorly, by reason of its immense
depth, he brought his mechanical engines and bat-
tering rams from Tjtc, and placing them on the
bank he battered the temple with the stones that
were thrown against it. And had it not been our
practice, from the days of our forefathers, to rest on
the seventh day, this bank could never have been
perfected, by reason of the opposition the Jews
would have made; for though our laws give us leave
then to defend ourselves against those that began
to fight with us, and assault us, yet it does not permit
us to meddle with our enemies while they do any
thing else.

3. Which thing when the Romans understood,
on those days which we call Sabbaths, they threw
nothing at the Jew^s, nor came to any pitched battle
with them, but raised up their earthen banks, and
brought their engines into such forwardness that
they might do execution the follo^ving days. And
any one may hence learn how very great piety we
exercise towards God, and the observance of his
laws, since the priests were not at all hindered from

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 393

their sacred ministrations, by their fear during this
siege, but did still twice a-day, in the morning, and
about the ninth hour, offer their sacrifices, on the
altar; nor did they omit those sacrifices, if any melan-
choly accident happened, by the stones that were
thrown among them; for although the city was taken
on ^ the third month, on the day of the fast, upon
the hundred seventy-ninth olympiad, when Caius
Antonius and INIarcus Tullius Cicero, were consuls,
and the enemy then fell upon them, and cut the
throats of those that were in the temple, yet could
not those that offered the sacrifice be compelled to
run away, neither by the fear they were in of their
own lives, nor by the number that were already slain,
as thinking it better to suffer whatever came upon
them, at their very altars, than to omit any thing
that their laws required of them. And that this is
not a mere brag, or an encomium to manifest a de-
gree of our piety that was false, but is the real truth;
I appeal to those that have written of the acts of
Pompey: and among them, to Strabo and Xicolaus
[of Damascus;] and besides these two, Titus Livius,
the writer of the Roman history, who M'ill bear wit-
ness to this thing."

4. But when the battering engine was brought
near, the greatest of the towers was shaken by it,
and fell do^vn, and brake down a part of the fortifi-
cations, so the enemy poured in apace, and Cornelius
Faustus, the son of Sylla, with his soldiers, first of

* That is on the 23d of Sivan, the annual fast for the defection and
idolatry of Jeroboam, irho made JaracJ to sin : or possibly some other
fast might fall into that month, before and in the days of Josephus.

' It deserves here to be noted, that this Pharisaical superstitions no-
tion, that offensive fighting was unlawful to Jews, even under the ut-
most necessity, on the Sabbath day; of which we hear nothing before
the times of the Maccabees, %vas the proper occasion of Jerusalem's being
taken by Pompey, Sosius, and by Titus, as appears from the places already
quoted in the note on Antiq. B. XIII. ch. viii. sect. 1.

394 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

all ascended the wall, and next to him Furius the
centurion, with those that followed on the other
part, while Fabiiis, who was also a centurion, ascended
it in the middle, with a great body of men after
him. But now all was full of slaughter; some of
the Jews being slain by the Romans, and some by
one another; nay, some there were who threw them-
selves down the precipices, or put fire to their houses,
and burnt them, as not able to bear the miseries
they were under. Of the Jews there fell twelve
thousand, Init of the Romans very few. Absalom,
who was at once both uncle and father-in-law to Aris-
tobulus, was taken captive. And no small enormities
were committed about the temple itself, which, in
former ages, had been inaccessible and seen by none;
for Pompey went into it, and not a few of those
that were with him also, and saw all that which
it was unlawful for any other men to see but only
for the high priests. There were in that temple
the golden table, the holy candlestick, and the pour-
ing vessels, and a great quantity of spices; and be-
sides these there were among the treasures two
thousand talents of sacred money; Yet ^ did Pompey
touch nothing of all this, on account of his regard
to religion; and in this point also he acted in a
manner that was worthy of his virtue. The next
day he gave order to those that had the charge of
the temple to cleanse it, and to bring what offerings
the law required to God: and restored the high priest-
hood to Hyrcanus, both because he had been usefid
to him in other respects, and because he hindered
the Jews in the country from giving Aristobulus
any assistance in his war against him. He also cut

* This is fully confirmed by the testimony of Cicero, who says in
his oration for Flaccus, That "Cneius Pompeius, when he was conqueror,
and had taken Jerusalem, did not touch any thing belonging to that
temple."

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 395

off those that had been the authors of that war; and
bestowed proper rewards on Faustus, and those
others that mounted the wall with such alacrity: and
he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans; and
took away those cities of Coelesyria which the in^
habitants of Judea had subdued, and put them under
the government of the Roman president, and con-
fined the whole nation, which had elevated itself so
high before, within its own bounds. Moreover, he
^ rebuilt Gadara, which had been demolished a little
before, to gratify Demetrius of Gadara, who was
his freed man, and restored the rest of the cities,
Hippos, and Scythopolis, and Pella and Dios, and
Samaria, as also JNIarissa, and Ashdod, and Jamnia,
and Arethusa, to their own inhabitants: these were
in the inland parts. Besides those that had been
demolished, and also of the maritime cities, Gaza,
and Joppa, and Dora, and Strato's Tower; which
last Herod rebuilt after a glorious manner, and
adorned with havens, and temples, and changed its
name to Cesarea, All these Pompey left in a state
of freedom, and joined them to the province of Syria.
5. Now the occasions of this misery which came
upon Jerusalem, were Hyrcanus and Aristobulus,
by raising a sedition one against the other; for now
we lost our liberty, and became subject to the Romans,
and were deprived of that country which we had
gained by our arms from the Syrians, and were
compelled to restore it to the Syrians. Moreover,
the Romans exacted of us, in a little time, above
ten thousand talents. And the royal authority, which
was a dignity formerly bestowed on those that were
high priests, by the right of their family, became
the property of private men. But of these matters

' Of this clestruction of Gadara here presupposed, and its restoration
by Pompey, see the note On the War, B. T. eh. vii. sect. 7. Vol. Ill,

396 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

we shall treat in their proper places. Now Pompey
committed Coelesyria, as far as the river Euphrates
and Egypt, to Scaui'us, with two Roman legions,
and then w^nt away to Cilicia, and made haste to
Rome. He also carried bound along with him
Aristobulus and his children; for he had two
daughters, and as many sons; the one of which ran
away, but the younger, Antigonus, was carried to
Rome, together with his sisters.

CHAPTER V.

How Scaurus made a league of mutual assistance
with Aretas. And what Gahinius did in Judea,
after he had conquered Alexander the son of Aris-
tobulus,

1. Scaurus made now an expedition against
Petrea, in Arabia, and set on fire all the places round
about it, because of the great difficulty of access to
it. And as his army was pinched by famine, Antip-
ater furnished him with corn out of Judea, and
with whatever else he wanted, and this at the com-
mand of Hyrcanus. And when he was sent to
Aretas, as an ambassador by Scaurus, because he
had lived with him formerly, he persuaded Aretas
to give Scaurus a sum of money, to prevent the
burning of his country; and undertook to be his
surety for three hundred talents. So Scaurus, upon
these terms, ceased to make war any longer: which
was done as much at Scaurus' desire, as at the desire
of Aretas.

2. Some time after this, when Alexander, the son
of Aristobulus, made an incursion into Judea, Ga-

Chap. T. OF THE JEWS. 397

binius came from Rome to Syria, as commander
of the Roman forces. He did many considerable
actions: and particularly made war with Alexander,
since Hyrcanus was not yet able to oppose his power,
but was already attempting to build the walls of
Jerusalem, which Pompey had overthrown, although
the Romans, which were there, restrained him from
that his design. However, Alexander went over all
the country round about, and armed many of the
Jews, and suddenly got together ten thousand armed
footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen, and fortified
Alexandrium, a fortress near to Cor^e and ]VIacherus,
near the mountains of Arabia. Gabinius therefore
came upon him, having sent INIarcus Antonius, with
other commanders before. These armed such Romans
as followed them; and, together with them, such
Jews as were subject to them, whose leaders were
Pitholaus and JNIahchus, and they took with them
also their friends that were with Antipater, and met
Alexander, while Gabinius himself followed with
his legion. Hereupon Alexander retired to Jeru-
salem, where they fell upon one another, and it came
to a pitched battle, in which the Romans slew of
their enemies about three thousand, and took a like
number alive.

3. At which time Gabinius came to Alexandrium,
and invited those that were in it to deliver it up on
certain conditions, and promised that then their
former offences should be forgiven: But as a great
number of the enemy had pitched their camp before
the fortress, whom the Romans attacked. JNIarcus
Antonius fought bravely, and slew a great number,
and seemed to come off with the greatest honour.
So Gabinius left part of his army there, in order
to take the place, and he himself Mxnt into other
parts of Judea, and gave order to rebuild all the

398 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

cities that he met with that had been demohshed; at
which time were rebuilt Samaria, Ashdod, Scythopohs,
Anthedon, Raphia, and Dora; Marissa also, and
Gaza, and not a few others besides. And as the
men acted according to Gabinius' command, it came
to pass, that at this time these cities were securely
inhabited, which had been desolate for a long time.
4. When Gabinius had done thus in the country,
he returned to Alexandrium; and when he urged
on the siege of the place, Alexander sent an em-
bassage to him, desiring that he would pardon his
former offences; he also delivered up the fortresses,
Hyrcania and JNIacherus; and at last Alexandrium
itself, which fortresses Gabinius demolished. But
when Alexander's mother, who was of the side of
the Romans, as having her hus])and and other children
at Rome, came to him, he granted her whatsoever
she asked; and when he had settled matters with her
he brought Hyrganus to Jerusalem, and committed
the care of the temple to him: And when he had
ordained five councils, he distributed the same nation
into the same number of parts: So these councils
governed the people; the first was at Jerusalem, the
second at Gadara, the third at Amathus, the fourth
at Jericho, and the fifth in Sepphoris in Galilee.
So the Jews were now freed from monarchic au-
thority, and were governed by an ^ aristocracy.

* Prideaux well observes, "That notwithstanding tlie clamour against
Gabinius at Rome, Josephus gives him a laudable character, as if he
had acquitted himself with honour in the charge committed to him,"
[in Judea.] See at the year 55,

Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 399

CHAPTER VI.

How Gabinius caught Aristohulus after he had fled
from Rome, and sent him hack to Rome again; and
how the same Gabinius, as he returned out of Egijpt,
overcame Alejcander and the Nabateans in battle.

1. Now Aristobuliis ran away from Rome to
Judea, and set about the rebuilding of Alexandrium,
which had been newly demolished : Hereupon Gabinius
sent soldiers against him, and for their commanders
Sisenna, and Antonius, and Servilius, in order to
hinder him from getting possession of the country,
and to take him again. And indeed many of the
Jews ran to Aristohulus, on account of his former
glory, as also because they should be glad of an
innovation. Xow, there was one Pitholaus, a lieu-
tenant at Jerusalem, who deserted to him with a
thousand men, although a great number of those
that came to him were unarmed; and when Aris-
tohulus had resolved to go to ^lacherus, he dismissed
those people, because they were unarmed, for they
could not be useful to him in what actions they were
going about, but he took with him eight thousand
that were armed, and marched on: and as the Romans
fell upon them severely, the Jews fought valiantly,
but were beaten in the battle and when they had
fought with alacrity, but were overborne by the
enemy, they were put to flight; of whom were slain
about five thousand, and the rest being dispersed,
tried as well as they were able, to save themselves.
However, Aristohulus had with him still above a
thousand, and with them he fled to Macherus and
fortified the place, and though he had had ill success,

400 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

he still had good hope of his affairs: but when he
had struggled against the siege for two days' time,
and had received many wounds, he was brought as
a captive to Gabinius, with his son Antigonus, who
also fled with him from Rome. And this was the
fortune of Aristobulus, who was sent back again
to Rome, and was there retained in bonds, having
been both king and high priest for three years and
six months; and was indeed an eminent person and
one of a great soul. However, the senate let his
children go, upon Gabinius' writing to them, that
he had promised their mother so much when she de-
livered up the fortresses to him; and accordingly
they then returned into Judea.

2. Now when Gabinius was making an expedi-
tion against the Parthians, and had already passed
over Euphrates, he changed his mind and resolved
to return into Egypt, in order to ^ restore Ptolemy
to his kingdom. This hath also been related else-
where. However, Antipater supplied his army, which
he sent against Archelaus, with corn and weapons,
and money. He also made those Jews who were
above Pelusium, his friends and confederates, and
had been the guardians of the passes that led into
Egypt. But when he came back out of Egypt, he
found Syria in disorder, with seditions and troubles;
for Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, having seized
on the government a second time by force, made
many of the Jews revolt to him, and so he marched
over the country with a great army, and slew all
the Romans he could light upon, and proceeded to
besiege the mountain called Gerizzim, whither they
had retreated.

' This history is hest ilhistrated hy Dr. Hudson out of Livy, who
says, "Tliat A. (iabinius the proconsul, restored Ptolemy to his kingdom
of Egypt, and ejected Archelaus, whom they had set up for king," etc.
See Prid. at- the years 6i and 65.

Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 401

3. But when Ga})iniu,s found Syria in such a
state, he sent Antipater who was a prudent man, to
those that were seditious, to try whether he could
cure them of their madness, and persuade them to
return to a better mind, and when he came to them,
he brought many of them to a sound mind, and
induced them to do what they ought to do, but he
could not restrain Alexander, for he had an army
of thirty thousand Jews, and met Gabinius, and
joining battle with him, was beaten, and lost ten
thousand of his men about mount Tabor.

4. So Gabinius settled the affairs which belonged
to the city Jerusalem, as was agreeable to Antipater's
inclination, and went against the Nabateans, and
overcame them in battle. He also sent away in a
friendly manner JNIithridates and Orsanes, who were
Parthian deserters, and came to him, though the
report went abroad that they had run away from
him. And when Gabinius had performed great
and glorious actions, in his management of the affairs
of war, he returned to Rome, and delivered the gov-
ernment to Crassus. Now, Xicolaus of Damascus,
and Strabo of Cappadocia, both describe the ex-
peditions of Pompey and Gabinius against the Jews,
while neither of them say any thing new which is
not in the other.

402 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

CHAPTER VII.

How Crassus came into Jiidea, and pillaged the
temple; and then marched against the Parthians,
and perished, with his army. Also how Cassius
obtained Syria; and put a stop to the Parthians,
and then went up to Judea.

1. Now Crassus, as he was going upon his ex-
pedition against the Parthians, came into Judea,
and carried off the money that was in the temple,
which Pompey had left: being two thousand talents,
and was disposed to spoil it of all the gold belonging
to it, which was eight thousand talents. He also
took a beam, which was made of solid beaten gold,
of the weight of. three hundred minfe; each of which
weighed two pounds and an half. It was the priest
who was guardian of the sacred treasures, and whose
name was Eleazar, that gave him this beam, not
out of a wicked design, for he was a good and a
righteous man, but being intrusted with the custody
of the veils belonging to the temple, which were of
admirable beauty, and of very costly workmanship,
and hung down from this beam, when he saw that
Crassus was busy in gathering money, and was in fear
for the entire ornaments of the temple, he gave him
this beam of gold as a ransom for the whole, but
this not till he had given his oath that he would
remove nothing else out of the temple, but be satis-
fied with this only, which he should give him, being
worth many ten thousand [shekels.] Now, this beam
was contained in a wooden beam that was hollow;
but was known to no others, but Eleazar alone knew
it; yet did Crassus take away this beam, upon the

Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 403

condition of touching nothing else that belonged to
the temple, and then brake his oath, and carried away
all the gold that was in the temple.

2. And let no one wonder that there was so much
wealth in our temple, since all the Jews throughout
the habitable earth, and those that worshipped God,
nay, even those of Asia and Europe, sent their con-
tributions to it, and this from very ancient times.
Nor is the largeness of these sums without its attesta-
tion; nor is that greatness owing to our vanity, as
raising it without ground to so great a height: But
there are many ^vitnesses to it, and particularly Strabo
of Cappadocia, who says thus: "]Mithridates sent to
Cos, and took the money which queen Cleoj^atra had
deposited there, as also eight hundred talents belong-
ing to the Jews." Now, we have no public money
but only what appertains to God; and it is evident
that the Asian Jews removed this money out of
fear of JNIithridates, for it is not probable that those
of Judea. who had a strong city and temple, should
send their money to Cos, nor is it likely that the
Jews, who are inhabitants of Alexandria, should do
so neither, since they were in no fear of iNIithridates.
And Strabo himself bears witness to the same thing
in another place, that at the same time that Sylla
passed over into Greece, in order to fight against
Mithridates, he sent Lucullus to put an end to a
sedition that our nation, of whom the habitable earth
is full, had raised in Cyrene; where he speaks thus:
"There were four classes of men among those of
Cyrene, that of citizens, that of husbandmen, the
third of strangers, and the fourth of Jews. Now
these Jews are already gotten into all cities, and it
is hard to find a place in the habitable earth that
hath not admitted this tribe of men, and is not
possessed by it: And it hath come to pass that Egypt

404 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

and Cyrene, as having the same governors, and a
great number of other nations, imitate their way
of hving, and maintain great bodies of these Jews
in a pecuhar manner, and grow up to greater pros-
perity with them, and make use of the same laws
with that nation also. Accordingly the Jews have
places assigned them in Egypt, wherein they in-
habit, besides what is peculiarly allotted to this nation
at Alexandria, which is a large part of that city.
There is also an ethnarch allowed them, who governs
the nation; and distributes justice to them, and
takes care of their contracts, and of the laws to them
belonging, as if he were the ruler of a free republic.
In Egypt, therefore, this nation is powerful, because
the Jews were originally Egyptians, and because the
land wherein they inhabit, since they went thence,
is near to Egypt. They also removed into Cyrene,
because that this land adjoined to the government
of Egypt, as well as does Judea, or rather was
formerly under the same government." And this
is what Strabo says.

3. So when Crassus had settled all things as he
himself pleased, he marched into Parthia, where both
he himself and all his army perished, as hath been
related elsewhere. But Cassius as he fled from Rome
to Syria, took possession of it, and was an impedi-
ment to the Parthians, who by reason of their victory
over Crassus, made incursions upon it: And as lie
came back to Tyre, he went up into Judea also, and
fell upon Tarichfe, and presently took it, and carried
about thirty thousand Jews captives; and slew Pitho-
laus, who succeeded Aristobulus in his seditious
practices, and that by the persuasion of Antipater,
who proved to have great interest in him, and was
at that time in great repute with the Idumeans also:
Out of which nation he married a wife, who was

Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 405

the daughter of one of their 'eminent men, and her
name was ^ Cypros, by whom he had four sons,
Phasael, and Herod, who was afterwards made king,
and Joseph, and Pheroras; and a daughter named
Salome. This Antipater cultivated also a friendship
and mutual kindness with other potentates but es-
pecially with the king of Arabia, to whom he com-
mitted his children, while he fought against Aris-
tobulus. So Cassius removed his camp, and marched
to Euphrates, to meet those that were coming to
attack him, as hath been related by others.

4. But some time afterward, Citsar, when he had
taken Rome, and after Pompey and the senate were
fled beyond the Ionian sea, freed Aristobulus from
his bonds, and resolved to send him into Syria, and
delivered two legions to him, that he might see
matters right, as being a potent man in that country:
But Aristobulus had no enjoyment of what he hoped
for from the power that was given him by Casar,
for those of Pompey's party prevented it, and de-
stroyed him by j)oison, and those of Caesar's party
buried him. His dead body also lay, for a good
while, embalmed in honey, till Antony afterward
sent it to Judea, and caused him to be buried in
the royal sepulchre. But Scipio, upon Pompey's
sending to him to slay Alexander, the son of Aris-
tobulus, because the young man was accused of
what offences he had been guilty of at first against
the Romans, cut off his head; and thus did he die
at Antioch. But Ptolemy, the son of ^lenneus, who
was the ruler of Chalcis, under mount Libanus, took
his brethren to him, and sent his son Philippion to
Askelon to Aristobulus' wife, and desired her to

^ Dr. Hudson observes, that the name of this wife of Antipater's in
Josephus was Cypras, as an Hebrew termination, Ijut not Ci/pris, the
Greek name for Venus, as some critics were ready to correct it.

406 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

send back witli liim her son Antigonus, and her
daughters: The one of which, whose name was Alecc-
andra, Phihppion fell in love with and married her,
though afterward his father Ptolemy slew him, and
married Alexandra, and continued to take care of
her brethren.

CHAPTER VIII.

The Jews become confederates with Cccsar when he
fought against Egypt. The glorious actions of
Antipater, and his friendship with Ccesar. The
honours which the Jews received from the Romans
and Athenians.

1. Xow after Pompey was dead, and after that
victory Caesar had gained over him, Antipater, who
managed the Jewish affairs, became very useful to
Ca?sar when he made war against Egypt, and that
by the order of Hyrcanus: For when Mithridates
of Pergamus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was
not able to continue his march through Pelusium,
but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater came to
him, conducting three thousand of the Jews, armed
men: He had also taken care the principal men of
the Arabians should come to his assistance; and on
his account it was that all the Syrians assisted him
also, as not willing to appear ])ehindhand in their
alacrity for Caesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and
Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus,
who dwelt at mount Libanus, and almost all the
cities. So ]\Iithridates marched out of Syria, and
came to I'elusiimi; and when its inhabitants would
not admit liim, he besieged the city. Xow Antip-

Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 407

ater signalized himself here, and was the first who
plucked down a part of the wall, and so opened a
way to the rest, whereby they might enter the city,
and by this means Pelusium was taken: but it hap-
pened that the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the
country called Onion, would not let Antipater and
Mithridates, with their soldiers, pass to C^sar, but
Antipater jDcrsuaded them to come over . to their
party, because he was of the same people with them,
and that chiefly by showing them the epistles of
Hyrcanus the high priest, wherein he exhorted them
to cultivate friendship with Cjusar, and to supply
his army with money, and all sorts of provisions
which they wanted: and accordingly, when they saw
Antipater and the high priest of the same senti-
ments, they did as they were desired. And when
the Jews about JNlemphis heard that these Jews
were come over to Cccsar, they also invited Mith-
ridates to come to them; so he came and received
them also into his army.

2. And when jNIithridates had gone over all
Delta, as the place is called, he came to a pitched
battle with the enemy, near the place called the
Jewish camp. Now Mithridates had the right wing,
and Antipater the left; and when it came to a fight
that wing where JNIithridates was gave way, and
was likely to suffer extremely, unless Antipater had
come running to him with his own soldiers along
the shore, when he had already beaten the enemy
that opposed him: so he delivered Mithridates, and
put those Egyptians, who had been too hard for
him, to flight. He also took their camp, and con-
tinued in the pursuit of them. He also recalled
Mithridates, who had been worsted, and- was retired
a great way off; of whose soldiers eight hundred
fell, but of Antipater 's fifty. So Mithridates sent

408 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

an account of this battle to Caesar, and openly de-
clared, that Antipater was the author of his victory,
and of his own preservation, insomuch that Ctesar
commended Antipater then, and made use of him
all the rest of that war in the most hazardous under-
takings; he happened also to be wounded in one
of those engagements.

3. However, when Ca?sar, after some time, had
finished that war, and was sailed away for Syria, he
honoured Antipater greatly, and confirmed Hyrcanus
in the high priesthood; and bestowed on Antipater
the privilege of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom
from taxes every where: and it is reported by many,
that Hyrcanus went along with Antipater in this
expedition, and came himself into Egypt. And
Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to this, when he
says thus, in the name of Asinius: "After Mithridates
had invaded Egypt, and with him Hyrcanus the high
priest of the Jews." Nay, the same Strabo says
thus again, in another place, in the name of Hyp-
sicrates, that "Mithridates at first went out alone,
but that Antipater, who had the care of the Jewish
affairs, was called by him to Askelon, and that he
had gotten ready three thousand soldiers to go along
with him, and encouraged other governors of the
country to go along with him also ; and that Hyrcanus
the high priest was also present in this expedition."
This is what Strabo says.

4. But Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came
at this time to Csesar, and "lamented his father's
fate: and complained that it was by Antipater's
means that Aristobulus was taken oif by poison,
and his brother was beheaded by Scipio, and desired
that he woidd take pity of him who had been ejected
out of that ])rincipa]ity which was due to him." He
also accused Hyrcanus and Antipater as governing

Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 409

the nation by violence, and offering injuries to him.
Antipater was present, and made his defence as to
the accusations that were laid against him. He
demonstrated, that "Antigonus and his party were
given to innovation, and were seditious persons. He
also put Cffisar in mind what difficult services he had
undergone, when he assisted him in his wars, and
discoursed about what he was a witness of himself.
He added, that Aristobulus was justly carried away
to Rome, as one that was an enemy to the Romans,
and could never be brought to be a friend to them,
and that his brother had no more than he deserved
from Scipio, as being seized in committing robberies;
and that this punishment was not inflicted on him
in a way of violence or injustice by him that did it."
5. When Antipater had made this speech, Cfesar
appointed Hyrcanus to be high priest; and gave
Antipater what principality he himself should choose,
leaving the determination to himself: So he made
him procurator of Judea. He also gave Hyrcanus
leave to raise up the walls of his own city, upon his
asking that favour of him, for they had been demol-
ished by Pompey. And this grant he sent to the
consuls to Rome, to be engraven in the capitol. The
^ decree of the senate was this that follows: "Lucius
Valerius, the son of Lucius the pretor, referred this
to the senate, upon the ides of December, in the

* Take Dr. Hudson's note upon this place, which T suppose to be
the truth: "Here Is some mistake in Josephus: for when he had promised
us a decree for the restoration of Jerusalem, he brings in a decree of
far greater antiquity, and that a league of friendship and union only.
One may easily believe that Josephus gave order for one thing, and
his amanuensis performed another, by transposing decrees that con-
cerned the Hyrcani, and as deluded by the sameness of their names,
for that belongs to the first high priest of this name, (John Hyrcanus,)
which Josephus here ascribes to one that lived later, (Hyrcanus the
son of Alexander Janneus.) However, the decree which he proposes
to set down follows a little lower, in the collection of Roman decrees,
that concerned the Jews, and is that dated when Caesar was consul the
fifth time." See ch. x. sect. 5.

410 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

temple of Concord. There were present at the writ-
ing of this decree Lucius Coponius, the son of Lu-
cius of the CoUine tribe, and Pepirius of the Quirine
tribe, concerning the affairs v/hich Alexander the
son of Jason, and Xumenius the son of Antiochus,
and Alexander the son of Dositheus, ambassadors of
the Jews, good and worth\^ men, proposed, who came
to renew that league of good-will and friendship
with the Romans which was in being before. They
also brought a shield of gold, as a mark of con-
federacy, valued at fifty thousand pieces of gold;
and desired that letters might be given them, directed
both to the free cities and to the kings, that their
country and their haAxns might be at peace, and
that no one among them might receive any injury.
It therefore pleased [the senate] to make a league
of friendship and good-will with them, and to bestow
on them whatsoever they stood in need of, and to
accept of the shield which was brought by them.
This was done in the ninth year of Hyrcanus the
high priest and ethnarch, in the month Panemus."
Hyrcanus also received honours from the people
of Athens, as having been useful to them on many
occasions. And when they wrote to him they sent
him this decree, as it here follows: "Under the Pru-
taneia and priesthood of Dionysius, the son of Escu-
lapius, on the fifth day of the latter part of the
month Panemus, this decree of the Athenians was
given to their commanders, when Agathocles was
archon, and Eucles, the son of Menander of Alimusia,
was the scribe. In the month JMunychion, on the
eleventh day of the Prutaneia, a council of the
presidents was held in the theatre. Dorotheus the
high priest, and the fellow presidents with him, 2)iit
it to the vote of the people. Dionysius, the son of
Dionysius, gave the sentence; Since Hyrcanus, the

Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 411

son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of
the Jews, continues to bear good- will to our people
in general, and to every one of our citizens in par-
ticular, and treats them with all sorts of kindness;
and when any of the Athenians come to him, either
as . ambassadors, or on any occasion of their own,
he receives them in an ^obliging manner, and sees
that they are conducted back in safety, of which we
have had several former testimonies, it is now also
decreed, at the report of Theodosius, the son of
Theodorus, and upon his putting the people in mind
of the virtue of this man, and that his purpose is
to do us all the good that is in his j)o^ver, to honour
him with a crown of gold, the usual reward accord-
ing to the law, and to erect his statue in brass in
the temple of Demus, and of the graces; and that
this present of a crown shall be proclaimed publicly
in the theatre, in the Dionysian shows, while the new
tragedies are acting; and in the Panathenean, and
Eleusinian, and Gymnical shows also; and that the
commanders shall take care, while he continues in
his friendship, and preserves his good-will to us, to
return all possible honour and favour to the man
for his affection and generosity; that by this treat-
ment it may appear how our people receive the good
kindly; and repay them a suitable reward; and he
may be induced to proceed in his affection towards
us, by the honours we have already paid him. That
ambassadors be also chosen out of all the Athenians,
who shall carry this decree to him, and desire him
to accept of the honours we do him, and to endeavour
always to be doing some good to our city." And
this shall suffice us to have spoken as to the honours
that were paid by the Romans and the people of
A-thens to H^Tcanus.

412 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

CHAPTER IX.

How Antipater committed the care of Galilee to
Herod, and that of Jerusalem to Phasaelus; as also,
how Herod, upon the Jews' envy at Antipater,
was accused before Hyrcanus.

1. Now when C^sar had settled the affairs of
Syria, he sailed away; And as soon as Antipater
had conducted Caesar out of Syria, he returned to
Judea. He then immediately raised up the wall
which had been thrown down by Pompey and, by
coming thither, he pacified that tumult which had
been in the country; and this by both threatening
and advising them to be quiet: For that "If they
would be of Hyrcanus' side, they would live happily,
and lead their lives without disturbance, in the en-
joyment of their own possessions; but if they were
addicted to the hopes of what might come by inno-
vation, and aimed to get wealth thereby, they should
have him a severe master, instead of a gentle gov-
ernor, and Hyrcanus a tyrant, instead of a king,
and the Romans, together with Ca?sar, their bit-
ter enemies, instead of rulers, for that they would
never bear him to be set aside whom they had ap-
pointed to govern." And when Antipater had said
this to them, he himself settled the affairs of this
country.

2. And seeing that Hyrcanus was of a slow and
slothful temper, he made Phasaelus, his eldest son,
governor of Jerusalem, and of the places that were
about it, but committed Galilee to Herod, his next
son, wlio was then a very young man, for he was

Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 413

but ^ fifteen years of age: But that youth of his
was no mipediment to him; but as he was a youth
of great mind, he presently met with an opportunity
of signahzing his courage; for finding that there
was one Hezekias, a captain of a band of robbers,
who overran the neighbouring parts of Syria, witli a
great troop of them, he seized him, and slew him,
as well as a great number of the other robbers that
were with him; for which action he was greatly
beloved by the Syrians; for when they were very
desirous to have their country freed from this nest
of robbers, he purged it of ' them : So they sung
songs in his commendation, in their villages and
cities, as having procured them peace, and the secure
enjoyment of their possessions, and on this account
it was that he became known to Sextus Caesar, who
was a relation of the great Caesar's, and was now
president of Syria. Now Phasaelus, Herod's brother,
was moved with emulation at his actions, and envied
the fame he had thereby gotten, and became am-
bitious not to be behindhand with him in deserving
it: So he made the inhabitants of Jerusalem bear
him the greatest good-will, while he held the city
himself, but did neither manage its affairs im-
properly, nor abuse his authority therein. This con-
duct procured from the nation to Antipater such
respect as is due to kings, and such honours as he
might partake of if he were an absolute lord of
the country. Yet did not this sj)lendour of his,
as frequently happens, in the least diminish in him

^ Those who will carefully observe the several occasional numbers and
chronological characters in the life and death of this Herod, and of his
children, hereafter noted, will see, that tirenty-five years, and not fifteen,
must for certain have been here Josephus' own number for the age of
Herod, when he was made governor of Galilee. See ch. xxiii. sect. 5,
and ch. xxiv. sect. 7, and particularly Antiq. B. XVII. ch. viii. sect. 1.
Vol. HI. where about 44 years afterwards Herod dies an old man at
about 70.

414 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

that kindness and fidelity whicli he owed to Hyrcanus.
3. But now the principal men among the Jews,
when they saw Antipater and his sons to grow so
much in the good-will the nation bare to them, and
in the revenues which they received out of Judea,
and out of Hyrcanus' own wealth, they became ill
disposed to him: for indeed Antipater had contracted
a friendship with the Roman emperors: and when
he had prevailed with Hyrcanus to send them money,
he took it to himself, and purloined the present in-
tended, and sent it as if it were his own, and not
Hyrcanus' gift to them. Hyrcanus heard of this
his management, but took no care about it: nay,
he rather was very glad of it: But the chief men
of the Jews were therefore in fear, because they saw
that Herod was a violent and bold man, and very
desirous of acting tyrannically; so they came to
Hyrcanus, and now accused Antipater openly, and
said to him, "How long wilt thou be quiet under
such actions as are now done^ Or doest thou not
see that Antipater and his sons have already seized
upon the government? And that it is only the name
of a king which is given thee^ But do not thou
suffer these things to be hidden from thee; nor do
thou think to escape danger, by being so careless
of thyself and of thy kingdom, for Antipater and
his sons are not now stewards of thine affairs: do
not thou deceive thyself with such a notion, they
are evidently absolute lords, for Herod, Antipater's
son, hath slain Hezekiah and those that were with
him, and liath thereby transgressed our law, which
hath forbidden to slay any man, even though he
were a wicked man, unless he had been first ^ con-

* It is here worth our while to remark, that none could he put to
death in Judea, hut hy the ap)irol)ati«n of the Jewish sanhedrim, there
beinj^ an excellent ])rovi.sion in the law of Moses, that even in criminal

Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 415

demned to suffer death by the sanhedrim; yet liath
he been so insolent as to do this, and that without
any authority from thee."

4. Upon Hyrcanus' hearing this, he comphed
with them. The mothers also of those that had
been slain by Herod raised this indignation; for
those women continued every day in the temple,
persuading the king and the people, that Herod
might undergo a trial before the sanhedrim for what
he had done. Hp'canus was so moved by these
complaints, that he summoned Herod to come to
his trial, for what was charged upon him. Accord-
ingly he came: but his father had persuaded him
to come not like a private man, but with a guard,
for the security of his person; and that when he
had settled the affairs of Galilee in the best manner
he could for his own advantage, he should come to
his trial, but still with a body of men sufficient for
his security on his journey, yet so that he should
not come w^ith so great a force as might look like
terrifying Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might
not expose him naked and imguarded [to his en-
emies.] However, Sextus Cfesar, president of Syria,
wrote to Hyrcanus, and desired him to clear Herod,
and dismiss him at his trial, and threatened him
beforehand, if he did not do it. Which epistle of
his was the occasion of Hp'canus' delivering Herod
from suffering any harm from the sanhedrim, fol*
he loved him as his own son. But when Herod stood
before the sanhedrim with his body of men about
him, he affrighted them all, and no one of his former
accusers durst after that bring any charge against
him, but there was a deep silence, and nobody knew

causes, and particularly where life was concerned, an appeal should
lie from the lesser councils of seven in the other cities, to the supreme
council of seventv-one at Jerusalem.

416 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

what was to be done. When affairs stood thus, one
whose name was ^ Semeas, a righteous man he was,
and for that reason above all fear, who rose up, and
said, "O you that are assessors with me, and O thou
that art our king, I neither have ever myself known
such a case, nor do I suppose that any of you can
name its parallel, that one who is called to take his
trial by us ever stood in such a manner before us;
but every one whosoever he be, that comes to be
tried by this sanhedrim, presents himself in a sub-
missive manner, and like one that is in fear of him-
self, and that endeavours to move us to compassion,
with his hair dishevelled, and in a black mourning
garment: but this admirable man Herod, who is
accused of murder, and called to answer so heavy an
accusation, stands here clothed in purple, and with
the hair of his head finely trimmed, and with his
armed men about him, that if we shall condemn him
by our law, he may slay us, and by overbearing
justice, may himself escape death. Yet do not I
make this complaint against Herod himself: he is
to be sure more concerned for himself than for the
laws; but my complaint is against yourselves, and
your king, who gave him a license so to do. How-
ever, take you notice, that God is great, and that
this very man, whom you are going to absolve and
dismiss, for the sake of Hyrcanus, will one day
punish both you and your king himself also." Nor
did Semeas mistake in any part of this prediction;
for when Herod had received the kingdom, he slew
all the members of this sanhedrim, and Hyrcanus
himself also, excepting Semeas, for he had a great
honour for him on account of his righteousness, and
because, when the city was afterwards besieged by

^ This account, as Reland observes, is confirmed by the Talraudists,
who call this Semeas, Simeon the son of Shetach.

Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 417

Herod and Sosius, he persuaded the people to admit
Herod mto it; and told them, "That for their sins
they would not be able to escape his hands." Which
things will be related by us in their proper places.

5. But when Hyrcanus saw that the members of
the sanhedrim were ready to pronounce the sentence
of death upon Herod, he put off the trial to another
day, and sent privately to Herod, and advised him
to fly out of the city, for that by this means he might
escape. So he retired to Damascus, as though he
fled from the king: and when he had been with
Sextus Cfesar, and had put his own affairs in a
sure posture, he resolved to do thus, that in case
he were again summoned before the sanhedrim to
take his trial, he would not obey tliat summons.
Hereupon the members of the sanhedrim had great
indignation at this posture of affairs, and endeavoured
to persuade Hyrcanus that all these things were
against him. Which state of matters he was not
ignorant of, but his temper was so unmanly, and
so foolish, that he was able to do nothing at all.
But when Sextus had made Herod general of the
army of Coelesj^ia, for he sold him that post for
money, Hyrcanus w\as in fear lest Herod should
make Avar upon him: nor was the effect of what he
feared long in coming upon him, for Herod came
and brouglit an army along with him, to fight with
HjTcanus, as being angry at the trial he had been
summoned to undergo before the sanhedrim, but his
father Antipater, and his brother [Phasaelus,] met
him and hindered him from assaulting Jerusalem.
They also pacified his vehement temper, and per-
suaded him to do no overt action, but only to affright
them with threatenings, and to proceed no farther
against one who had given him the dignity he had:
they also desired him not only to be angry that he

418 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

was summoned, and obliged to come to his trial, but
to remember withal, how he was dismissed without
condemnation, and how he ought to give Hyrcanus
thanks for the same, and that he was not to regard
only what was disagreeable to him, and be unthank-
ful for his deliverance. So they desired him to con-
sider, that since it is God that turns the scales of
war, there is great uncertainty in the issues of battles,
and that therefore he ought not to expect the victory,
when he should fight with his king, and him that
had supported him, and bestowed many benefits upon
him, and had done nothing itself very severe to him;
for that his accusation, which was derived from evil
counsellors, and not from himself, had rather the
suspicion of some severity, than any thing really
severe in it. Herod was persuaded by these argu-
ments, and believed that it was sufficient for his fu-
ture hopes to have made a show of his strength before
the nation; and done no more to it: And in this
state were the affairs of Judea at this time.

CHAPTER X.

The honours that were paid the Jews; and the leagues
that ijoere made by the Romans, and other nations,
with them.

1. Now when CcTsar was come to Rome, he was
ready to sail into Africa to fight against Scipio and
Cato, when Hyrcanus sent ambassadors to him, and
by them desired that he would ratify that league of
friendship and mutual alliance which was between
them. And it seems to me to be necessary here to
give an account of all the honours that the Romans

Chap. X. or THE JEWS. 419

and their emperors paid to our nation, and of the
leagues of mutual assistance they have made with
it, that all the rest of mankind may know what
regard the kings of Asia and Europe have had to
us, and that they have been abundantly satisfied of
our courage and fidelity; for, whereas many will
not believe what hath been written about us by the
Persians and Macedonians, because those wi'itings
are not every where to be met with, nor do lie in
public places, but among us ourselves, and certain
other barbarous nations, while there is no contra-
diction to be made against the decrees of the Romans,
for they are laid up in the public places of the
cities, and are extant still in the capitol, and engraven
upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this, Julius Cssar
made a pillar of brass for the Jews at Alexandria,
and declared publicly that they were citizens of
Alexandria. Out of these evidences will I demon-
strate what I say; and will now set down the decrees
made both by the senate, and by Julius Casar, which
relate to Hyrcanus, and to our nation.

2. "Caius Juhus Ciesar, imperator and high priest,
and dictator the second time, to the magistrates,
senate, and people of Sidon, sendeth greeting: if
you be in health, it is well. I also and the army
are well. I have sent you a copy of that decree,
registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus,
the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch
of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public
records; and I will that it be openly proposed in
a table of brass, both in Greek, and in Latin: It
is as follows: I Julius Ctesar, imperator the second
time, and high priest, have made this decree, with
the approbation of the senate: Whereas Hyrcanus,
the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated
his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and this

420 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

both now and in former times, both in peace and
in war, as many of our generals have borne witness,
and came to our assistance in the last ^ Alexandrian
war with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was
sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself superior
in valour to all the rest of that army: for these
reasons I will, that Hyrcanus the son of Alexander,
and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have
the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according
to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and
his sons be our confederates, and that besides this,
every one of them be reckoned among our particular
friends. I also ordain, that he and his children
retain whatsoever privileges belong to the office of
high priest, or whatsoever favours have been hitherto
granted them. And if at any time hereafter there
arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will
that he determine the same. And I think it not
pi'oper that they should be obliged to find us winter
quarters, or that any money should be required of
them."

3. "The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, contain-
ing what hath been granted and determined, are as
follows: That Hyrcanus and his children bear rule
over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits
of the places to them bequeathed: and that he, as
himself the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews,
defend those that are injured. And that ambas-
sadors be sent to Hyrcanus the son of Alexander,
the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with
him about a league of friendship and mutual assist-
ance, and that a table of brass, containing the

' That Hyrcanus was himself in Egypt, along with Antipater, at
this time, to whom accordingly the boid and prudent actions of his
deputy Antii)ater are here ascribed, as tins decree of Julius Caesar sup-
I)oses, we are farther assured by the testimony of Strabo, already pro-
duced by Josephus, cli. viii. sect. 2.

Chap. ::. OF THE JEWS. "^ 421

premises, be openly proposed in the capitol, and at
Sidon and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple,
engraven in Roman and Greek letters: that this
decree may also be communicated to the questors
and pretors of the several cities, and to the friends
of the Jews: and that the ambassadors may have
j^resents made them, that these decrees be sent every
where."

4. "Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath
granted. That out of regard to the honour and virtue,
and kindness of the man; and for the advantage
of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus,
the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be
high priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the
Jewish nation, by the same right, and according to
the same laws, by which their progenitors have held
the priesthood."

5. "Caius Csesar, consul the fifth time, hath de-
creed. That the Jews shall possess Jerusalem, and
may encompass that city with walls; and that Hyr-
canus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and
ethnarch of the Jews, retain in the manner he him-
self pleases; and that the Jews be allowed to deduct
out of their tribute every second year the land in
let [in the Sabbatic period] a corous of that tribute,
and that the tribute they pay be not let to farm,
nor that they pay always the same tribute."

6. "Caius Ca?sar, imperator the second time, hath
ordained. That all the country of the Jews, excepting
Joppa, do pay a tribute yearly for the city Jeru-
salem, excepting the seventh; which they call the
Sabbatical year, because thereon they neither receive
the fruits of their trees, nor do they sow their land;
and that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the
second year [of that Sabbatical period,] the fourth
part of what was sown: and besides this, they are

422 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons,
which they paid to their forefathers. And that no
one, neither j^i'^^i^lent, nor heutenant, nor ambas-
sador, raise auxiharies within the bounds of Judea,
nor my soldiers exact money of them for winter
quarters, or under any other pretence, but that they
be free from all sorts of injuries: and that whatso-
ever they shall hereafter have, and are in possession
of, or have bought, they shall retain them all. It
is also our pleasure, that the city Joppa, which the
Jews had originally, when they made a league of
friendship with tlie Romans, shall belong to them,
as it formerly did, and that Hyrcanus, the son of
Alexander, and his sons have as tribute of that
city from those that occupy the land for the country,
and for what they export every year to Sidon, twenty
thousand, six hundred, and seventy-five modii every
year, the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic
year, excepted, whereon they neither plough nor
receive the product of their trees. It is also the
pleasure of the senate, that as to the villages which
are in the great plain, which Hyrcanus and his fore-
fathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the Jews
have them with the same privileges with which they
formerly had them also, and that the same original
ordinances remain still in force, wliich concern the
Jews, with regard to their high priests; and that
they enjoy the same benefits which they have had
formerly by the concession of the people, and of
the senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges in
Lydda. It is the pleasure also of the senate, that
Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those
places, countries and villages, which belonged to the
kings of S\Tia and Phenicia, the confederates of
the Romans, and which tliey had bestowed on them
as their free gifts. It is also granted to Hyrcanus,

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 423

and to his sons, and to the ambassadors by them
sent to us, that in the fights between single gladiators,
and in those with beasts, they shall sit among the
senators to see those shows, and that when they desire
an audience, they shall be introduced into the senate
by the dictator, or by the general of the horse; and
when they have introduced them, their answers shall
be returned them in ten days at the farthest, after
the decree of the senate is made about their affairs."

7. ';Caius CcTsar, imperator, dictator the fourth
time, and consul the fifth time, declared to be per-
petual dictator, made this speech concerning the
rights and privileges of Hyrcanus the son of Alex-
ander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews.
Since those ^ imperators that have been in the prov-
inces before me have borne witness to Hyrcanus,
the high priest of the Jews, and to the Jews them-
selves, and this before the senate and people of Rome,
when the people and senate returned their thanks
to them, it is good that we now also remember the
same, and provide that a requital be made to Hyr-
canus, to the nation of the Jews, and to the sons
of Hp-canus, by the senate and people of Rome,
and that suitably to what good-will they have shown
us, and to the benefits they have bestowed upon us."

8. "Julius Caius, pretor [consul] of Rome, to
the magistrates, senate, and people of the Parians,
sendeth greeting. The Jews of Delos, and some
other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of
your ambassadors, signified to us, that by a decree
of yours, you forbid them to make use of the cus-

* Dr. Hudson justly supposes, that the Roman imperators, or gen-
erals of armies, meant both here, and sect. 3, who gave testimony to
Hyrcanus' and the Jews' faithfulness and good-will to the Romans
before the senate and people of Rome, were principally, Pompey, Scaurus,
and Gabinius; of all whom Josephus had already given us the history
so far as the Jews were concerned with them,

424 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

toms of their forefathers, and their way of sacred
worship. Xow it does not please me, that such
decrees should be made against our friends and con-
federates, whereby they are forbidden to live accord-
ing to their own customs, or to bring in contributions,
for common suppers, and hoty festivals, while they
are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself; for
even Caius Cssar, our imperator, and consul, in
that decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters
to meet in the city, did yet permit these Jews, and
these only, both to bring in their contributions, and
to make their common suppers. Accordingly, when
I forbid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews
to gather themselves together, according to the cus-
toms and laws of their forefathers, and to persist
therein. It will be therefore good for you, that if
you have made any decree against these our friends
and confederates, to abrogate the same, by reason
of their virtue, and kind disposition towards us."

9. Xow after Caius was slain, when iVIarcus An-
tonius and Publius Dolabella were consuls, they
both assembled the senate and introduced Hyrcanus'
ambassadors into it, and discoursed of what they
desired, and made a league of friendship with them.
The senate also decreed, to grant them all they
desired. I add the decree itself, that those who
read the present work, may have ready by them a
demonstration of the truth of what we say: the decree
was this:

10. "The decree of the senate, copied out of the
treasury, from the public tables belonging to the
questors, when Quintus Rutilius and Caius Cornelius
were questors, and taken out of the second table
of the first class, on the third day before the ides
of April, in the temple of Concord. There were
present at the writing of this decree, Lucius Cul-

Chap. X. OF THP: JEWS. 425

purnius Piso of the Menenian tribe, Servius Pa-
pinias Potitus of the Lemonian tribe, Caius Caninius
Rebihus of the Terentine tribe, Pubhus Tidetius,
Lucius Apuhnus, the son of Lucius, of the Sergian
tribe, Flavius, the son of Lucius, of the Lemonian
tribe, Pubhus Platius, the son of Pubhus, of the
PapjTian tribe, JNIarcus Acihus, the son of Marcus,
of the JNIecian tribe, Lucius Erucius, the son of Lu-
cius, of the SteUatine tribe, Marcus Quintius Plan-
cillus, the son of Marcus, of the Polhan tribe, and
Pubhus Serius. Pubhus Dolabella and Marcus An-
tonius, the consuls, made this reference to the senate,
that as to those things which by the decree of the
senate, Caius Csesar had adjudged about the Jews,
and yet had not hitherto that decree brought into
the treasury, it is our will, as it is also the desix'e
of Publius Dolabella and jMarcus Antonius, our
consuls, to have these decrees jjut into the public
tables, and brought to the city questors, that they
may take care to have them put upon the double
tables. This was done before the fifth of the ides
of February, in the temple of Concord. Now the
ambassadors from HjTcanus the high priest were
these, Lysimachus the son of Pausanius, Alexander
the son of Theodorus, Patroculus the son of Cheras,
and Jonathan the son of Onias."

11. Hyi'canus sent also one of these ambassadors
to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and
desired him to dismiss the Jews from military serv-
ices, and to preserve to them the customs of their
forefathers, and to permit them to live according
to them. And when Dolabella had received Hyr-
canus' letter, without any farther deliberation, he
sent an epistle to all the Asiatics, and particularly
to the city of the Ephesians, the metropolis of Asia,
about the Jews, a copy of which epistle here follows:

426 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

12. "When Artemon was prytanis, on the first
day of the month Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to
the senate, and magistrates, and people of the
Ej)hesians, sendeth greeting: Alexander, the son of
Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son
of Alexander the high priest and ethnarch of the
Jews, appeared before me, to show that his country-
men could not go into their armies, because they
are not allowed to bear arms, or to travel on the
Sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those
sorts of food which they have been used to eat from
the times of their forefathers; I do therefore grant
them a freedom, from going into the army, as the
former prefects have done, and permit them to use
the customs of their forefathers, in assembling to-
gether for sacred and religious purposes, as their
law requires, and for collecting oblations necessary
for sacrifices: and my will is, that you write this
to the several cities under your jurisdiction."

13. And these were the concessions that Dola-
bella made to our nation when Hyrcanus sent an
embassage to him. But Lucius the consul's decree
ran thus: "I have at my tribunal set these Jews,
who are citizens of Rome, and follow the Jewish
religious rites, and yet live at Ephesus, free from
going into the army, on account of the sujjerstition
they are under. This was done before the twelfth
of the calends of October, when Lucius Lentullus
and Caius Marcellus, were consuls, of the presence
of Titus Appius Balgus, the son of Titus, and lieu-
tenant of the Horatian tribe, of Titus Tongius, the
son of Titus of the Crustamine tribe, of Quintus
Resius, the son of Quintus, of Titus Pompius
Longinus, the son of Titus, of Caius Servillius, the
son of Caius of the Terentine tribe, of Bracchus the
military tribune, of Publius Lucius Gallus, the son

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 427

of Publius of the Veturian tribe, of Caius Sentius,
the son of Caius of the Sabbatine tribe, of Titus
Attihus Bulbus, the son of Titus, heutenant and vice-
pretor, to the magistrates, senate, and people of
the Ephesians, sendeth greeting: Lucius Lentullus
the consul freed the Jews that are in Asia from
going into the armies at my intercession for them.
And when I had made the same petition sometime
afterward to Phanius the imperator, and to Lucius
Antonius the vice-questor, I obtained that privilege
of them also; and my will is, that you take care
that no one give them any disturbance."

14. The decree of the Delians. "The answer of
the pretors, when Beotus was archon, on the twentieth
day of the month Thargeleon, while Marcus Piso
the lieutenant lived in our city, who was also ap-
pointed over the choice of the soldiers, he called us,
and many other of the citizens, and gave order, that
if there be here any Jews, who are Roman citizens,
no one is to give them any disturl)ance about going
into the army, because Cornelius Lentullus, the consul,
freed the Jews from going into the army, on account
of the superstition they are under; you are therefore
obliged to submit to the pretor." And the like de-
cree was made by the Sardians about us also.

15. "Caius Phanius, the son of Caius, imperator
and consul, to the magistrates of Cos, sendeth greet-
ing: I would have you know that the ambassadors
of the Jews have been with me, and desired they
might have those decrees which the senate had made
about them; which decrees are here subjoined. My
will is, that you have a regard to, and take care of
these men, according to the senate's decree, that they
may be safely conveyed home through your country."

16. The declaration of Lucius I^entullus the con-
sul: "I have dismissed tliose Jews who are Roman

428 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

citizens, and who appear to me to have their rehgious
rites, and to observe the laws of the Jews at Ephesus,
on account of the superstition they are under. This
act was done before the thirteenth of the calends of
October."

17. "Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, vice-
questor, and vice-pretor, to the magistrates, senate,
and people of the Sardians, sendeth greeting: those
Jews that are our fellow-citizens of Rome, came to
me, and demonstrated that they had an assembly
of their ov,m, according to the laws of their fore-
fathers, and this from the beginning, as also a place
of their own, wherein they determined their suits
and controversies with one another: Upon their pe-
tition therefore to me, that these might be lawful
for them, I gave order that these their privileges be
preserved, and they be permitted to do accordingly."

18. The declaration of Marcus Publius, the son
of Sj)urius, and of ]Marcus, the son of Marcus, and
of Lucius, the son of Publius: "We went to the pro-
consul, and informed him of what Dositheus, the
son of Cleopatrida of Alexandria desired, that, if
he thought good, he would dismiss those Jews who
were Roman citizens, and were wont to observe the
rites of the Jewish religion, on account of the super-
stition they were under. Accordingly, he did dismiss
tliem. This was done before the thirteenth of the
calends of October."

19. "In the month Quintilis, when Lucius Len-
tullus and Caius JNIarcellus were consuls; and there
were present Titus Appius Bulbus, the son of Titus,
lieutenant of the Horatian tribe, Titus Tongius of
the Crustamine tribe, Quintus Resius, the son of
Quintus, Titus Pompeius, tlie son of Titus Cornelius
Longinus, Caius Servilius Bracchus, the son of Caius,
a military tribune, of the Terentine tribe, Publius

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 429

Clusius Galliis, the son of Publius, of the Veturian
tribe, Caius Teiitius, the son of Caius, a mihtary
tribune, of the Emihan tribe, Sextus Atihus Ser-
ranus, the son of Sextus, of the Esquihne tribe,
Caius Pompeius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine
tribe, Titus Appius Menander, the son of Titus,
Pubhus Servihus Strabo, the son of Pubhus, Lucius
Paccius Capito, the son of Lucius, of the Colhne
tribe, Aulus Furius Tertius, the son of Aulus, and
Appius JNIenas. In the presence of these it was
that Lentullus pronounced this decree: I have before
the tribunal dismissed those Jews that are Roman
citizens, and are accustomed to observe the sacred
rites of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the
superstition they are under."

20. "The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Caius
Rubihus, the son of Caius, the consul, sendeth greet-
ing: Sopater the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the high
priest, hath delivered us an epistle from thee, whereby
he lets us know, that certain ambassadors were come
from Hyrcanus, the high jDriest of the Jews, and
brought an epistle written concerning their nation,
wherein they desire that the Jews may be allowed
to observe their Sabbaths, and other sacred rites,
according to the laws of their forefathers, and that
they may be under no command, because they are
our friends and confederates, and that nobody may
injure them in our provinces. Now although the
Trallians there present contradicted them, and were
not pleased with these decrees, yet didst thou give
order that they should be observed, and informedst
us that thou hadst been desired to write this to us
about them. We therefore, in obedience to the in-
junctions we have received from thee, have received
the epistle which thou sentest us, and have laid it
up by itself among our public records. And as to

430 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

the other things about which thou didst send to us,
we will take care that no complaint be made against us."

21. "Publius Servillius, the son of Publius, of
the Galban tribe, the proconsul to the magistrates'
senate, and people of the Milesians, sendeth greeting:
Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a citizen of yours,
came to me when I was at Tralles, and held a court
there, and informed me that you used the Jews in
a way diiferent from my opinion, and forbade them
to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perform the sacred
rites received from their forefathers, and to manage
the fruits of the land, according to their- ancient
custom, and that he had himself been the promulger
of your decree, according as ycnu- laws require: I
would therefore have you know, that upon hearing
the pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence that the
Jews should not be prohibited to make use of their
own customs."

22. The decree of those of Pergamus. When
Cratippus was prytanis, on the first day of the
month Desius, the decree of the pretors was this:
"Since the Romans, following the conduct of their
ancestors, undertake dangers for the common safety
of all mankind, and are ambitious to settle their
confederates and friends in happiness, and in firm
peace; and since the nation of the Jews, and their
high priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassadors to them,
Strato, the son of Theodatus, and Apollonius, the
son of Alexander, and Eneas, the son of Antipater,
and Aristobulus, the son of Amyntus, and Sosipater,
the son of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave
a particular account of their affairs, the senate there-
upon made a decree about what they had desired of
them, that Antioclius the king, the son of Antiochus,
should do no injury to the Jews, the confederates
of the Romans; and that the fortresses, and the

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 431

havens, and the country, and whatsoever else he had
taken from them should be restored to them; and
that it may be lawful for them to export their goods
out of their own havens; and that no king nor people
may have leave to export any goods, either out of
the country of Judea, or out of their havens, with-
out paying customs, but only Ptolemy the king of
Alexandria, because he is our confederate and friend;
and that according to their desire, the garrison that
is in Joppa may be ejected. Now Lucius Petius,
one of our senators, a worthy and good man, gave
order that we should take care that these things
should be done according to the senate's decree; and
that we should take care also that their ambassadors
might return home in safety. Accordingly, we ad-
mitted Theodorus into our senate and assembly, and
took the e^^istle out of his hands, as well as the decree
of the senate; And as he discoursed with great zeal
about the Jews, and described Hyrcanus' virtue and
generosity, and how he was a benefactor to all men
in common, and particularly to every body that
comes to him, we laid up the epistle in our public
records; and made a decree ourselves, that since we
also are in confederacy with the Romans, we would
do every thing we could for the Jews, according to
he senate's decree. Theodorus also, who brought
the epistle, desired of our pretors, that they would
send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, as also am-
bassadors to signify to him the affection of our
people to him, and to exhort them to preserve and
augment their friendship for us, and be ready to
bestow other benefits upon us, as justly expecting
to receive proper requitals from us: and desiring
them to remember that our ^ ancestors were friendly

^ We have here a most remarkable and authentic attestation of the
citizens of Pergamus, that Abraham was the father of all the Hebrews;

i32 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

to the Jews even in the days of Abraham, who was
the father of all the Hebrews, as we have [also]
found it set down in our public records."

23. The decree of those of Helicarnasus. When
Memnon the son of Oristidas by descent, but by
adoption of Eunonymus, was priest, on the * * *
day of the month Aristerion, the decree of the people,
upon the representation of Marcus Alexander, was
this: "Since we have ever a great regard to piety
towards God, and to holiness, and since we aim to
follow the people of the Romans, who are the bene-
factors of all men, and what they have written to
us about a league of friendship and mutual assistance
between the Jews and our city, and that their sacred
offices, and accustomed festivals and assemblies may
be observed by them, we have decreed, that as many
men and women of the Jews as are willing so to do,
may celebrate their Sabbaths, and perform their holy
offices, according to the Jewish laws: and may make
their proseuchee at the seaside, according to the
customs of their forefathers; and if any one, whether
he be a magistrate or private person, hindereth them
from so doing, he shall be liable to a fine, to be
applied to the uses of the city."

24. The decree of the Sardians. This decree was
made by the senate and peo23le, upon the representa-

that their own ancestors were, in the oldest time, the friends of those
Hebrews ; and that the public acts of their city, then extant, confirmed
the same; which evidence is too strong to be evaded by our present
ignorance of the particular occasion of such ancient friendship and
alliance between those people. See the like full evidence of the kindred
of the Latedemonians and tlie Jews; and that because they were both
the posterity of Abraham, by a public epistle of those people to the
Jews, preserved in the first book of Maccabees, xii. 19-33, and thence by
Josephus, Antiq. B. XII. ch. iv. sect. 10, both which authentic records are
highly valuable. It is also well worthy of observation, what Moses
Chorenensis, the principal Armenian historian, informs us of, p. 83, that
Arsaces, who raised the Parthian Empire, was of the seed of Abraham
by Chetura, and that thereby was accomplished that prediction which
said, "Kings of nations shall proceed from thee," Gen. xvii. 0.

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. . 433

tion of the pretors: "Whereas those Jews, who are
our fellow-citizens, and live with us in this city,
have ever had great benefits heaped upon them by
the people, and have come now into the senate, and
desired of the people that upon the restitution of
their law and their liberty, by the senate and people
of Rome, they may assemble together, according to
their ancient legal custom, and that we will not
bring any suit against them about it; and that a
place may be given them where they may have their
congregations, with their wives and children, and
may offer, as did their forefathers, their prayers and
sacrifices to God; now the senate and people have
decreed to permit them to assemble together on the
days formerly appointed, and to act according to
their own laws; and that such a place be set apart
for them by the pretors, for the building and in-
habiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for that
purpose. And that those that take care of the pro-
visions for the city, shall take care that such sorts
of food as they esteem fit for their eating, may be
imported into the city."

25. The decree of the Ephesians. When Men-
ophilus was prytanis, on the first day of the month
Artemisius, this decree was made by the people:
"Nicanor, the son of Euphemius, pronounced it, upon
the representation of the pretors. Since the Jews
that dwell in this city have petitioned Marcus Julius
Pompeius, the son of Brutus, the proconsul, that
they might be allowed to observe their Sabbaths,
and to act in all things according to the customs of
their forefathers, without impediment from any body,
the pretor hath granted their petition. Accordingly,
it was decreed by the senate and people, that in
this affair that concerned the Romans, no one of
them should be hindered from keeping the Sabbath

434 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

day, nor fje fined for so doing, but that they may
be allowed to do all things according to their own
laws."

26. Xow there are ^ many such decrees of the
senate and imperators of the Romans, and those
different from these before us, which have been made
in favour of Hyrcanus, and of our nation; as also,
there have been more decrees of the city, and re-
scripts of the pretors, to such epistles as concerned
our rights and privileges: and certainly such as are
not ill disposed to what we write, may believe that
they are all to this purpose, and that by the speci-
mens which we have inserted; for since we have
produced evident marks that may still be seen, of
the friendship we have had with the Romans, and
demonstrated that those marks are engraven upon
columns and tables of brass in the capitol, that are
still in being, and preserved to this day, we have
omitted to set them all down, as needless and dis-
agreeable; for I cannot suppose any one so perverse
as not to believe the friendship we have had with
the Romans, while they have demonstrated the same
by such a great number of their decrees relating to;
nor will they doubt of our fidelity as to the rest of
those decrees, since we have showed the same in
those we have produced. And thus have we suffi-
ciently explained that friendship and confederacy
we at those times had with the Romans.

' If we compare Josephus' promise in sect. 1, to produce all the
public decrees of the Romans in favour of tlie Jews with his excuse
here for omitting mantj of them, we may observe, that when he came to
transcribe all those decrees he had collected, he found them so numerous
that he thought he should too much tire his readers if he had attempted
it, which he thought a sufficient apology for his omitting the rest of them;
yet do those by him produced afford such a strong confirmation to his
history, and give such great light to even the Roman Antiquities them-
selves, that I believe the curious are not a little sorry for such hi3
omission.

Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 435

CHAPTER XI.

How ^ Marcus succeeded Sextus, when he had been
slain by Bassus' ireachery; and how, after the death
of Ccesar, Cassius came into Syria, and distressed
Judea; as also, how Molichus slew Antipater, and
was himself slain by Herod.

1. Now it so fell out, that about this very time
the affairs of Syria were in great disorder, and this
on the occasion following: Cecilius Bassus, one of
Pompey's i^arty, laid a treacherous design against
Sextus Caesar, and slew him, and then took his army,
and got the management of public affairs into his
own hand; so there arose a great war about Apamia,
while Cssar's generals came against him with an
army of horsemen and footmen: To these Antipater
also sent succours, and his sons with them, as calling
to mind the kindnesses they had received from Caesar,
and on that account he thought it but just to require
punishment for him, and to take vengeance on the
man that had murdered him. And as the war was
drawn out into a great length, ^Marcus came from
Rome to take Sextus' government upon him: But
Cssar was slain by Cassius and Brutus in the senate
house, after he had retained the government three
years and six months. This fact, however, is related
elsewhere.

2. As the war that arose upon the death of Caesar
was now begun, and the principal men were all gone,
some one way, and some another, to raise armies,

^ For Marcus the president of Syria, sent as successor to Sextus
Caesar, the Roman historians require us to read Marcus in Josephus.
and this perpetually, both in these Antiquities, and in the history of the
Wars, as tlie learned generally agree.

436 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

Cassius came from Rome into Syria, in order to re-
ceive the [armj^ that lay in the] camp at Apamia;
and having raised the siege, he brought over both
Bassus and ]Marcus to his j^arty. He then went over
the cities, and got together weapons and soldiers, and
laid great taxes upon those cities; and he chiefly op-
pressed Judea, and exacted of it seven hundred
talents: But Antipater, when he saw the state to
be in so great consternation and disorder, he divided
the collection of that sum, and appointed his two sons
to gather it, and so that part of it was to be
exacted by ^Nlalichus, who was ill-disposed to him,
and part by others. And because Herod did exact
what is required of him from Galilee before others,
he was in the greatest favour with Cassius; for he
thought it a part of prudence to cultivate a friend-
ship with the Romans, and to gain their good-will
at the expense of others; whereas the curators of the
other cities, with their citizens, were sold for slaves;
and Cassius reduced four cities into slavery, the two
most potent of which were Cxophna and Emmaus;
and, besides these, Lydia, and Thamna. Nay, Cas-
sius was so very angry at ^lalichus, that he had killed
him, (for he assaulted him,) had not Hyrcanus, by the
means of Antipater, sent him a hundred talents of
his own, and thereby pacified his anger against him.
3. But after Cassius was gone out of Judea,
INIalichus laid snares for Antipater, as thinking that
his death would be the preservation of Hyrcanus'
government; But his design was not unknown to
Antipater, which when he perceived, he retired be-
yond Jordan, and got together an army, partly of
Arabs, and partly of his own countrymen. How-
ever, Malicluis, being one of great cunning, denied
that he had laid any snares for him, and made his
defence with an oatli, Ijotli to himself and his sons;

Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 437

and said, that while Phasaelus had a garrison in
Jerusalem, and Herod had the weapons of war in
his custody, he could never have a thought of any
such thing. So Antipater, perceiving the distress
that JMalichus was in, was reconciled to him, and
made an agreement with him; this was when Marcus
was j^resident of Syria; who yet perceiving that this
jNIalichus was making a disturbance in Judea,
proceeded so far that he had almost killed him,
but still at the intercession of Antipater he saved
him.

4. However, Antipater little thought that by saving
Malichus, he had saved his own murderer: for now
Cassius and INIarcus had got together an army, and
entrusted the entire care of it with Herod, and made
him general of the forces of Coelesyria, and gave
him a fleet of ships, and an army of horsemen and
footmen; and promised him, that after the war was
over they would make him king of Judea, for a war
was already begun between Antony and the younger
Csesar; But as IMalichus was most afraid of Antipater,
he took him out of the way; and by the offer of
money, persuaded the butler of Hyrcanus, with whom
they were both to feast, to kill him by poison. This
being done, and he having armed men with him,
settled the affairs of the city. But when Antipater's
sons, Herod and Phasaelus, were acquainted with this
conspiracy against their father and had indignation
at it, Malichus denied all, and utterly renounced any
knowledge of the murder. And thus died Antipater.
a man that had distinguished himself for piety and
justice, and love to his country. And whereas one
of his sons, Herod, resolved immediately to revenge
their father's death, and was coming upon INIalichus
with an army for that purpose, the elder of his sons,
Phasaelus, thought it best rather to get this man into

438 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

their hands by pohcy, lest they should appear to
begin a civil war in the country; so he accepted of
iNIalichus' defence for himself, and pretended to
believe him that he had no hand in the violent death
of Antipater his father, but erected a fine monu-
ment for him. Herod also went to Samaria, and
when he found them in great distress, he revived
their spirits, and composed their differences.

5. However, a little after this, Herod, upon the
approach of a festival, came with his soldiers unto
the city; whereuj^on jNIalichus was affrighted, and
persuaded Hyrcanus not to permit him to come into
the city. Hyrcanus complied; and, for a pretence
of excluding him, alleged, that a rout of strangers
ought not to be admitted, when the multitude were
purifying themselves. But Herod had little regard
to the messengers, that were sent to him, and entered
the city in the night time, and affrighted ^lalichus,
yet did he remit nothing of his former dissimulation,
but wept for Antipater, and bewailed him as a friend
of his, with a loud voice: But Herod and his friends
thought it proper, not openly to contradict iSIalichus'
hypocrisy, but to give him tokens of mutual friend-
ship, in order to prevent his suspicion of tliem.

T). However, Herod sent to Cassius, and informed
him of the murder of his fatlier; who knowing what
sort of man JNIalichus was as to his morals, sent him
back word, that he should revenge his father's death;
and also sent privately, to the commanders of his army
at Tyre, with orders to assist Herod in the execution
of a very just design of his. Xow when Cassius had
taken I^aodicea, they all went together to him, and
carried him garlands and money; and Herod thought
that Malichus miglit l)e ])uiiished while he was there;
but lie was somewhat apprehensive of the thing, and
designed to make some great attempt, and because

Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 439

his son was then an hostage at Tyre, he went to that
city, and resolved to steal him away privately, and to
march thence into Judea; and as Cassius was in haste
to march against Antony, he thought to bring the
country to revolt, and to procure the government for
himself. But providence opposed his counsels; and
Herod being a shrewd man, and perceiving what his
intention was, he sent thither beforehand a servant,
in appearance indeed to get a supper ready, for he
had said before, that he would feast them all there,
but in reality to the commanders of the army, whom
he persuaded to go out against ]Malichus, with their
daggers. So they went out and met the man near
the city, upon the seashore, and stabbed him. Where-
upon Hyrcanus was so astonished at what had hap-
pened, that his speech failed him; and when, after
some difficulty, he had recovered himself, he asked
Herod, what the matter could be, and who it was that
slew ^Nlalichus? and when he said that it was done by
the command of Cassius, he commended the action;
for that ^lalichus was a very wicked man, and one
that conspired against his own country. And this
was the punishment that was inflicted on ]Malichus
for what he wickedly did to Antipater.

7. But when Cassius was marched out of SjTia,
disturbances arose in Judea: for Felix, who was left
at Jerusalem with an army, made a sudden attempt
against Phasaelus, and the people themselves rose in
arms; but Herod went to Fabius, the prefect of
Damascus, and was desired to run to his brother's
assistance, but was hindered by a distemper that seized
upon him, till Phasaelus by himself had been too hard
for Felix, and had shut him up in the tower, and
there, on certain conditions, dismissed him. Phasaelus
also complained of Hyrcanus, that although he Iiad
received a great many benefits from them, yet did

440 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

he support their enemies; for ]Mahchus' brother made
many places to revolt, and kept garrisons in them,
and particularly Masada, the strongest fortress of
them all. In the meantime Herod was recovered of
his disease, and came and took from Felix all the
places he had gotten; and, upon certain conditions,
dismissed him also.

CHAPTER XII.

Herod ejects Antigonus, the son of Aristohulus, out
of Judea, and gains tlie friendship of Antony, who
ivas now come into Syria, by sending him much
money; on which account he woidd not admit of
those that would have accused Herod; and what
it was that Antony wrote to the Tyrians in behalf
of the Jews.

1. Now ^ Ptolemy the son of INIenneus, brought
back into Judea, Antigonus the son of Aristobtilug, who
had already raised an army, and had, by money, made
Fabius to be his friend, and this because he was of kin to
him. Marion also gave him assistance. He had been
left by Cassius to tyrannize over Tyre, for this Cassius
was a man that seized on Syria, and then kept it under
in the way of a tyrant. Marion also marched iiito

* In this and the following chapters, the reader will easily remark,
how truly Gronovius observes, in his notes on the Roman decrees in
favour of the Jews, that their rights and privileges were commonly pur-
chased of the Romans with money. Many examples of this sort, both
as to the Romans, and others in authority, will occur in our Josephus,
hoth now and hereafter, and need not be taken particidar notice of on
the several occasions in these notes. Accordingly, the cliief captain
confesses to St. Paul, that "with a great sum he had obtained his free-
dom," Acts xxii. 28, as had Paul's ancestors, very probably, purchased
the like freedom for their family by money, as the same author justly
concludes also.

Chap. XII. OF THE JEWS. 441

Galilee, which lay in his neighbourhood, and took
three of his fortresses, and put garrisons into them
to keep them. But when Herod came, he took all
from him; but the Tyrian garrison he dismissed in
a very civil manner; nay, to some of the soldiers he
made presents out of the good-will he bore to that
city. When he had dispatched these affairs, and
was gone to meet Antigonus, he joined battle with
him, and beat him, and drove him out of Judea
presently, when he was just come into its borders.
But when he was come to Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and
the people put garlands about his head;- for he had
already contracted an affinity with the family of
Hyrcanus by having espoused a descendant of his,
and for that reason Herod took the greater care of
him, as being to marry the daughter of Alexander,
the son of Ai'istobulus, and the granddaughter of
Hyrcanus, by which wife he became the father of
three male, and two female children. He had also
married before this another wife, out of a lower family
of his own nation, wdiose name was Doris, by whom
he had his eldest son Antipater.

2. Xow Antonius and Ctesar had beaten Cassius
near Philippi, as others have related; but after the
victory, Caesar went into Gaul, [Italy] and Antony
marched for x\sia, who, when he was arrived at
Bythinia, he had ambassadors that met him from all
parts. The principal men also of the Jews came
thither, to accuse Phasaelus, and Herod, and they
said, that Hyrcanus had indeed the appearance of
reigning, but that these men had all the power, but
Antony paid great respect to Herod, who was come
to him to make his defence against his accusers, on
which account his adversaries could not so much as
obtain a hearing; which favour Herod had gained of
Antony by money. But still, when Antony was come

442 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

to Ephesus, HjTcanus the high priest, and our nation,
sent an embassage to him who carried a crown of
gold with them, and desired that he would write to
the governors of the provinces, to set those Jews
free who had been carried captive by Cassius, and
this without their having fought against him, and
to restore them that country, which, in the days of
Cassius, had been taken from them. Antony thought
the Jews' desires were just, and wrote immediately
to Hyrcanus, and to the Jews. He also sent, at
the same time, a decree to the Tyrians; the contents
of w^hich were to the same purpose.

3. "]Marcus Antonius, imperator, to Hyrcanus the
high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, sendeth greet-
ing: If you be in health, it is well; I also am in health,
with the army. Lysimachus the son of Pausanius,
and Josephus the son of ]Menneus, and Alexander the
son of Theodorus, your ambassadors, met me at
Ephesus, and have renewed that embassage which
they had formerly been upon at Rome, and have
diligently acquitted themselves of the present em-
bassage, whicli thou and thy nation have entrusted to
them, and have fully declared the good-will thou
hast for us. I am therefore satisfied, both by your
actions and your words, that you are well disposed
to us; and I understand that your conduct of life is
constant and religious: so I reckon upon you as our
own: but when those that were adversaries to you,
and to the Roman people, and abstained neither from
cities nor temples, and did not observe the agreement
they had confirmed by oath, it was not only on ac-
count of our contest with them, but on account of
all mankind in common, that we have taken vengeance
on those who have been the authors of great injustice
towards men, and of great wickedness towards the
gods; for the sake of which we suppose it was the

Chap. XII. OF THE JEWS. 443

^ sun turned away his hght from us, as unwilhng to
view the horrid crime they were guilty of in the case
of C^sar. We have also overcome their conspiracies,
which threatened the gods themselves, which ^Nlace-
donia received, as it is a climate peculiarly proper
for impious and insolent attempts: and we have over-
come that confused rout of men, half mad with spite
against us, which they got together at Philippi in
iSIacedonia, when they seized on the places that were
proper for their purpose, and as it were, walled
them round with mountains to the very sea, and
where the passage was ojjen only through a single
gate. This victory we gained because the gods had
condemned these men for their wicked enterprizes.
Now Brutus, when he had fled as far as Philippi, was
shut ujD by us, and became a partaker of the same
perdition with Cassius; and now, these have received
their punishment, we suppose, that we may enjoy
peace for the time to come, and that Asia may be
at rest from war. We therefore make that peace
which God hath given us common to our confederates
also, insomuch, that the body of Asia is now recovered
out of that distemper it was under by the means of
our victory. I, therefore, bearing in mind both thee
and your nation, shall take care of what may be for
your advantage. I have also sent epistles in writing
to the several cities, that if any persons, whether free-
men or bondmen, have been sold under the spear by
Caius Cassius, or his subordinate officers, they may
be set free. And I will tliat you kindly make use
of the favours which I and Dolabella have granted
you. I also forbid the Tyrians to use any violence

^ This clause plainly alludes to that well knowTi but unusual and
very long darkness of the sun, which happened upon the murder of
Julius Caesar, by Brutus and Cassius, which is greatly taken notice of
by \'irgil, Pliny, and other Roman authors. See A'irgil's Georgics, B.
I. just before the end; and PIIiin's Xiit. Hist. B. II. ch. xxx.

444 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

with you; and for what places of the Jews they now
possess, I order them to restore them. I have withal
accepted of the crown which thou sentest me."

4. "Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magis-
trates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting:
The ambassadors of Hyrcanus the high priest and
ethnarch [of the Jews] appeared before me at Ephe-
sus, and told me, that you are in possession of part
of their country, which you entered upon under the
government of our adversaries. Since, therefore, we
have undertaken a war for the obtaining the govern-
ment, and have taken care to do what was agreeable
to piety and justice, and have brought to punish-
ment those that had neither any remembrance of the
kindnesses they had received, nor have kept their
oaths, I will that you be at peace with those that are
our confederates; as also, that what you have taken
by the means of our adversaries shall not be reckoned
your own, but be returned to those from whom you
took them; for none of them took their provinces
or their armies by the gift of the senate, but they
seized them by force, and bestowed them by violence
upon such as became useful to them in their unjust
proceedings. Since, therefore, those men have re-
ceived the punishment due to them, we desire that
our confederates may retain whatsoever it was that
they formerly possessed without disturbance, and that
yoii restore all the places which belong to Hyrcanus
the ethnarch of the Jews, which you have had, though
it were but one day before Caius Cassius began an
unjustifiable war against us, and entered into our
province; nor do you use any force against him, in
order to weaken iiim, that he may not be able to
dispose of that which is his own, but if you have any
contest with him about your respective rights, it shall
be lawful for you to plead your cause when we come

Chap. xii. OF THE JEWS. 445

upon the places concerned, for we shall alike preserve
the rights,* and hear all the causes of our confederates."

5. "Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magis-
trates, senate, and people of Tyre, sendeth greeting : I
have sent you my decree, of which I will that ye
take care that it be engraven on the public tables,
in Roman and Greek letters, and that it stand en-
graven in the most illustrious places, that it may be
read by all." Marcus Antonius, imperator, one of
the triumvirate over the public affairs, made this
declaration: "Since Caius Cassius, in this revolt he
hath made, hath pillaged that province which belonged
not to him, and was held by garrisons there encamped,
while they were our confederates, and hath spoiled
that nation of the Jews that was in friendship with
the Roman people, as in war; and since we have
overcome his madness by arms, we now correct by
our decrees and judicial determinations what he hath
laid waste, that those things may be restored to our
confederates. And as for what hath been sold of
the Jewish possessions, whether they be bodies or
possessions, let them be released, the bodies into that
state of freedom they were originally in, and the pos-
sessions to their former owners. I also will, that he
who shall not comply with this decree of mine, shall
be punished for his disobedience: and if such a one
be caught, I will take care that the offender suffer
condign punishment."

6. The same thing did Antony write to the
Sidonians, and the Antiochians, and the Arabians.
We have produced these decrees, therefore, as marks
for futurity of the truth of what we have said, that
the Romans had a great concern about our nation.

446 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

CHAPTER XIII.

HoxiD Antony made Herod and Phasaclus tetrarchs,
after they had been accused to no purpose; and
how the Parthians, when they brought Antigonus
into Judea, took Hyrcanus and Phasaelus captives.
Herod's fight; and what afflictions Hyrcanus and
Phasaelus endured.

1. When after this Antony came into Syria, Cleo-
pak'a met him in Cilicia, and brought him to fall in
love with her. And there came now also a hmidred
of the most potent of the Jews to accuse Herod and
those about him, and set the men of the greatest
eloquence among them to speak. But JNIessala con-
tradicted them, on behalf of the young men, and all
this in the presence of Hyrcanus, who was ^ Herod's
father-in-law already. When Antony had heard both
sides at Daphne, he askeci Hyrcanus who they were
that governed the nation best? He replied, Herod
and his friends. Hereupon Antony, by reason of the
old hospitable friendship he had made with his father
[Antipater,] at that time when he was with Gabinius,
he made both Herod and Phasaelus tetrarchs, and
committed the public affairs of the Jews to them,
and wrote letters to that purpose. He also bound
fifteen of their adversaries, and was going to kill
them, but that Herod obtained their pardon.

2. Yet did not these men continue quiet when they
were come back, but a thousand of the Jews came to

^ We may here take notice, that e.ipousal.f alone were of old esteemed
a sufficient foundation for affinity, Hyrcanus being here called fathcr-
in-Imn to Herod, because his grand-daughter Mariamne was betrothed
to him, although the marriage was not completed till four years after-
ward. Sec Matt. i. 16.

Ciiap. XIII. OF THE JEWS. 447

Tyre to meet him there, whither the report was that
he would come. But Antony was corrupted hy the
money which Herod and his brother had given him,
and so he gave order to the governor of the place
to punish the Jewish ambassadors, who were for
making innovations, and to settle the government
upon Herod: but Herod went out hastily to them,
and Hyrcanus was with him (for they stood upon
the shore before the city,) and he charged them to
go their ways, because great mischief would befall
them if they went on with their accusation. But they
did not acquiesce; whereupon the Romans ran upon
them with their daggers, and slew some, and wounded
more of them, and the rest fled away and went home,
and lay still in great consternation: and when the
people made a clamour against Herod, Antony was
so provoked at it that he slew the prisoners.

3. Xow, in the second year, Pacorus, the king of
Parthia's son, and Barzapharnes, a commander of
the Parthians, possessed themselves of Syria. Ptol-
emy, the son of ]Menneus, also was now dead, and
Lysanias his son took his government, and made a
league of friendship with Antigonus, the son of Aristo-
bulus; and in order to obtain it, made use of that
commander, who had great interest in him. Xow
Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians a
thousand talents, and five hundred women, upon con-
ditions they would take the government away from
Hyrcanus. and bestow it upon him, and withal kill
Herod. And although he did not give them M'hat
he had promised, yet did the Parthians make an ex-
pedition into Judea on that account, and carried
Antigonus with them. Pacorus went along the mari-
time parts, but the commander Barzapharnes, through
the midland. Xow the Tyrians excluded Pacorus.
but tlie Sidonians, and those of Ptolemais, received

448 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

him. However, Pacorus sent a troop of horsemen
into Judea, to take a view of the state of the country,
and to assist Antigonus; and sent also the king's
butler, of the same name with himself. So when the
Jews that dwelt about mount Carmel came to Antig-
onus, and were ready to march with him into Judea,
Antigonus hoped to get some part of the country
])y their assistance. The place is called Drymi; and
when some others came and met them, the men pri-
vately fell upon Jerusalem; and when some more
were come to them, they got together in great num-
bers, and came against the king's palace and besieged
it. But as Phasaelus' and Herod's party came to
the other's assistance, and a battle happened between
them in the market-place, the young men beat their
enemies, and pursued them into the temple, and sent
some armed men into the adjoining houses, to keep
them in, who yet being destitute of such as should
supj3ort them, were burnt, and the houses with them,
by the people who rose up against them. But Herod
was revenged on these seditious adversaries of his a
little afterward for this injury they had offered him,
when he fought with them, and slew a great number
of them.

4. But while tliere were daily skirmishes, the
enemy waited for the coming of the multitude out
of the country to Pentecost, a feast of ours so called:
and when that day was come, many ten thousands
of the people were gathered together about the temple,
some in armour, and some without. Xow those that
came, guarded both the temple and the city, except-
ing what belonged to the j^alace, which Herod
guarded with a few of his soldiers; and Phasaelus
had the charge of tlie wall, while Herod, with a
body of his men, sallied out upon the enemy, who
lay in the suburbs, and fought courageously, and

Chap. XIII. OF THE JEWS. 4i9

put many ten thousands to flight, some flying into
the city, and some into the temple, and some into
the outer fortifications, for some such fortifications
there were in that place. Phasaelus came also to
his assistance; yet was Pacorus, the general of the
Parthians, at the desire of Antigonus, admitted into
the city, with a few of his horsemen, under pretence
indeed as if he would still the sedition, but in reality
to assist Antigonus in obtaining the government.
And when Phasaelus met him, and received him
kindly, Pacorus persuaded him to go himself as
ambassador to Barzapharnes, which was done fraud-
ulently. Accordingly, Phasaelus, suspecting no harm,
complied with his proposal, while Herod did not
give his consent to what was done, because of the
perfidiousness of these Barbarians, but desired
Phasaelus rather to fight those that were come into
the city.

5. So both Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went on the
embassage; but Pacorus left with Herod two hundred
horsemen, and ten men, who were called. The free-
men; and conducted the others on their journey;
and when they were in Galilee, the governors of the
cities there met them in their arms. Barzapharnes
also received them at the first with cheerfulness, and
made them presents though he afterward conspired
against them; and Phasaelus, with his horsemen, were
conducted to the seaside: But when they heard that
Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians a
thousand talents, and five hundred M'omen, to assist
him against them, they soon had a suspicion of the
Barbarians. JNIoreover, there was one who informed
them tliat snares were laid for them by night, while
a guard came secretly, and they had then been seized
upon, had not they waited for the seizure of Herod
bv the Parthians, that were about Jerusalem, lest.

450 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv,

upon the slaughter of Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, he
should have an intimation of it, and escape out of
their hands. And these were the circumstances they
were now in, and they saw who they were that guarded
them. Some persons indeed would have persuaded
Phasaelus to fly away immediately on horseback, and
not stay any longer: and there was one Ophellius,
who, above all the rest, was earnest with him to do
so, for he had heard of this treachery from Saramalla,
the richest of all the Syrians at that time, who also
promised to provide him ships to carry him off; for
the sea was just by them: but he had no mind to
desert Hyrcanus, nor bring his brother into danger;
but he went to Barzapharnes, and told him he did
not act justly when he made such a contrivance
against them, for that if he wanted money, he would
give him more than Antigonus; and besides, that
it was a horrible thing, to slay those that came to
him upon the security of their oaths, and that when
they had done them no injury. But the Barbarian
swore to him, that there was no truth in any of
his suspicions, but that he was troubled with nothing
but false proposals, and then went away to Pacorus.
6. But as soon as he was gone away, some men
came and bound Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, while
Phasaelus greatly reproached the Parthians for their
perjury. However, that butler who was sent against
Herod had it in command to get him without the
walls of the city, and seize upon him; but messengers
had been sent by Phasaelus to inform Herod of the
perfidiousness of the Parthians: And when he knew
that the enemy had seized upon them, he went to
Pacorus, and to the most potent of the Parthians,
as to the lords of the rest, who, although they knew
the whole matter, dissem})]ed with him in a deceitful
way; and said, "That he ought to go out with them

Chap. XIII. OF THE JEWS. 451

before the walls, and meet those who were bringing
him his letters, for that they were not taken by his
adversaries, but were coming to give him an account
of the good success Phasaelus had had." Herod
did not give credit to what thej^ said; for he had
heard that his brother was seized upon by others
also: and the daughter of Hyrcanus, whose daughter
he had espoused, was his monitor also [not to credit
them,] which made him still more suspicious of the
Parthians, for although other people did not give
heed to her, yet did he believe her as a woman of
very great wisdom.

7. Now while the Parthians were in consultation
what was fit to be done; for they did not think it
proper to make an open attempt upon a person of
his character; and while they put off the determina-
tion to the next day, Herod was under great dis-
turbance of mind; and rather inclining to believe the
reports he heard about his brother and the Parthians,
than to give heed to what was said on the other side,
he determined, that when the evening came on, he
would make use of it for his flight, and not make
any longer delay, as if the dangers from the enemy
were not yet certain. He therefore removed with
the armed men whom he had with him; and set his
wives upon the beasts, as also his mother, and sister,
and her whom he was about to marry, [Mariamne]
the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus,
with her mother the daughter of Hyrcanus, and his
youngest brother, and all their servants, and the
rest of the multitude that was with him, and without
the enemies' privity pursued his way to Idumea:
Nor could any enemy of his, who then saw him in
this case, be so hard hearted, but would have com-
miserated his fortune, while the women drew along
their infant children, and left their own country, and

452 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

their friends in prison, with tears in their eyes, and
sad lamentations, and in expectation of nothing but
what was of a melancholj^ nature.

8. But for Herod himself, he raised his mind
above the miserable state he was in, and was of good
courage in the midst of his misfortunes; and, as he
passed along, he bid them every one be of good cheer,
and not to give themselves up to sorrow, because
that would hinder them in their flight, which was
now the only hope of safety that they had. Accord-
ingly, they tried to bear with patience the calamity
they w^ere under, as he exhorted them to do; yet was
he once almost going to kill himself, upon the over-
throw of a waggon, and the danger his mother was
then in of being killed, and this on two accounts,
because of his great concern for her, and because
he was afraid lest, by this delay, the enemy should
overtake him in the pursuit; but as he was drawing
his sword, and going to kill himself therewith, those
that were present restrained him, and being so many
in number, were too hard for him: and told him
that he ought not to desert them, and leave them
a prey to their enemies, for that it was not the part
of a brave man to free himself from the distresses
he was in, and to overlook his friends that were in
the same distresses also. So he was compelled to
let that horrid attempt alone, partly out of shame
at what they said to him, and partly out of regard
to the great number of those that would not permit
him to do what he intended. So he encouraged his
mother, and took all the care of her the time would
allow, and proceeded on the way he proposed to go
with the utmost haste, and that was to the fortress
of Massada. And as he had many skirmishes with
such of the Parthians as attacked him, and pursued
him, he was conqueror in them all.

Chap. XIII. OF THE JEWS. 453

9. Nor indeed was he free from the Jews all along
as he was in his flight; for by the time he had gotten
sixty furlongs out of the city, and was upon the
road, they fell upon him, and fought hand to hand
with him, whom he also put to flight, and overcame,
not like one that was in distress and in necessity,
but hke one that was excellently prepared for war,
and had what he wanted in great plenty. And in
this very place where he overcame the Jews, it was
that he sometime afterward built a most excellent
palace, and a city round about it, and called it
Herodium. And when he was come to Idumea, at
a place called Thrcssa, his brother Joseph met him,
and he then held a council to take advice about all
his affairs, and what was fit to be done in his cir-
cumstances, since he had a great multitude that
followed him, besides his mercenary soldiers, and the
place ISIassada, whither he proposed to fly, was too
small to contain so great a multitude; so he sent
away the greater part of his company, being above
nine thousand, and bid them go some one way, and
some another, and to save themselves in Idumea,
and gave them what would buy them provisions in
their journey; but he took with him those that were
the least incumbered, and were most intimate with
him, and came to the fortress, and placed there his
wives, and his followers, being eight hundred in
number, there being in the place a sufficient quantity
of corn and water, and other necessaries, and went
directly for Petra, in Arabia. But when it was day,
the Parthians plundered all Jerusalem, and the palace,
and abstained from nothing but Hyrcanus' money,
which was three hundred talenjts. A great deal of
Herod's money escaped, and principally all that the
man had been so provident as to send into Idumea
beforehand: nor indeed did what was in the city

454 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

suffice the Parthians, but they went out into the
country, and plundered it, and demohshed the city
Marissa.

10. And thus was Antigonus brought back into
Judea, by the king of the Parthians, and received
Hyrcanus and Phasaelus for his prisoners; but he
was greatly cast down because the women had es-
caped, whom he intended to have given the enemy,
as having promised they should have them, with the
money, for their reward: But being afraid that Hyr-
canus, who was under the guard of the Parthians,
might have his kingdom restored to him by the mul-
titude, he cut off his ears, and thereby took care
that the high priesthood should never come to him
any more, because he was maimed, while the ^ law
required that this dignity should belong to none but
such as had all their members entire. But now one
cannot but here admire the fortitude of Phasaelus,
who, perceiving that he was to be put to death, did
not think death any terrible thing at all, but to die
thus by the means of his enemy, this he thought a
most pitiable and dishonourable thing, and therefore,
since he had not his hands at liberty, but the bonds
he was in prevented him from killing himself thereby,
he dashed his head against a great stone, and thereby
took away his own life, which he thought to be the
best thing he could do in such a distress as he was
in, and thereby put it out of the power of the enemy
to bring him to any death he pleased. It is also
reported, that when he had made a great wound
in his head, Antigonus sent physicians to cure it, and
by ordering them to infuse poison into the wound,
killed him. However, Phasaelus hearing, before he
was quite dead, by a certain woman, that his In-other

' This law of Moses, tliat the priests were to he without blemish, as
to all the j)arts of their horlics, is in I^evit. xxi. 17-34.

Chap. xiY. or THE JEWS. 455

Herod had escaped the enemy, underwent his death
cheerfully, since he now left behind him one who
would revenge his death, and who was able to inflict
pimishment on his enemies.

CHAPTER XIV.

Hoxi) Herod got away from the king of Arabia, and
made haste to go into Egypt, and thence went
away in haste also to Rome: and how, by prom-
ising a great deal of money to Antony, he obtained
of the senate and of Caesar, to be made king of
the Jews.

1. As for Herod, the great miseries he was in
did not discourage him, but made him sharp in dis-
covering surprising undertakings; for he went to
Malchus, king of Arabia, whom he had formerly
been very kind to, in order to receive somewhat by
way of requital, now he was in more than ordinary
want of it, and desired he would let him have some
money, either by way of loan, or as his free gift,
on account of the many benefits he had received
from him; for not knowing what was become of
his brother, he was in haste to redeem him out of
the hands of his enemies, as willing to give three
hundred talents for the price of his redemption.
He also took with him the son of Phasaelus, who
was a child of but seven years of age, for this very
reason that he might be a hostage for the repayment
of the money; but there ciime messengers from Mal-
chus to meet him, by whom he was desired to be
gone, for that the Parthians had laid a charge upon
him not to entertain Herod. This was only a pre-

4^56 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

tence which he made use of that he might not be
obhged to repay him what he owed him: and this
he was farther induced to, by the principal men
among the Arabians, that they might cheat him of
what sums they had received from [his father] An-
tipater, and which he had committed to their iidehty.
He made answer that he did not intend to be trouble-
some to them by his coming thither, but that he
desired only to discourse with them about certain
aifairs that were to him of the greatest importance.

2. Hereupon he resolved to go away, and did
go very prudently tlie road to Egypt; and then it
was that he lodged in a certain temple, for he had
left a great many of his followers there. On the
next day he came to Rhinocolura, and there it was
that he heard what was befallen his brother. Though
Malchus soon repented of what he had done, and
came running after Herod, but with no mannei'«- of
success, for he was gotten a very great way off,
and made haste into the road to Pelusium; and when
the stationary ships that lay there hindered him from
sailing to Alexandria, he went to their captains, by
whose assistance, and that out of much reverence
of, and great regard to him, he was conducted into
the city [Alexandria,] and was retained there by
Cleopatra, yet was she not able to prevail with him
to stay there, because he was making haste to Rome,
even though the weather was stormy, and he was
informed that the affairs of Italy were very tumultu-
ous and in great disorder.

3. So he set sail from thence to Pamphylia, and
falling into a violent storm, he had much ado to
escape to Rhodes, with the loss of the ship's burden;
and there it was that two of his friends, Sappinas
and Ptolemeus, met with him: and as he found that
city very much damaged in the war against Cassius,

Chap. XIV. OF THE JEWS. 457

though he were in necessity himself, he neglected
not to do it a kindness, but did what he could to
recover it to its former state. He also built there
a three-decked ship, and set sail thence, with his
friends, for Italy, and came to the port of Brun-
dusium; and when he was come from thence to Rome,
he first related to Antony what had befallen him
in Judea, and how Phasaelus his brother was seized
on by the Parthians, and put to death by them;
and how HjTcanus was detained captive by them,
and how they had made Antigonus king, who had
promised them a sum of money, no less than a
thousand talents, with five hundred women, who were
to be of the principal families, and of the Jewish
stock, and that he had carried off the women by
night, and that by undergoing a great many hard-
ships, he had escaped the hands of his enemies; as
also, that his own relations were in danger of being
besieged and taken, and that he had sailed through
a storm, and contemned all these terrible dangers
of it, in order to come as soon as possible to him,
who was his hope and only succour at this time.

4. This account made Antony commiserate ^ the
change that had happened in Herod's condition; and
reasoning with himself that this was a common case
among those that are placed in such great dignities,
and that they are liable to the mutations that come
from fortune, he was very ready to give him the
assistance he desired, and this because he called to
mind the friendship he had had with Antipater, be-
cause Herod offered him money to make him king,
as he had formerly given it him to make him tetrarch,

' Concerning the chronology of Herod, and the time when he was
first made king at Rome, and concerning the time when he began his
second reign, without a rival, upon tlie conquest and slaughter of Antig-
onus, both principally derived from this and the two next chapters in
Josephus, see the note on sect. 6, and ch. xv. sect. 10.

458 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

and chiefly because of his hatred to Antigonus, for
he took him to be a seditious person, and an enemy
to the Romans. . Caesar was also the forwarder to
raise Herod's dignity, and to give him his assistance
in what he desired, on account of the toils of war
which he had himself undergone with Antipater his
father in Egypt, and of the hospitality he had treated
him withal, and the kindness he had always showed
him, as also to gratify Antony, who was very zealous
for Herod. So a senate was convocated; and Mas-
sala, first, and then Atratinus, introduced Herod
into it, and enlarged upon the benefits they had
received from his father, and jDut them in mind of
the good- will he had borne to the Romans. At the
same time they accused Antigonus, and declared
him an enemy, not only because of his former oppo-
sition to them, but that he had now overlooked the
Romans, and taken the government from the Par-
thians. Upon this the senate was irritated; and
Antony informed them farther, that it was for their
advantage in the Parthian war that Herod should
be king. This seemed good to all the senators; and
so they made a decree accordingly.

5. And this was the principal instance of Antony's
affection for Herod, that he not only procured him
a kingdom which he did not expect, for he did not
come with an intention to ask the kingdom (for
himself, which he did not suppose the Romans would
grant him, who used to bestow it on some of the
royal family, but intended to desire it for his wife's
brother, who was grandson by his father to Aristobu-
lus, and to Hyrcanus by liis mother,) but that he
procured it for him so suddenly that he obtained
what he did not expect, and departed out of Italy
in so few days as seven in all. This young man
[the grandson] Herod afterward took care to have

Chap. XIV. OF THE JEWS. 459

slain, as we shall show in its proper place. But
when the senate was dissolved Antony and Caesar
went out of the senate-house, with Herod between
them, and with the consuls and other magistrates
before them, in order to offer sacrifices, and to lay
up their decrees in the capitol. Antony also feasted
Herod the first day of his reign. And thus did this
man receive the kingdom, having obtained it on the
hundred and eighty-fourth Olympiad, when Caius
Domitius Calvinus was consul the second time, and
Caius Asinius Pollio [the first time.]

6. All this while Antigonus besieged those that
were in Massada, who had plenty of all other neces-
saries, but were only in want ^ of water, insomuch
that on this occasion Joseph, Herod's brother, was
contriving to run away from it, with two hundred
of his dependents, to the Arabians; for he had heard
that Malchus repented of the offences he had been
guilty of with regard to Herod: but God, by sending
rain in the night time, prevented his going away,
for their cisterns were thereby filled, and he was
under no necessity of running away on that account;
but they were now of good courage, and the more
so, because the sending that plenty of water which
they had been in want of, seemed a mark of divine
providence; so they made a sally, and fought hand
to hand with Antigonus' soldiers, with some openly,
with some privately, and destroyed a great number
of them. At the same time, Ventidius, the general
of the Romans, was sent out of Syria, to drive the
Parthians out of it, and marched after them into
Judea, in pretence indeed to succour Joseph, but
in reality the whole affair was no more than a

' This grievous want of water at Massada, till the place had like
to have been taken by the Parthians, mentioned botli here, and Of the
AVar, B. I. ch. xv. sect. 1, Vol. III. is an indication that it was now
summer time.

460 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

stratagem, in order to get money of Antigonus; so
they pitched their camp very near to Jerusalem, and
wiped off Antigonus a great deal of money, and
then he retired himself with the greater part of the
army; but, that the wickedness he had been guilty
of might not be found out, he left Silo there, with
a certain part of his soldiers, with whom also Antig-
onus cultivated an acquaintance, that lie might cause
him no disturbance, and was still in hopes that the
Parthians would come again and defend him.

CHAPTER XV.

Hotv Herod sailed out of Italy to Judea, and fought
with Antigonus; and what other things happened
in Judea about that time.

1. By this time Herod had sailed out of Italy
to Ptolemais, and had gotten together no small army,
both of strangers and of his own countrymen, and
marched through Galilee against Antigonus. Silo
also, and Ventidius, came and assisted him, being
persuaded by Dellius, who was sent by Antony to
assist in bringing back Herod. Now for Ventidius,
he was employed in composing the disturbances that
had been made in the cities by the means of the
Parthians; and for Silo, he was in Judea indeed, but
corrupted by Antigonus. However, as Herod went
along, his army increased every day, and all Galilee,
with some small exception, joined him; but as he
was marching to those that were at Massada, for
he was obliged to endeavour to save those that were
in that fortress, now they were besieged, because
they were his relations: Joppa was a hinderance to

Chap. XV. OF THE JEWS. 461

him, for it was necessary for him to take that place
first, it being a city at variance with him, that no
stronghold might be left in his enemies' hands
behind him when he should go to Jerusalem: and
when Silo made this a pretence for rising up from
Jerusalem, and was thereupon pursued by the Jews,
Herod fell upon them with a small body of men,
and both put the Jews to flight and saved Silo, when
he was very poorly able to defend himself; but
when Herod had taken Joppa, he made haste to
set free those of his family that were in Massada.
Now of the people of the country, some joined him
because of the friendship they had had with his
father, and some because of the splendid appearance
he made, and others by way of requital for the
benefits they had received from both of them, but
the greatest number came to him in hopes of getting
somewhat from him afterward, if he were once firmly
settled in the kingdom.

2. Herod had now a strong army; and as he
marched on, Antigonus laid snares and ambushes
in the ^^asses and places most proper for them, but
in truth he thereby did little or no damage to the
enemy: so Herod received those of his family out
of Massada, and the fortress Ressa, and then went
on for Jerusalem. The soldiery also that was with
Silo accompanied him all along, as did many of
the citizens, being afraid of his power; and as soon
as he had pitched his camp on the west side of the
city, the soldiers that were set to guard that part
shot their arrows, and threw their darts at him;
and when some sallied out in a crowd, and came to
fight hand to hand with the first ranks of Herod's
army., he gave orders that they sliould, in the first
place, make proclamation about the wall, That "lie
came for the good of the people, and for the preserva-

462 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

tion of the city, and not to bear any old grudge
at even his most open enemies, but ready to forget
the offences which his greatest adversaries had done
him." But Antigonus, by way of reply to what
Herod had caused to be proclaimed, and this before
the Romans, and before Silo also, said "That they
would not do justly, if they gave the kingdom to
Herod, who was no more than a private man, and
an Idumean, i. e. ^ a half Jew, whereas they ought
to bestow it on one of the royal family, as their
custom was; for, that in case they at present bare
an ill-will to him, and had resolved to deprive him
of the kingdom, as having received it from the
Parthians, yet were there many others of his family
that might by their law take it, and these such as
had no way offended the Romans, and being of
the sacerdotal family, it would be an unworthy thing *
to put them by." Now, while they said thus, one
to another, and fell to reproaching one another on
both sides, Antigonus permitted his own men that
were upon the wall to defend themselves, who using
their bows, and showing great alacrity against their
enemies, easily drove them away from the towers.

3. And now it was that Silo discovered that he
had taken bribes: for he set a good number of his
soldiers to complain aloud of want of provisions
they were in, and to require money to buy them
food, and that it was fit to let them go into places
proper for winter quarters, since the places near

' This affirmation of Antigonus' spoken in the days of Herod, and in
a manner to his face, that he was an Idumean, i. e. a hnlf Jew, seems
to me of much greater authority than that pretence of his favourite
and flatterer Nicolaus of Damascus, that lie derived liis pedigree from
Jews as far backward as the Babylonish captivity, ch. i. sect. 3. Ac-
cordingly Josephus always esteems liim an Idumean, though he says
his father Anti])ater was of the same )>eo]ile with the Jews, ch. viii. sect. 1,
and by birth a Jew, Antiq. B. XX. ch. viii. sect. 7, as indeed all such
proselytes of Justice, as the Idumeans, were in time esteemed the very
.same people as the Jews,

Cheap. XV. OF THE JEWS. 403

the city were a desert, by reason that Antigoiius'
soldiers had carried all away; so he set the army
upon removing, and endeavoured to march away:
But Herod pressed Silo not to depart; and exhorted
Silo's captains and soldiers not to desert him, when
Ccesar and Antony, and the senate, had sent him
thither, for that he would provide them j)lenty of
all the things they wanted, and easily procure them
a great abundance of what they required; after which
entreaty, he immediately went out into the country,
and left not the least pretence to Silo for his de-
parture, for he brought an unexpected quantity of
provisions, and sent to those friends of his who
inhabited about Samaria, to bring down corn, and
wine, and oil, and cattle, and all other j)i't)visions,
to Jericho, that there might be no want of a supply
for the soldiers for the time to come. Antigonus
was sensible of this, and sent presently over the
country such as might restrain and lie in ambush for
those that went out for provisions. So these men
obeyed the orders of Antigonus, and got together
a great number of armed men about Jericho, and
sat upon the mountains, and watched those that
brought the provisions. However, Herod was not
idle in the meantime, for he took ten bands of
soldiers, of whom five were of the Romans, and
five of the Jews, with some mercenaries among them,
and with some few horsemen, and came to Jericho;
and as they found the city deserted, but that five
hundred of them had settled themselves on the tops
of the hills, with their wives and children, those he
took and sent away; but the Romans fell upon the
city, and plundered it, and found the houses full
of all sorts of good things: So the king left a
garrison at Jericho, and came back again, and sent
the Roman army to take their winter quarters in

464 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

the countries that were come over to him, Judea
and Gahlee, and Samaria. And so much did Antig-
onus gain of Silo for the bribes he gave him, that
part of the army should be quartered at Lydda, in
order to please Antony. So the Romans laid their
weapons aside, and lived in plenty of all things.

4. But Herod was not pleased with lying still,
but sent out his brother Joseph against Idumea with
two thousand armed footmen, and four hundred
horsemen, while he himself came to Samaria, and
left his mother and his other relations there, for
they were already gone out of Massada, and went
into Galilee, to take certain places which were held
by the garrisons of Antigonus; and he passed on
to Sej^phoris, as God sent a snow, while Antigonus'
garrisons withdrew themselves, and had great plenty
of provisions. He also went thence, and resolved
to destroy those robbers that dwelt in the caves,
and did much mischief in the country: so he sent
a troop of horsemen, and three companies of armed
footmen against them. They were very near to a
village called Arbela; and on the fortieth day after,
he came himself with his whole army; and as the
enemy sallied out boldly upon him, the left wing of
his army gave way, but he appearing with a body
of men, put those to flight who were already con-
querors, and recalled his men that ran away. He
also pressed upon his enemies, and pursued them as
far as the river Jordan, though they ran away by
different roads. So he brought over to him all
Galilee, excepting those that dwelt in the caves,
and distributed money to every one of his soldiers,
giving them a hundred juid fifty drachmae a-piece,
and much more to their captains, and sent them into
winter quarters: at which time Silo came to him,
and his commanders with him, because Antigonus

Chap. XV. OF THE JEWS. 465

would not give him provisions any longer, for he
supplied them for no more than one month; nay,
he had sent to all the country about, and ordered
them to carry off the provisions that were there,
and retire to the mountains, that the Romans might
have no provisions to live upon, and so might perish
by famine: but Herod committed the care of that
matter to Pheroras, his youngest brother, and ordered
him to repair Alexandrium also. Accordingly, he
quickly made the soldiers abound with great plenty
of provisions, and rebuilt Alexandrium, which had
been before desolate.

5. About this time it was that Antony continued
some time at Athens, and that Ventidius, who was
now in Syria, sent for Silo, and commanded him to
assist Herod in the first place, to finish the present
war, and then to send for their confederates, for
the war they were themselves engaged in; but as
for Herod, he went in haste against the robbers that
were in the caves, and sent Silo away to Ventidius,
while he marched against them. These caves were
in mountains that were exceeding abrupt, and in
their middle were no other than precipices, with
certain entrances into the caves, and those caves
were encompassed \\dth sharp rocks, and in these
did the robbers lie concealed, with all their families
about them; but the king caused certain chests to
be made, in order to destroy them, and to be hung
down, bound about with iron chains, by an engine,
from the top of the mountain, it being not possible
to get up to them, by reason of the sharp ascent
of the mountains, nor to creep down to them from
above. Now these chests were filled with armed
men, who had long hooks in their hands, by which
they might pull out such as resisted them, and then
tumble them down, and kill them by so doing: but

466 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

the letting the chests down proved to be a matter
of great danger, because of the vast depth they were
to be let down, although they had their provisions
in the chests themselves: but when the chests were
let down, and not one of those in the mouths of
the caves durst come near them, but lay still out
of fear, some of the armed men girt on their armour,
and by both their hands took hold of the chain, by
which the chests were let down, and went into the
mouths of the caves, because they fretted that such
delay was made by the robbers not daring to come
out of the caves; and when they were at any of
those mouths, they first killed many of those that
were in the mouths with their darts, and afterwards
pulled those to them that resisted them with their
hooks, and tumbled them down the precipices, and
afterwards went into the caves, and killed many
more, and then went into their chests again, and
lay still there; but upon this, terror seized the rest,
when they heard the lamentations that were made,
and they despaired of escaping: however, when the
night came on, that put an end to the whole work;
and as the king proclaimed j^'^i'don by a herald to
such as delivered themselves up to him, many accepted
of the offer. The same method of assault was made
use of the next day; and they went farther, and
got out in baskets to fight them, and sought them
at their doors, and sent fire among them, and set
their caves on fire, for there was a great deal of
combustible matter within them. Now there was
one old man who was caught within one of these
caves, with seven children and a wife; these prayed
him to give them leave to go out, and yield
themselves up to the enemy, but he stood at the
cave's mouth, and always slew that child of his who
went out, till he had destroyed them every one, and

Chap. XV. OF THE JEWS. 467

after that he slew his wife, and cast their dead
bodies down the precipice, and himself after them,
and so underwent death rather than slavery: but
before he did this, he greatly reproached Herod with
the meanness of his family, although he was then
king. Herod also saw what he was doing, and
stretched out his hand, and offered him all manner
of security for his life: By which means all these
caves were at length sul)dued entirely.

6. And when the king had set Ptolemy over these
parts of the country as his general, he went to
Samaria, with six hundred horsemen, and three
thousand armed footmen, as intending to fight An-
tigonus. But still this command of the army did
not succeed well with Ptolemy, but those that had
been troublesome to Galilee before attacked him, and
slew him; and when they had done this, they fled
among the lakes and places almost inaccessible, lay-
ing waste and plundering whatsoever they could
come at in those places. But Herod soon returned,
and punished them for what they had done; for some
of these rebels he slew, and others of them, who
had fled to the strongholds, he besieged, and both
slew them, and demolished their strongholds: and
when he had thus put an end to their rebellion, he
laid a fine upon the cities of a hundred talents.

7. In the meantime Pacorus was fallen in a
battle, and the Parthians were defeated. When
Ventidius sent Macherus to the assistance of Herod,
with two legions and a thousand horsemen, while
Antony encouraged him to make haste. But Ma-
cherus, at the instigation of Antigonus, without the
approbation of Herod, as being corrupted by money,
went about to take a view of his affairs: but Antig-
onus suspecting this intention of his coming, did
not admit him into the city, but kept him at a

468 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

distance, with throwing stones at him, and plainly
showed what he himself meant. But when Macherus
was sensible that Herod had given him good advice,
and that he had made a mistake himself in not
hearkening to the advice, he retired to the city Em-
maus; and what Jews he met with he slew them,
whether they were enemies, or friends, out of the
rage he was in at what hardships he had undergone.
The king was provoked at this conduct of his, and
went to Samaria, and resolved to go to Antony
about these affairs, and to inform him that he stood
in no need of such helpers who did him more mis-
chief than they did his enemies, and that he was
able of himself to beat Antigonus; but Macherus
followed him, and desired that he would not go to
Antony, or, if he was resolved to go, that he would
join his brother Joseph with them, and let them
fight against Antigonus. So he was reconciled to
Macherus, upon his earnest entreaties. Accordingly
he left Joseph there with his army, but charged him
to run no hazards, nor to quarrel with Macherus.

8. But for his own part, he made haste to Antony,
(who was then at the siege of Samosata, a place
upon Euphrates,) with his troops, both horsemen
and footmen, to be auxiliaries to him: and when he
came to Antioch, and met there a great number of
men gotten together that were very desirous to go
to Antony, but durst not venture to go out of
fear, because the Barbarians fell upon men on the
road, and slew many, so he encouraged them, and
became their conductor upon the road. Now when
they were within two days' march of Samosata,
the Barbarians had laid an ambush there to disturb
those that came to Antony, and where the woods
made the passes narrow, as they led to the plains,
there they laid not a few of their horsemen, who

Chap. XV. OF THE JEWS. 469

were to lie still until those passengers were gone by
into the wide place. Now as soon as their first ranks
were gone by, (for Herod brought on the rear,)
those that lay in ambush, who were about five hundred,
fell upon them on the sudden, and when they had
put the foremost to flight, the king came riding
hard, with the forces that were about him, and im-
mediatelj^ drove back the enemy; by which means
he made the minds of his own men courageous, and
emboldened them to go on, insomuch that those who
ran away before, now returned back, and the Bar-
barians were slain on all sides. The king also went
on killing them, and recovered all the baggage, among
which were a great number of beasts for burden,
and of slaves, and proceeded on in his march; and
whereas there were a very great number of those
in the woods that attacked them, and were near the
passage that led into the plain, he made a sally ujDon
these also with a strong body of men; and j^ut them
to flight, and slew many of them, and thereby ren-
dered the way safe for those that came after; and
these called Herod their saviour and protector.

9. And when he was near to Samosata, Antony
sent out his army in all their proper habiliments to
meet him, in order to. pay Herod this respect, and
because of the assistance he had given him, for he
had heard what attacks the Barbarians had made
upon him [in Judea.] He also was very glad to
see him there, as having been made acquainted witli
the great actions he had performed upon the road:
so he entertained him very kindly, and could not
but admire his courage. Antony also embraced him
as soon as he saw him, and saluted him after a most
afi^ectionate manner, and gave him the upper hand,
as having himself lately made him a king; and in
a little time Antiochus delivered up the fortress, and

470 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

on that account this war was at an end; then Antony
committed the rest to Sosius, and gave him orders
to assist Herod, and went himself to Egypt. Ac-
cordingly Sosius sent two legions before into Judea
to the assistance of Herod, and he followed himself
with the body of the army.

10. Now Joseph was already slain in Judea, in
the manner following: He forgot what charge his
brother Herod had given him when he went to An-
tony; and when he had pitched his camp among the
mountains; for Macherus had lent him five regi-
ments, with these he went hastily to Jericho, in order
to reap the corn thereto belonging: and as the Roman
regiments were but newly raised, and were unskilful
in war, for they were in great part collected out of
Syria, he was attacked by the enemy, and caught
in those places of difficulty, and was himself slain,
as he Avas fighting bravely, and the whole army was
lost, for there were six regiments slain. So when
Antigonus had got possession of the dead bodies,
he cut off Joseph's head, although Pheroras his
brother would have redeemed it at the price of
fifty talents. After which defeat the Galileans re-
volted from their commanders, and took those of
Herod's party, and drowned .them in the lake, and
a great part of Judea was become seditious; but
Macherus fortified the place Gitta [in Samaria.]

*11. At this time messengers came to Herod, and
informed him of what had been done; and when he
was come to Daphne by Antioch, they told him of
the ill fortune that had befallen his brother; which
yet he expected, from certain visions that appeared
to him in his dreams, which clearly foreshowed his
brother's death. So he hastened his march; and
when he came to mount Libanus, he received about
eight hundred of the men of that place, having

Chap. XV. OF THE JEWS. 471

already with him also one Roman legion, and with
these he came to Ptolemais. He also marched thence
by night with his army, and proceeded along Galilee.
Here it was that the enemy met him, and fought
him, and were beaten, and shut up in the same place
of strength whence they had sallied out the day be-
fore. So he attacked the place in the morning, but
by reason of a great storm that was then very violent,
he was able to do nothing, but drew off his army
into the neighbouring villages; yet as soon as the
other legion that Antony sent him was come to his
assistance, those that were in garrison in the place
were afraid, and deserted it in the night time. Then
did the king march hastily to Jericho, intending to
avenge himself on the enemy for the slaughter of his
brother; and when he had pitched his tents, he made
a feast for the principal commanders, and after
this collation was over, and he had dismissed his guests,
he retired to his own chamber; and here may one
see what kindness God had for the king, for the
upper part of the house fell down when nobody was
in it, and so killed none, insomuch that all the people
believed that Herod was beloved of God, since he
had escaped such a great and surprising danger.

12. But the next day six tliousand of the enemy
came down from the tops of the mountains to fight
the Romans, which greatly terrified them; and the
soldiers that were in light armour came near, and
pelted the king's guards that were come out witli
darts and stones, and one of them hit him on the
side with a dart. Antigonus also sent a commander
against Samaria, whose name was Pappus, with some
forces, being desirous to show tlie enemy how potent
he was, and that he had men to spare in his war
with them: He sat down to oppose Macherus; but
Herod, when he had taken five cities, took such as

472 ANTIQUITIES Book xir.

were left in- them, being about two thousand, and
slew them, and burnt the cities themselves, and then
returned to go against Pappus, who was encamped
at a village called Isanas; and there ran in to him
many out of Jericho and Judea, near to which places
he was, and the enemy fell upon his men, so stout
were they at this time, and joined battle with them,
but he beat them in the fight; and in order to be
revenged on them for the slaughter of his brotlier,
he pursued them sharply, and killed them as they
ran away: ^ and as the houses were full of armed
men, and many of them ran as far as the tops of
the houses, he got them under his power, and pulled
down the roofs of the houses, and saw the lower
rooms full of soldiers that were caught, and lay all
on a heap: so they threw stones down upon them
as they lay piled one upon another, and thereby
killed them: nor was there a more frightful spec-
tacle in all the war than this, where beyond the walls
an immense multitude of dead men lay heaped one
upon another. This action it was which chiefly broke
the spirits of the enemy, who expected now what
would come, for there appeared a mighty number
of people that came from places far distant, that
were now about the village, but then ran away; and
had it not been for the dej^th of winter, which then
restrained them, the king's army had presently gone
to Jerusalem, as being very courageous at this good
success, and the whole work had been done immedi-
ately, for Antigonus was already looking about how
he might fly away, and leave the city.

» It may be worth our observation here, that these soldiers of Herod's
could not have gotten upon the tops of these houses, which were full of
enemies, in order to ])ull up the upper floors, and destroy them beneath,
but on ladders from the outside; which illustrates some texts in the New
Testament, by wiiich it appears that men used to ascend thither by
ladders on the outsides. See Matt. xxiv. 17, Mark xiii. 15, Luke v. 19.
xvii. 31.

Chap. XY. OF THE JEWS. 473

13. At this time the king gave order that the
soldiers should go to supper, for it was late at night,
while he went into a chamber to use the bath, for
he was very weary: and here it was that he was in
the greatest danger, which yet, by God's providence,
he escaped; for as he was naked, and had but one
servant that followed him, to be with him while he
was bathing in an inner room, certam of the enemy,
who were in their armour, and had fled thither out
of fear, were then in the place; and as he was bathing,
the first of them came out with his naked sword
drawn, and went out at the doors, and after him
a second and third, armed in like manner, and were
under such a consternation, that they did no hurt
to the king, and thought themselves to have come
off very well in suffering no harm themselves, in their
getting out of the house. However, on the next
day, he cut off the head of Pappus, for he was al-
ready slain, and sent it to Pheroras, as a punishment
of what their brother had suffered by his means, for
he was the man that slew him M'ith his own hand.

14. When the rigour of winter was over, Herod
removed his army, and came near to Jerusalem, and
pitched his camp hard by the city. Xow this was
the third year since he had been made king at Rome;
and as he removed his camp, and came near that
part of the wall where it could be most easily as-
saulted, he pitched that camp before the temple,
intending to make his attacks in the same manner
as did Pompey; so he encompassed the jDlace witli
three bulwarks, and erected towers, and employed
a great many hands about the work, and cut down
the trees that were round about the city; and when
he had appointed proper persons to oversee the
works, even while the army lay before the city, he
himself went to Samaria, to complete his marriage,

474 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

and to take to wife the daughter of Alexander, the
son of Ai'istobukis ; for he had betrothed her akeady,
as I have before related.

CHAPTER XVI.

How Herod, when he had married Mariamne, took
Jerusalem, with the assistance of Sosius, by force;
and how the government of the Asamoneans was
imt an end to.

1. After the wedding was over, came Sosius
through Phenicia, having sent out his army before
him over the midland parts. He also, who was their
commander, came himself, with a great number of
horsemen and footmen. The king also came himsell
from Samaria, and brought with him no small arm}',
besides that which was there before, for they were
about thirty thousand: and they all met together
at the walls of Jerusalem, and encamped at the north
wall of the city, being now an army of eleven legions,
armed men on foot, and six thousand horsemen, with
other auxiliaries out of S}TL-ia. The generals were
two, Sosius, sent by Antony to assist Herod, and
Herod on his own account, in order to take the
government from Antigonus, who was declared an
enemy at Rome, and that he might himself be king,
according to the decree of the senate.

2. Xow the Jews that were inclosed within the
walls of the city fought against Herod with great
alacrity and zeal, (for tlie whole nation was gath-
ered together;) they also gave out many prophecies
about the temple, and many things agreeable to the
people, as if God would deliver them out of the

Chap. XVI. OF THE JEWS. 475

dangers they were in; they had also carried off what
was out of the city, that they might not leave any
thing to afford sustenance either for men or for
beasts: and by private robberies, they made the want
of necessaries greater. When Herod understood this,
he opposed ambushes in the fittest places against
their private robberies, and he sent legions of armed
men to bring in provisions, and that from remote
places, so that in a httle time they had great plenty
of provisions. Now the three bulwarks were easily
erected, because so many hands w^ere continually at
work upon them; for it was summer time, and there
was nothing to hinder them in raising their works,
neither from the air, nor from the workmen: so they
brought their engines to bear, and shook the walls
of the city, and tried all manner of ways to get in;
yet did not these within discover any fear, but they
also contrived not a few engines to oppose their
engines witlial. They also sallied out, and burnt
not only those engines that were not yet perfected,
but those that were; and when they came hand to
hand, their attempts were not less bold than those
of the Romans, though they were behind them in
skill. They also erected new works when the former
were ruined, and making mines underground, they
met each other, and fought there: and making use
of brutish courage rather than of prudent valour,
they persisted in this war to the very last; and this
they did while a mighty army lay round about them,
and while they were distressed by famine, and the
want of necessaries, for this happened to be a sab-
batic year. The first that scaled the walls were
twenty chosen men, the next w^ere Sosius' centurions,
for the first wall was taken in forty days, and the
second in fifteen more, when some of the cloisters
that were about the temple were burnt, which Herod

476 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

gave out to have been burnt by Antigonus, in order
to expose hini to the hatred of the Jews. And when
the outer court of the temple, and the lower city
were taken, the Jews fled into the inner court of
the temple, and into the upper city; but now fearing
lest the Romans should hinder them from offering
their daily sacrifices to God, they sent an embassage,
and desired that they would only permit them to
bring ixi beasts for sacrifices, which Herod granted,
hoping they were going to yield, but when he saw
that they did nothing of what he supposed, but
bitterly opposed him, in order to preserve the king-
dom, to Antigonus, he made an assault upon the
city, and took it by storm; and now all parts were
full of those that were slain by the rage of the
Romans at the long duration of the siege, and by
the zeal of the Jews that were on Herod's side, who
were not willing to leave one of their adversaries
alive, so they were murdered continually in the narrow
streets and in the houses by crowds, and as they
were flying to the temple for shelter, and there was
no pity taken of either infants or the aged, nor did
they spare so nmch as the weaker sex; nay, although
the king sent about, and besought them to spare
the people, yet nobody restrained their hand from
slaughter, but, as if they were a company of mad-
men, they fell upon persons of all ages, without
distinction; and then Antigonus, without regard to
either his past or present circumstances, came down
from the citadel, and fell down at the feet of Sosius,
who took no pity of him, in the change of his for-
tune, but insulted him beyond measure, and called
him Antigone [i.e. a woman, and not a man;] yet
did he not treat him as if he were a woman, by
letting him go at liberty, but put him into bonds and
kept him in close custody.

Chap. xTi. OF THE JEWS. 477

3. And now Herod having overcome his enemies,
his care was to govern those foreigners who had
been his assistants, for the crowd of strangers rushed
to see the temple, and the sacred things in the temple,
but the king thinking a victory to be a more severe
affliction than a defeat, if any of those things which
it was not lawful to see should be seen by them, used
entreaties and threatenings, and even sometimes force
itself, to restrain them. He also prohibited the
ravage that was made in the city, and many times
asked Sosius, whether the Romans would empty the
city both of money and men, and leave him king
of a desert? and told him, that he esteemed the do-
minion over the whole habitable earth as by no
means an equivalent satisfaction for such a murder
of his citizens; and when he said, that this plunder
was justly to be permitted the soldiers, for the siege
they had undergone, he replied, that he would give
every one their reward out of his own money, and
by this means he redeemed what remained of the
city from destruction; and he performed what he
had promised him, for he gave a noble present to
every soldier, and a proportionable present to their
commanders, but a most royal present to Sosius
himself, till they all went away full of money.

4. This ^ destruction befell the city of Jerusalem

* Xote here, that Josephus fully and frequently assures us that there
passed above three years between Herod's first obtaining the kingdom
at Rome, and his second obtaining it upon the taking of Jerusalem, and
death of Antigonus. The present history of this interval twice mentions
the army's going into winter quarters, which perhaps belonged to two
several winters, ch. xv. sect. 3, 4, and though Josephus says nothing of
how long they lay in those quarters, yet does he give such an account
of the long and "studied delays of Ventidius, Silo, and Macherus, who
were to see Herod settled in his new kingdom, but seem not to have
had sufficient forces for that jnirpose, and were for certain all corrupted
by Antigonus to make the longest delays possible, and give us such
particular accounts of the many great actions of Herod's during the
same interval, as fairly imply that interval before Herod went to Samo-
sata, to have been very considerable. However, what is wanting in

478 ANTIQUITIES Book xiv.

when INIarcus Agrippa and Caninius Gallus were
consuls of Rome, on the hundred eighty and fifth
Olympiad, on the third month, on the solemnity of
the fast, as if a periodical revolution of calamities
had returned, since that which befell the Jews under
Pompey, for the Jews were taken by him on the
same day, and this was after twenty-seven years'
time. So when Sosius had dedicated a crown of
gold to God, he marched away from Jerusalem,
and carried Antigonus with him in bonds to Antony;
but Herod was afraid lest Antigonus should be
kept in prison [only] by Antony, and that when
lie was carried to Rome by him, he might get his
cause to be heard by the senate, and might demon-
strate, as he was himself of the royal blood, and
Herod but a j^rivate man, that therefore it belonged
to his sons howevei'' to have the kingdom, on account
of the family they were of, in case he had himself
offended the Romans by what he had done. Out
of Herod's fear of this it was, that he, by giving
Antony a great deal of money, endeavoured to per-
suade him to have Antigonus slain, which if it were
once done, he should be free from that fear. And
thus did the government of the Asamoneans cease,
a hundred twenty and six years after it was first
set up. This family was a splendid and an illus-

Josephus, is fully supplied by Moses Chorenensis, the Armenian his-
torian, in his history of that interval, B. II. ch. xviii. where he directly
assures us, that Tigranes, then king of Armenia, and the principal man-
ager of this Parthian war, reigned two years after Herod was made
king at Rome, and yet Antony did not hear of his death, in that very
neighbourhood, at Samosata, till he was come thither to besiege it; after
which Herod brought liim an army, which was 340 miles march, and
through a difficult country, full of enemies also, and joined v/ith him
in tlie siege of Samosata till that city was taken: then Herod and Sosius
marched back with their large armies the same number of 340 miles, and
when in a little time, tliey sat down to l)esiege Jerusalem, they were
not able to take it but by a siege of five months. All which put to-
gether, fully supplies what is wanting in Josephus, and secures the entire
chronology of these times beyond contradiction.

Chap. xvi. OF THE JEWS. 479

trious one, both on account of the nobihty of their
stock, and of the dignity of the high priesthood, as
also for the glorious actions their ancestors had per-
formed for our nation: but these men lost the gov-
ernment by their dissentions one with another, and
it came to Herod the son of Antipater, who was
of no more than a vulgar family, and of no eminent
extraction, but one that was subject to other kings;
and this is what history tells us was the end of the
Asamonean family.

BOOK XV.

CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF EIGHTEEN YEARS.

[FROM THE DEATH OF ANTIGONUS TO THE FINISHING OF
THE TEMPLE BY HEROD.]

CHAPTER I.

Concerning Pollio and Sameas. Herod slays the
principal of Antigonus' friends, and spoils the city
of its wealth. Antony beheads Antigonus.

1. HoAv Sosius and Herod took Jerusalem by
force; and, besides that, how they took Antigonus
captive, has been related by us in the foregoing book,
We will now proceed in the narration. And since
Herod had now the government of all Judea put
into his hands, he promoted such of the private men
in the city as had been of his party, but never left
off avenging and punishing every day those that had
chosen to be of the party of his enemies: But Pollio,
the Pharisee, and Sameas, a disciple of his, were
honoured by him above all the rest, for when Jerusa-
lem was besieged, they advised the citizens to receive
Herod, for which advice they were well requited;
but this Pollio, at the time when Herod was once
upon his trial of life and death, foretold, in way of
reproach, to Hyrcanus and the other judges, how this

480

Chap. I. OF THE JEWS. 481

Herod, whom they suffered now to escape, would
afterward inflict ])iinishment on them all; which had
its completion in time, while God fulfilled the words
he had sjjoken.

2. At this time Herod, now.he had got Jerusalem
under his power, carried off all the royal ornaments,
and spoiled the wealthy men of what they had gotten;
and when, by these means, he had heaped together a
great quantity of silver and gold, he gave it all to
xA_ntony, and his friends that were about him. He
also slew forty-flve of the principal men of Antigonus'
party, and set guards at the gates of the city, that
nothing might be carried out together with their dead
bodies. They also searched the dead, and whatsoever
was found, either of silver or gold, or other treasure,
it was carried to the king; nor was there any end of
the miseries he brought upon them, and this distress
was in part occasioned by the covetousness of the
prince regent, who was still in want of more, and in
part by the sabbatic year, which was still going on,
and forced the country to lie still uncultivated, since
we are forbidden to sow our land in that year. Now
when Antony had received Antigonus as his captive,
he determined to keep him against his triumph; but
when he heard that the nation grew seditious, and
that, out of their hatred to Herod, they continued to
bear good-will to Antigonus, he resolved to behead
him at Antioch, for otherwise the Jews could no way
be brought to be quiet. And Strabo of Cappadocia
attests to what I have said, when he thus speaks:
"Antony ordered Antigonus the Jew to be brought
to Antioch, and there to be beheaded: And this
Antony seems to me to have been the very first man
who beheaded a king, as supposing he could no other
way bend the minds of the Jews, so as to receive
Herod, whom he had made king in his stead, for

482 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

by no torments could they be forced to call him king,
so great a fondness they had for their former king;
so he thought that this dishonourable death would
diminish the value they had for Antigonus' memory,
and at the same time would diminish their hatred
they bare to Herod." Thus far Strabo.

CHAPTER II.

Hoxi) Hyrcanus was set at liberty by the Parthians,
and returned to Herod; and what Alexandra did
when she heard that Ananelus was made high priest.

1. Now after Herod was in possession of the
kingdom, Hyrcanus the high priest, who was then a
captive among the Parthians, came to him again,
and was set free from his captivity, in the manner
following: Barzapharnes and Pacorus, the generals
of the Parthians, took Hyrcanus, who was first made
high priest and afterward king, and Herod's brother,
Phasaelus, captives, and were carrying them away
into Parthia. Phasaelus indeed could not bear the re-
proach of being in bonds, and thinking that death with
glory was better than any life whatsoever, he became
his own executioner, as I have formerly related.

2. But when Hyrcanus was brought into Parthia,
the king Phraates treated him after a very gentle
manner, as having already learned of what an illus-
trious family he was; on which account he set him
free from his bonds, and gave him a habitation at
^ Babylon, where there were Jews in great numbers.

' The city here called finhi/Inii hy Joscphus, seems to l)e one which
was iiuilt by some of the Seleiicidae ujion the Tigris, which long after the
utter destruction of old Bai)ylon was commonly so called, and I suppose

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 483

These Jews honoured Hyrcanus as their high priest
and king; as did all the Jewish nation that dwelt as
far as Euphrates; which respect was very much to
his satisfaction. But when he was informed that
Herod had received the kingdom, new hopes came
upon him, as having been himself still of a kind dis-
position towards him, and expecting that Herod would
bear in mind what favour he had received from him,
and when he was upon his trial, and when he was in
danger that a capital sentence would be pronounced
against him, he delivered him from that danger, and
from all punishment. Accordingly, he talked of
that matter with the Jews that came often to him
with great affection; but they endeavoured to retain
him among them, and desired that he would stay
with them, putting him in mind of the kind offices
and honours they did him, and that those honours
they paid him were not at all inferior to what they
could pay to either their high priests or their kings:
and what was a greater motive to determine him, they
said, was this, that he could not have those dignities
[in Judea] because of that maim in his body, which
had been inflicted on him by Antigonus; and that
kings do not use to requite men for those kindnesses
which they received when they were private persons,
the height of their fortune making usually no small
changes in them.

3. Now although they suggested these arguments
to him for his own advantage, yet did Hyrcanus still
desire to depart. Herod also wrote to him, and
persuaded him to desire of Phraates, and the Jews
that were there, that they should not grudge him the
royal authority, which he should have jointly with
himself, for that now was the proper time for him-

not far from Seleucia; just as the latter adjoining city Bagdat has been,
and is often called bv the same old name of Babvlon till this very day.

484 AXTIQUITIES Book xv.

self to make him amende for the favours he had re-
ceived from him, as having been brought up by him,
and saved by him also, as well as for Hyrcanus to
receive it. And as he wrote thus to Hyrcanus,
so did he send also Saramallas, his ambassador, to
Phraates, and many presents with him, and desired
him in the most obliging way, that he would be no
hinderance to his gratitude towards his benefactor.
But this zeal of Herod's did not flow from that
principle, but because he had been made governor
of that country without having any just claim to
it, he was afraid, and that upon reasons good enough,
of a change in his condition, and so made what haste
he could to get Hyrcanus into his power, or indeed
to put him quite out of the way: which last thing
he compassed afterward.

4. Accordingly, when Hyrcanus came, full of
assurance, by the permission of the king of Parthia,
and at the expense of the Jews, who supplied him
witli money, Herod received him with all possible
respect, and gave him the upper place at public
meetings, and set him above all the rest at feasts, and
thereby deceived him. He called him his father;
and endeavoured by all the ways possible, that he
might have no suspicion of any treacherous design
against him. He also did other things, in order to
secure his government, which yet occasioned a sedition
in his own family; for being cautious how he made
any ^ illustrious person the high priest of God, he

^ Here we have an eminent example of Herod's worldly and profane
politics, when by the abuse of his unlawful and usurped power, to make
whom he pleased high priest, in the person of Ananelus, he occasioned
such disturbances in his kingdom, and his own family, as suffered him
to enjoy no lasting jjcace or tranquillity ever afterward: and such is
frequently the effect of profane court politics about matters of religion
in other ages and nations. The Old Testament is full of the miseries
the people of the Jews derived from such court politics, especially in
and after the days of Jeroboam, the son of Xebat, irho made Israel to
sin; who gave the most pernicious example of it; who brought on the

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 485

sent for an obscure priest out of Babylon whose
name was Ananelus, and bestowed the high priest-
hood upon him.

5. However, Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus,
and wife of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus the
king, who had also brought Alexander [two] children,
could not bear this indignity. Now this son was one
of the greatest comeliness, and was called Aristobulus;
and the daughter, ^Nlariamne, was married to Herod,
and eminent for her beauty also. This Alexandra
was much disturbed, and took this indignity offered
to her son exceeding ill, that while he was alive, any
one else should be sent for to have the dignity of the
high priesthood conferred upon him. Accordingly
she wrote to Cleopatra (a musician assisting her in
taking care to have her letters carried) to desire her
intercession with Antony, in order to gain the high
priesthood for her son.

6. But as Antony w^as slow in granting this re-
quest, his friend ^ Dellius came into Judea upon some
affairs, and when he saw Aristobulus, he stood in
admiration at the tallness and handsomeness of the
child, and no less at ^Nlariamne, the king's wife, and
was open in his commendations of Alexandra, as the
mother of most beautiful children: And when she
came to discourse with him, he persuaded her to get
pictures drawn of them both, and to send them to
Antony, for that when he saw them, he would deny
her nothing that she should ask. Accordingly Alex-
andra was elevated with these words of his, and sent
the pictures to Antony. Dellius also talked ex-
travagantly, and said. That "these children seemed

grossest corruption of religion by it; and the punishment of whose
family for it was most remarliable. The case is too well known to stand
in need of particular citations.

' Of this wicked Dellius, see the note on the War, B. I. ch. xv. sect.
3, Vol. III.

486 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

not derived from men, but from some god or other."
His design in doing so was to entice Antony into
lewd pleasm-es with them, who was ashamed to send
for the damsel, as being the wife of Herod, and
avoided it, because of the reproaches he should have
from Cleopatra on that account, but he sent, in the
most decent manner he could, for the young man;
but added this withal, "Unless he thought it hard upon
him so to do." When this letter was brought to
Herod, he did not think it safe for him to send one
so handsome as was Aristobulus, in the prime of his
life, for he was sixteen years of age, and of so
noble a family, and particularly not to Antony, the
principal man among the Romans, and one that would
abuse him in his amours, and besides, one that openly
indulged himself in such pleasures, as his power al-
lowed him, without control. He therefore wrote back
to him. That "if this boy should only go out of the
country, all would be in a state of war and uproar,
because the Jews were in hopes of a change in the
government, and to have another king over them."

7. When Herod had thus excused himself to
Antony, he resolved that he would not entirely permit
the child or Alexandra to be treated dishonourably:
but his wife JNIariamne lay vehemently at him to
restore the high priesthood to her brother, and he
judged it was for his advantage so to do, because, if
he once had that dignity, he could not go out of
the country. So he called his friends together, and
told them, That "Alexandra privately conspired
against his royal authority, and endeavoured, by the
means of Cleopatra, so to bring it about, that he
might be deprived of the government, and that by
Antony's means this youth might have the manage-
ment of public affairs in his stead; and that this
procedure of hers was unjust, since she would at the

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 487

same time deprive her daughter of the dignity she
now had, and would bring disturbances upon the
kingdom, for which he had taken a great deal of
pains, and had gotten it with extraordinary hazards:
that yet while he well remembered her wicked practices,
he would not leave off doing what was right himself,
but would even now give the youth the high priest-
hood: and that he formerly set up Ananelus, because
Aristobulus was then so very young a child." Xow
when he had said this, not at random, but as he
thought with the best discretion he had, in order to
deceive the women, and those friends whom he had
taken to consult withal, Alexandra, out of the great
joy she had at this unexpected promise, and out of
fear from the suspicions she lay under, fell a-weeping,
and made the following apology for herself; and
said. That "as to the [high] priesthood, she was very
much concerned for the disgrace her son was under,
and so did her utmost endeavours to procure it for
him, but that as to the kingdom, she had made no at-
tempts, and that if it were offered her [for her son,]
she would not accept it; and that now she would
be satisfied with her son's dignity, while he himself
held the civil government, and she had thereby the
security that arose, from his peculiar ability in
governing, to all the remainder of her family: that
she was now overcome by his benefits, and thankfully
accepted of this honour showed by him to her son,
and that she would hereafter be entirely obedient:
and she desired him to excuse her, if the nobility of
her family and that freedom of acting which she
thought that allowed her, had made her act too
precipitately and imprudently in this matter." So
when they had spoken thus to one another, they came
to an agreement, and all suspicions, so far as ap-
peared, were vanished away.

488 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

CHAPTER III.

How Herod, upon his making Aristohulus high priest,
took care that he should he murdered in a little time:
and what apology he 7nade to Antony about Aristo-
hulus: as also concerning Joseph and Mariamne.

1. So king Herod immediately took the high priest-
hood away from Ananelus, who, as we said before,
was not of this comitry, but one of those Jews that
had been carried captive beyond Euphrates; for there
were not a few ten thousands of this people that had
been carried captives, and dwelt about Babylonia,
whence Ananelus came. He was one ^ of the stock
of the high priests, and had been of old a particular
friend of Herod's; and when he was first made king,
he conferred that dignity upon him, and now put him
out of it again, in order to quiet the troubles in his
family, though what he did was plainly unlawful, for
at no other time [of old] was any one that had once
been in that dignity deprived of it. It was Antiochus
Epiphanes who first broke that law, and deprived
Jesus, and made his brother Onias high priest in his
stead. Aristohulus was the second that did so, and
took that dignity from his brother [Hyrcanus;] and

^ When Josephiis says here, that this Ananelus, the new high priest,
was of the stock of the high priests, and since he had been just telling
us that he was a priest of an obscure family or character, ch. ii. sect. 4,
it is not at all probaljle that he could so soon say that he was of the
stock of the high priests. However, Josephus here makes a remarkable
observation, that this Ananelus was the third that was very unjustly
and wickedly turned out of the high priesthood by the civil power, no
king or governor liaving ventured to do so that Josephus knew of, but
that hcatiicii tyrant and persecutor Antiochus Epiphanes, that barbarous
parricide Aristol)ulus, tlie first that took royal authority among the
Maccabees; and this tyrant king Herod the Great, although afterward
that infamous practice became frequent, till the very destruction of
Jerusalem, when the office of high priesthood was at an end.

Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 4,89

this Herod was the third, who took that high office
away [from Ananelus,] and gave it to this young man,
Aristobulus, in his stead.

2. And now Herod seemed to have healed the
divisions in his family: yet was he not without sus-
picion, as is frequently the case, of people seeming
to be reconciled to one another, but thought that,
as Alexandra had already made attempts tending to
innovations, so did he fear that she would go on
therein, if she found a fit opportunity for so doing;
so he gave a command, that she should dwell in the
palace, and meddle with no public affairs: her guards
also were so careful, that nothing she did in private
life every day was concealed. All these hardships
put her out of patience, by little and little, and she
began to hate Herod; for as she had the pride of a
woman to the utmost degree, she had great indigna-
tion at this suspicious guard that was about her, as
desirous rather to undergo any thing that could befall
her, than to be deprived of her liberty of speech, and,
under the notion of an honorary guard, to live in a
state of slavery and terror. She therefore sent to
Cleopatra, and made a long complaint of the cir-
cumstances she was in, and entreated her to do her
utmost for her assistance. Cleopatra hereupon ad-
vised her to take her son with her, and come away
immediately to her into Egypt. This advice pleased
her; and she had this contrivance for getting away:
she got two coffins made, as if they were to carry
away two dead bodies, and put herself into one, and
her son into the other, and gave orders to such of
her servants, as knew of her intentions, to carry them
away in the night time. Now their road was to be
thence to the seaside, and there was a ship ready to
carry them into Egypt. Now J^sop, one of her
servants, happened to fall upon Sabion, one of her

490 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

friends, and spake of this matter to him, as thinking
he had known of it before. When Sabion knew this,
(who had formerly been an enemy of Herod's, and
been esteemed one of those that laid snares for, and
gave the poison to [his father] Antipater,) he ex-
pected that this discovery would change Herod's
hatred into kindness, so he told the king of this
private stratagem of Alexandra's: Whereupon he
suffered her to proceed to the execution of her proj-
ect, and caught her in the very fact, but still he
passed by her offence: and though he had a great
mind to do it, he durst not inflict any thing that was
severe upon her, for he knew that Cleopatra would
not bear that he should have her accused, on account
of her hatred to him, but made a show as if it were
rather the generosity of his soul, and his great modera-
tion, that made him forgive them. However, he fully
proposed to himself to put this young man out of
the way, by one means or other; but he thought he
might in probability be better concealed in doing it,
if he did it not presently, nor immediately after what
had lately happened.

3. And now, upon the approach of the feast of
tabernacles, which is a festival very much observed
among us, he let those days pass over, and both he
and the rest of the people were therein very merry;
yet did the envy which at this time arose in him,
cause him to make haste to do what he was about,
and provoke him to do it: for when this youth Aristo-
bulus, who was now in the seventeenth year of his
age, went up to the altar, according to the law, to
offer the sacrifices, and this with the ornaments of
his high priesthood, and when he ^ performed the
sacred offices, he seemed to })e exceeding comely,

' This entirely confutes the 'i'.nhnudists, who pretend that no one
under twenty years of age could officiate as high priest among the Jews.

Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 491

and taller than men usually were at that age, and to
exhibit in his countenance a great deal of that high
family he was sprung from, and a warm zeal and
affection towards him appeared among the people,
and the memory of the actions of his grandfather
Aristobulus was fresh in their minds; and their af-
fections got so far the mastery of them that they
could not forbear to show their inclinations to him.
They at once rejoiced, and were confounded, and
mingled with good wishes their joyful acclamations
which they made to him, till the good-will of the
multitude was made too evident, and they more rashly
proclaimed the happiness they had received from his
family than was fit under a monarchy to have done.
Upon all this, Herod resolved to complete what he
had intended against the young man. When there-
fore the festival was over, and he was feasting at
^ Jericho with Alexandra, who entertained them there,
he was then very pleasant with the young man, and
drew him into a lonely place; and at the same time
played with him in a juvenile and ludicrous manner.
Now the nature of that place was hotter than ordi-
nary; so they went out in a body and of a sudden,
and in a vein of madness; and as they stood by the
fish ponds, of which there were large ones about the
house, they went to cool themselves [by bathing]
because it was in the midst of a hot day. At first
they were only spectators of Herod's servants and
acquaintance as they were swimming, but after a
while, the young man, at the instigation of Herod,
went into the water among them, while such of
Herod's acquaintance, as he liad appointed to do it,
dipped him, as he was swimming, and plunged him

' A Hebrew chronicle, cited by Relnnd, says, this drowning was at
Jordan, not at Jericho, and this even wlien he quotes Josephus. I suspect
the transcriber of the Hebrew chronicle mistook the name, and wrote
Jordan for Jericho.

492 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

under water, in the dark of the evening, as if it had
been done in sport only, nor did they desist till he
was entirely suffocated; and thus was Aristobulus
murdered, having lived no more in all than ^ eighteen
years, and kept the high priesthood one year only:
which high priesthood Ananelus now recovered again.
4. When this sad accident was told the women,
their joy was soon changed to lamentation, at the
sieht of the dead bodv that lav before them; and
their sorrow was immoderate. The city also of
[Jerusalem,] upon the spreading of this news, were
in very great grief, every family looking on this
calamity, as if it had not belonged to another, but
that one of themselves was slain; but Alexandra was
more deeply affected, upon her knowledge that he
had been destroyed [on purpose.] Her sorrow was
greater than that of others, by her knowing how the
murder was committed, but she was under a necessity
of bearing up under it, out of her prospect of a greater
mischief that might otherwise follow: and she often-
times came to an inclination to kill herself with her
own hand, but still she restrained herself, in hopes
she might live long enough to revenge the unjust
murder thus privately committed; nay, she farther
resolved to endeavour to live longer, and to give no
occasion to think she suspected that her son was slain
on purpose, and supposed that she might thereby be
in a capacity of revenging it at a proper opportunit3\
Thus did she restrain herself, that she might not be
noted for entertaining any such sus])icion. However,
Herod endeavoured that none abroad should believe
that the child's death was caused by any design of

' The reading of one of Josejihus' Greek MSS. seems here to be
right, that Aristobulus was 7iot eir/hfeen years old when he was drowned,
for he was not seventeen when he was made high priest, ch. ii. sect. 6,
ch. iii. sect. 3, and he continued in that office but one year, as in the
place before us.

Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 493

his; and for this purpose he did not only use the
ordinary signs of sorrow, but fell into tears so, and
exhibited a real confusion of soul: and perhaps his
affections were overcome on this occasion, when he
saw the child's countenance so young, and so beauti-
ful, although his death was supposed to tend to his
own security; so far at least this grief served as to
make some apology for him: and as for his funeral,
that he took care should be very magnificent, by mak-
ing great preparation for a sepulchre to lay his body
in, and providing a great quantity of spices, and bury-
ing many ornaments together with him, till the very
women, who were in sucli deep sorrow, were astonished
at it, and received in this way some consolation.

5. However, no such things could overcome Alex-
andra's grief, but the remembrance of this miserable
case made her sorrow both deep and obstinate. Ac-
cordingly, she wrote an account of this treacherous
scene to Cleopatra, and how her son was murdered;
but Cleopatra, as she had formerly been desirous to
give her what satisfaction she could, and commiserat-
ing Alexandra's misfortunes, made the case her own,
and would not let Antony be quiet, but excited him
to punish the child's murder; for that it was an
unworthy thing that Herod, who had been by him
made king of a kingdom that no way belonged to
him. should be guilty of such horrid crimes against
those that were of the royal blood in reality. Antony
was persuaded by these arguments; and when he
came to Laodicea, he sent and commanded Herod to
come and make his defence, as to what he had done
to Aristobulus, for that such a treacherous design was
not well done, if he had any hand in it. Herod was
now in fear, both of the accusation, and of Cleopatra's
ill-will to him, which was such, that she was ever
endeavouring to make Antony hate him. He there-

494 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

fore determined to obey his summons, for he had no
possible way to avoid it: so he left his uncle, Joseph,
procurator for his government, and for the public
affairs, and gave him a private charge, that if Antony
should kill him he also should kill Mariamne immedi-
ately ; for that he had a tender affection for this his wife,
and was afraid of the injury that should be offered
him, if, after his death, she, for her beauty, should
be engaged to some other man: but his intimation
was nothing but this at the bottom, that Antony had
fallen in love with her when he had formerly heard
somewhat of her beauty: So when Herod had given
Joseph this charge, and had indeed no sure hopes of
escaping with his life, he went away to Antony.

6, But as Joseph was administering the public
affairs of the kingdom, and for that reason was very
frequently with INIariamne, both because his business
required it, and because of the respects he ought to
pay to the queen, he frequently let himself into dis-
courses about Herod's kindness, and great affection
towards her; and when the women, especially Alex-
andra, used to turn his discourses into feminine rail-
lery, Joseph was so over desirous to demonstrate the
king's inclinations, that he proceeded so far as to
mention the charge he had received, and thence drew
his demonstration, that Herod was not able to live
without her; and that if he should come to any ill
end, he could not endure a separation from her, even
after he was dead. Thus spoke Joseph. But the
women, as was natural, did not take this to be an
instance of Herod's strong affection for them, but
of his severe usage of them, that they could not
escape destruction, nor a tyrannical death, even when
he was dead himself: and this saying [of Joseph's]
was a foundation for the women's severe suspicions
about him afterwards.

Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 495

7. At this time a report went about the city
Jerusalem, among Herod's enemies, that Antony had
tortured Herod, and put him to death. This report,
as is natural, disturbed those that were about the
palace, but chiefly the women: Upon which Alexandra
endeavoured to persuade Joseph to go out of the
palace, and fly to the ensigns of the Roman legion,
which then lay encamped about the city as a guard
to the kingdom, under the command of Julius; for
that, by this means, if any disturbance should happen
about the pala<?e, they should be in greater security,
as having the Romans favourable to them; and that
besides, they hoped to obtain the highest authority,
if Antony did but once see ^Nlariamne, by whose means
they should recover the kingdom, and want nothing
which was reasonable for them to hope for, because
of their royal extraction.

8. But as they were in the midst of these delibera-
tions, letters were brought from Herod about all his
affairs, and proved contrary to the report, and of
what they before expected; for when he was come to
Antony, he soon recovered his interest with him, by
the presents he made him, which he had brought with
him from Jerusalem, and he soon induced him, upon
discoursing with him, to leave off his indignation at
him, so that Cleopatra's persuasions had less force
than the arguments and presents he brought, to re-
gain his friendship, for Antony said, That, "it was
not good to require an account of a king, as to the
affairs of his government, for at this rate he could
be no king at all, but that those who had given
him that authority ought to permit him to make use
of it." He also said the same things to Cleopatra,
that it would be best for her not busily to meddle
with the acts of the king's government. Herod wrote
an account of these things, and "enlarged upon the

496 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

other honours which he had received from Antony:
how he sat hy him at his hearing causes, and took his
diet with him every day, and that he enjoyed those
favours from him, notwithstanding the reproaches that
Cleopatra so severely laid against him, who having a
great desire of his country, and earnestly entreating
Antony that the kingdom might be given to her,
laboured with her utmost , diligence to have him out
of the way, but that he still found Antony just to
him, and had no longer any apprehensions of hard
treatment from him; and that he was soon upon his
return, with a firmer additional assurance of his favour
to him, in his reigning and managing public affairs;
and that there was no longer any hope for Cleopatra's
covetous temper, since Antony had given her Coe-
lesyria instead of what she desired, by which means
he had at once pacified her, and got clear of the
entreaties which she made him to have Judea bestowed
upon her."

9. When these letters were brought, the women
left off their attempt for flying to the Romans, which
they thought of while Herod was supposed to be
dead, yet was not that purpose of theirs a secret; but
when the king had conducted Antony on his way
against the Parthians, he returned to Judea, when
both his sister Salome, and- his mother informed him
of Alexandra's intentions. Salome also added some-
what farther against Joseph, though it were no more
than a calumny, that he had often had criminal con-
versation with IMariamne. The reason of her saying
so was this, that she for a long time bare her ill-will,
for when they had differences with one another,
Mariamne took great freedoms and reproached the
rest for the meanness of their birth. But Herod,
whose afl'ection to Mariamne was always A^ery warm,
was presently disturbed at this, and could not bear

Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 497

the torments of jealousy, but was still restrained from
doing any rash thing to her by the love he had for
her: yet did his vehement affection and jealousy to-
gether make him ask ^Nlariamne by herself about this
matter of Joseph; but she denied it upon her oath,
and said all that an innocent woman could possibly say
in her own defence, so that by little and little the king
was prevailed u^^on to drop the suspicion, and left off
his anger at her; and being overcome with his passion
for his wife, he made an apology to her for having
seemed to believe what he had heard about her, and
returned her a great many acknowledgments of her
modest behaviour, and professed the extraordinary
affection and kindness he had for her, till at last,
as is usual between lovers, they both fell into tears,
and embraced one another with a most tender af-
fection. But as the king gave more and more assur-
ances of his belief of her fidelity, and endeavoured to
draw her to a like confidence in him, INIariamne said,
"Yet was not that command thou gavest, that if any
harm came to thee from Antony, I, who had been
no occasion of it, should perish with thee, a sign of
thy love to me." When these words were fallen from
her, the king was shocked at them, and presently let
her go out of his arms, and cried out, and tore his
hair with his own hands, and said, that "now he had
an evident demonstration that Joseph had had criminal
conversation with his wife, for that he would never
have uttered what he had told him alone by himself,
unless there had been such a great familiarity and
firm confidence between them." And while he was
in this passion he had like to have killed his wife,
but being still overborne by his love to her, he re-
strained this his passion, though not without a lasting
grief, and disquietness of mind. However, he gave
order to slay Joseph, without permitting him to come

498 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

into his sight; and as for Alexandra, he bound her,
and kept her in custody, as the cause of all this mis-
chief.

CHAPTER IV.

How Cleopatra, when she had gotten from Antony
some parts of Judea and Arabia, came into Judea;
and how Herod gave her many presents, and con-
ducted her on her way hack to Egypt.

1. Now at this time the affairs of Syria were in
confusion by Cleopatra's constant persuasions to An-
tony to make an attempt upon every body's dominions;
for she persuaded him to take those dominions away
from their several princes, and bestow them upon
her; and she had a mighty influence upon him, by
reason of his being enslaved to her by his affections.
She was also by nature very covetous, and stuck at
no wickedness. She had already poisoned her brother,
because she knew that he was to be king of Egypt,
and this when he was but fifteen years old: and she
got her sister Arsinoe to be slain, by the means of An-
tony, when she was a supplicant at Diana's temple
at Ephesus; for if there were but any hopes of getting
money, she would violate both temples and sepulchres.
Now was there any holy place, that was esteemed the
most inviolable, from which she would not fetch the
ornaments it had in it; nor any place so profane,
but was to suffer the most flagitious treatment pos-
sible from her, if it could but contribute somewhat
to the covetous liumour of this wicked creature: yet
did not all this suffice so extravagant a woman, who
was a slave to her lusts, })ut she still imagined that

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 490

she wanted every thing she could think of, and did
her utmost to gain it; for which reason she hurried
Antony on jDerpetually to deprive others of their
dominions, and give them to her. And as she went
over Syria with him, she contrived to get it into her
possession, so he slew Lysanius, the son of Ptolemy,
accusing him of his bringing the Parthians upon those
countries. She also petitioned Antony to give her
Judea and Arabia, and in order thereto, desired him
to take these countries away from their present
governors. As for Antony, he was so entirely over-
come by this woman, that one would not think her
conversation only could do it, but that he was some
way or other bewitched to do whatsoever she would
have him; yet did the grossest parts of her injustice
make him so ashamed, that he would not always
hearken to her, to do those flagrant enormities she
would have persuaded him to. That therefore he
might not totally deny her, nor, by doing every thing
which she enjoined him, appear openly to be an ill
man, he took some parts of each of those countries
away from their former governors, and gave them to
her. Thus he gave her the cities that w^ere within
the river Eleutherus, as far as Egypt, excepting Tyre
and Sidon, which he knew to have been free cities
from their ancestors, althougli she pressed him very
often to bestow those on her also.

2. When Cleopatra had obtained thus much, and
had accompanied Antony in his expedition to Armenia,
as far as Euphrates, she retiu'ned back, and came to
Apamia and Damascus, and passed on to Judea,
w^here Herod met her, and farmed of her parts of
Arabia, and those revenues that came to her from
the region about Jericho. This country bears that
balsam, which is the most precious drug that is there,
and grows there alone. The place bears also palm-

500 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

trees, both many in number, and those excellent in
their kind. When she was there, and was very
often with Herod, she endeavoured to have criminal
conversation with the king: Xor did she affect secrecy
in the indulgence of such sort of pleasures; and per-
haps she had in some measure a passion of love to
him, or rather, what is most probable, she laid a
treacherous snare for him, by aiming to obtain such
adulterous conversation from him: However, upon
the whole, she seemed overcome with love to him.
Xow Herod had a great while borne no good-will to
Cleopatra, as knowing that she was a woman irksome
to all; and at that time he thought her particularly
worthy of his hatred, if this attempt proceeded out
of lust: he had also thought of preventing her in-
trigues, by putting her to death, if such were her
endeavours. However, he refused to comply with
her proposals, and called a council of his friends to
consult with them, "Whether he should not kill her,
now he had her in his power ? for that he should thereby
deliver all those from a multitude of evils to whom
she was already become irksome, and was expected
to be still so for the time to come; and that this very
thing would be much for the advantage of Antony
himself, since she would certainly not be faitliful to
him, in case any such reason or necessity should come
upon him as that he should stand in need of her
fidelity." But when he thought to follow this adWce,
his friends would not let him; and told him. That
"in the first place it was not right to attempt so great
a thing, and run himself thereby into the utmost
danger: and they laid hard at him, and begged of
him, to undertake nothing rashly, for that Antony
woidd never bear it, no not though any one should
evidently lay before his eyes that it was for his own
advantage; and that the appearance of depriving him

Chap. iv. OF THE JEWS. 501

of her conversation, by this violent and treacherous
method, would probably set his affections more in a
flame than before. Xor did it appear that he could
offer any thing of tolerable weight in his defence,
this defence being against such a woman as was of the
highest dignity of any of her sex at that time in the
world: and as to any advantage to be expected from
such an undertaking, if any such could be supposed
in this case, it would appear to deserve condemnation,
on account of the insolence he must take upon him in
doing it. Which considerations made it very plain
that in so doing he would find his government filled
with mischiefs, both great and lasting, both to him-
self and his posterity, whereas it was still in his power
to reject that wickedness she would persuade him to,
and to come off honourably at the same time." So
by thus affrighting Herod, and representing to him
the hazard he must, in all probability, run by this
undertaking, they restrained him from it. So he
treated Cleopatra kindly, and made her presents, and
conducted her on her way to Egypt.

3. But Antony subdued Armenia, and sent Arta-
bazes, the son of Tigranes, in bonds with his children
and procurators, to Egypt, and made a present of
them, and of all the royal ornaments which he had
taken out of that kingdom, to Cleopatra. And
Artaxias, the eldest of his sons, who had escaped at
that time, took the kingdom of Armenia; who yet
was ejected by Archelaus and Nero Caesar, when they
restored Tigranes, his younger brother, to that king-
dom: But this happened a good while afterward.

4. But then, as to the tributes which Herod was
to pay Cleopatra for that country which Antony had
given her, he acted fairly with her, as deeming it not
safe for him to afford any cause for Cleopatra to hate
him. As for the king of Arabia, whose tribute Herod

502 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

had undertaken to pay her, for some time indeed he
paid him as much as came to two hundred talents,
but he afterward became very niggardly, and slow in
his payments, and could hardly be brought to pay
some parts of it, and was not willing to pay even
them, without some deductions.

CHAPTER V.

How Herod made war with the king of Arabia, and
after they had fought many battles, at length
conquered him, and was chosen by the Arabs to
be governor of that nation: As also concerning a
great earthquake.

1. Hereupon Herod held himself ready to go
against the king of Arabia, because of his ingratitude
to him, and because, after all, he would do nothing
that was just to him, although Herod made the
Roman war an occasion of delaying his own, for
the battle at Actium was now expected, which fell
into the hundred eighty and seventh Olympiad, where
CfCsar and Antony were to fight for the supreme
power of the world; but Herod having enjoyed a
country that was very fruitful, and that now for a
long time, and having received great taxes, and raised
great armies therewith, got together a body of men,
and carefully furnished them with all necessaries,
and designed them as auxiliaries for Antony: But
Antony said, he had no want of his assistance; but
he conmianded him to punish the king of Arabia;
for he had heard both from him, and from Cleopatra,
liow perfidious he was; for this was what Cleopatra
desired, who thought it for her own advantage, that

Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 503

those two kings should do one another as great a
mischief as possible. Upon this message from An-
tony, Herod returned back, but kept his army with
him, in order to invade Arabia immediately. So
when his army of horsemen and footmen was ready,
he marched to Diospolis, whither the Arabians came
also to meet them, for they were not unapprised of
this war that was coming ujjon them; and after a
great battle had been fought, the Jews had the
victory. But afterward there were gotten together
another numerous army of the Arabians, at Cana,
which are places at Coelesyria. Herod was informed
cf this beforehand: so he came marching against
them with the greatest part of the forces he had;
and when he was come near to Cana, he resolved
to encamp himself, and he cast up a bulwark, that
he might take a proper season for attacking the
enemy, but as he was giving those orders, the mul-
titude of the Jews cried out, that he should make no
delay, but lead them against the Arabians. They
went with great spirit, as believing they were in
very good order, and those especially were so that
had been in the former battle, and had been con-
querors, and had not permitted their enemy so much
as to come to a close fight with them. And when
they were so tumultuous, and showed such great
alacrity, the king resolved to make use of that zeal
the multitude then exhibited; and when he had
assured them he would not be behindhand with them
in courage, he led them on, and stood before them
all in his armour, all the regiments following him
in their several ranks; Whereupon a consternation
fell upon the Arabians; for when they perceived that
the Jews were not to be conquered, and were full
of spirit, the greater part of them ran away, and
avoided fighting, and they had been quite destroyed,

504 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

had not Athenion fallen upon the Jews, and dis-
tressed them, for this man was Cleopatra's general
over the soldiers she had there, and was at enmity
with Herod, and very wistfully looked on to see
what the event of the battle would be: He had also
resolved, that in case the Arabians did any thing
that was brave and successful, he would lie still, but
in case they were beaten, as it really happened, he
would attack the Jews with those forces he had of
his own, and with those that the country had gotten
together for him: So he fell upon the Jews unex-
pectedly, when they were fatigued, and thought
they had already vanquished the enemy, and made
a great slaughter of them: for as the Jews had
spent their courage uj^on their known enemies, and
were about to enjoy themselves in quietness after
the victory, they were easily beaten by these that
attacked them afresh, and in particular received a
great loss in places where the horses could not be
of service, and which were very stony, and where
those that attacked them were better acquainted with
the places than themselves. And when the Jews
had suffered this loss, the Arabians raised their spirits
after their defeat, and returning back again, slew
those that were already put to flight; and indeed
all sorts of slaughter were now frequent, and of
those that escaped, a few only returned into the
camp. So king Herod, when he desjDaired of the
battle, rode up to them to bring them a-ssistance,
yet did he not come time enough to do them any
service, though he laboured hard to do it, but the
Jewish camp was taken, so that the Arabians had
unexpectedly a most glorious success, having gained
that victory which of themselves they were no way
likely to have gained, and slaying a great part of
the enemy's army: Whence afterward Herod could

Chap. V. OF THP: JEWS. 505

only act like a private robber and make excursions
upon many parts of Arabia, and distress them by
sudden incursions, while he encamped among the
mountains, and avoided by any means to come to
a pitched battle, yet did he greatly harass the enemy
by his assiduity, and the hard labour he took in this
matter. He also took great care of his own forces,
and used all the means he could to restore his affairs
to their old state.

2. At this time it was that the fight happened at
A.ctium, between Octavius Caesar, and Antony, in
^ the seventh year of the reign of Herod: and then
it was also there was an earthquake in Judea, such
a one as had not happened at any other time, and
which earthquake brought a great destruction upon
the cattle in that country. About ten thousand men
also perished by the fall of houses; but the army
which lodged in the field, received no damage by
this sad accident. When the Arabians were informed
of this, and when those that hated the Jews, and
pleased themselves with aggravating the reports told
them of it, they raised their spirits, as if their enemy's
country was quite overthrown, and the men were
utterly destroyed, and thought there now remained
nothing that could oppose them. Accordingly, they
took the Jewish ambassadors, who came to them
after all this had happened, to make peace with
them, and slew them, and came with great alacrity
against their army: but the Jews durst not with-
stand them, and were so cast down by the calamities
they were under, that they took no care of their

* The reader is here to take notice, that this seventh year of the
reign of Herod, and all the other years of his reign, in Josephus, are
dated from the death of Antigonus, or at the soonest from the conquest
of Antigonus, and the taking of Jerusalem a few months before, and
never from his first obtaining the kingdom at Rome above three years
before, as some have verj^ weakly and injudiciously done.

506 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

affairs, but gave up themselves to despair, for they
had no hope that they should be upon a level again
with them in battles, nor obtain any assistance else-
where w^hile their affairs at home were in such great
distress also. When matters were in this condition,
the king persuaded the commanders by his words,
and tried to raise their spirits, which were quite
sunk; and first he endeavoured to encourage and
embolden some of the better sort beforehand, and
then ventured to make a speech to the multitude,
which he had before avoided to do, lest he should
find them uneasy thereat, because of the misfortunes
which had happened, so he made a consolatory speech
to the multitude, in the manner following:

3. "You are not unacquainted, my fellow-soldiers,
that we have had not long since, many accidents that
have put a stop to what we are about; and it is
probable, that even those that are most distinguished
above others for their courage, can hardly keep
up their spirits in such circumstances; but since we
cannot avoid fighting, and nothing that hath hap-
pened is of such a nature but it may by ourselves
be recovered into a good state, and this by one brave
action only well performed, I have proposed to my-
self both to give you some encouragement, and, at
the same time, some information, both which parts
of my design will tend to this point, that you may
still continue in your own proper fortitude. I will
then in the first place, demonstrate to you, that this
war is a just one on our side, and that on this ac-
count it is a war of necessity, and occasioned by
the injustice of our adversaries, for if you be once
satisfied of this, it will be a real cause of alacrity
to you, after which I will farther demonstrate, that
the misfortunes we are under are of no great con-
sequence, and that we have the greatest reason to

Cheap. V. OF THE JEWS. 507

hope for victory. I shall begin with the first, and
appeal to yourselves as witnesses to what I shall
say. You are not ignorant certainly of the wicked-
ness of the Arabians, which is to that degree as to
appear incredible to all other men, and to include
somewhat that shows the grossest barbarity and ig-
norance of God. Their chief things wherein they
have affronted us, have arisen from covetousness
and envy; and they have attacked us in an insidious
manner, and on the sudden. And what occasion is
there for me to mention many instances of such their
procedure? When they were in danger of losing
their own government of themselves, and of being
slaves to Cleoj^atra, what others were they that freed
them from that fear? For it was the friendship I
had with Antony, and the kind disposition he was
in towards us that hath been the occasion that even
these Arabians have not been utterly undone, Antony
being unwilling to undertake any thing which might
be suspected by us of unkindness: but when he had
a mind to bestow some parts of each of our dominions
on Cleopatra, I also managed that matter so, that
by giving him presents of my own, I might obtain
a security to both nations, while I undertook myself
to answer for the money, and gave him two hundred
talents, and became surety for those two hundred
more which were imposed upon the land that was
subject to this tribute: and this they have defrauded
us of, although it was not reasonable that Jews
should pay tribute to any man living, or allow part
of their land to be taxable; but although that was
to be, yet ought we not to pay tribute for these
Arabians, whom we have ourselves preserved; nor
is it fit that they, who have professed, and that with
great integrity and sense of our kindness, that it is
by our means that they keep their principality, should

508 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

injure us, and deprive us of what is our due, and
this while we have been still not their enemies but
their friends. And whereas observation of covenants
takes place among the bitterest enemies, but among
friends is absolutely necessary, this is not observed
among these men, who think gain to be the best of
all things, let it be by any means whatsoever, and
that injustice is no harm, if they may but get money
by it; is it therefore a question with you, Whether
the unjust are to be punished or not? When God
himself hath declared his mind that so it ought to
be, and hath commanded us that we ever should
hate injuries and injustice, which is not only just
but necessary in wars between several nations; for
these Arabians have done what both the Greeks and
Barbarians own to be an instance of the grossest
wickedness, with regard to our ambassadors, which
they have beheaded, while the Greeks declare that
such ambassadors are ^ sacred and inviolable. And
for ourselves we have learned from God the most
excellent of our doctrines, and the most holy part of
our law by angels, or ambassadors; for this name
brings God to the knowledge of mankind, and is
sufficient to reconcile enemies one to another. What
wickedness then can be greater than the slaughter
of ambassadors, who come to treat about doing what
is right? And when such have been their actions,
how is it possible they can either live securely in
common life, or be successful in war? in my opinion
this is impossible; but perhaps some will say, that
what is holy and what is righteous, is indeed on our
side, but the Arabians are either more courageous,
or more numerous than we are. Now, as to this,

^ Herod says here, that as ambassadors were saered, when they
carried messages to others, so did the laws of the Jews derive a sacred
authority by being delivered from God, by angels [or divine ambassadors]
which is St. Paul's expression, about the same laws, Gal. iii. 19, Heb. ii. 2.

Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 509

in the first place, it is not fit for us to say so, for
with whom is what is righteous, with them is God
himself; now, where God is, there is both multitude
and courage. But to examine our own circum-
stances a little, we were conquerors in the first battle;
and when we fought again, they were not able to
oppose us, but ran away, and could not endure our
attacks, or our courage; but when we had conquered
them, then came Athenion, and made war against
us without declaring it; and pray, is this an instance
of their manhood? or is it not a second instance of
their wickedness and treachery? Why are we there-
fore of less courage, on account of that which ought
to inspire us with stronger hopes? and why are we
terrified at these, who, when they fight upon the
level, are continually beaten, and when they seem
to be conquerors, they gain it by wickedness? and
if we suppose that any one should deem them to
be men of real courage, will not he be excited by
that very consideration to do his utmost against them?
for true valour is not shown by fighting against
weak persons, but in being able to overcome the
most hardy. But then, if the distresses we are our-
selves under, and the miseries that hath come by
the earthquake, hath aft'righted any one, let him
consider in the first place, that this very thing will
deceive the Arabians, by their supposal that what
hath befallen us is greater than it really is. More-
over, it is not right that the same thing that em-
boldens them should discourage us; for these men,
you see, do not derive their alacrity from any ad-
vantageous virtue of their own, but from their hope,
as to us, that we are quite cast down by our mis-
fortunes; but when we boldly march against them,
we shall soon pull down their insolent conceit of
themselves, and shall gain this by attacking them,

510 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

tliat they will not be so insolent when we come to
the battle, for our distresses are not so great, nor
is what hath happened an indication of the anger
of God against us, as some imagine, for such things
are accidental, and adversities that come in the usual
course of things; and if we allow that this was done
by the will of God, we must allow that it is now
over by his will also, and that he is satisfied with
what hath already happened, for had he been willing
to afflict us still more thereby, he had not changed
his mind so soon. And as for the war we are en-
gaged in, he hath himself demonstrated, that he is
willing it should go on, and that he knows it to be
a just war; for while some of the people in the
country have perished, all you who were in arms
have suffered nothing, but are all preserved alive;
whereby God makes it plain to us, that if you had
universally, with your children and wives, been in
the army, it had come to pass, that you had not
undergone any thing that would have much hurt
you. Consider these things, and what is more than
all the rest, that you have God at all times for your
protector; and prosecute these men with a just
bravery, who, in point of friendship are unjust, in
their battles perfidious, towards ambassadors im-
pious, and always inferior to you in valour."

4. When the Jews heard this speech, they were
much raised in their minds, and more disposed to
fight than before. So Herod, when he had ^ offered

* This piece of religion, the supplicating God with sacrifices, by
Herod, l)efore he went to this fight with the Arabians, taken notice of
also in the first bool< of the War, eh. xix. sect. 5, Vol. III. is worth
remarking, liecause it is the only example of this nature", so far as I
remember, that Josephus ever mentions in all liis large and particular
accounts of this Herod ; and it was when he had been in mighty distress,
and discouraged by a great defeat of his former army, and by a very
great earthquake in Judea, such times of affliction making men most
religious. Nor was he disajipointed of his hopes here, but immediately
gained a most signal victory over the Arabians, while they who just

Chap. y. OF THE JEWS. 511

the sacrifices appointed by the law, made haste, and
took them, and led them against the Arabians; and
in order to that passed over Jordan, and pitched
his camp near to that of the enemy. He also thought
fit to seize u^^on a certain castle that lay in the midst
of them, as hoping it would be for his advantage,
and would the sooner produce a battle, and that
if there were occasion for delay, he should by it
have his camp fortified; and as the Arabians had
the same intentions upon that place, a contest arose
about it; at first they were but skirmishes, after
which there came more soldiers, and it proved a sort
of fight, and some fell on both sides, till those of the
Arabian side w^ere beaten and retreated. This was
no small encouragement to the Jews immediately;
and when Herod observed that the enemies' army
was disposed to any thing rather than to come to
an engagement, he ventured boldly to attempt the
bulwark itself, and to pull it to pieces, and so to
get nearer to their camp, in order to fight them;
for when they were forced out of their trenches,
they went out in disorder, and had not the least
alacrity, or hoj^e of victory; yet did they fight hand
to hand, because they were more in number than
the Jews, and because they were in such a disposition
of war that they were under a necessity of coming
on boldly: so they came to a terrible battle, while
not a few fell on each side. However, at length
the Arabians fled; and so great a slaughter was
made upon their being routed, that they were not
only killed by their enemies, but became the authors
of their own deaths also, and were trodden down
by the multitude, and the great current of people

before had been so great victors, and so much elevated upon the earth-
quake in Judea as to venture to shiy the Jewish ambassadors, were now
under a strange consternation, and hardly able to fight at alL

512 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

in disorder, and were destroyed by their own armour;
so five thousand men lay dead upon the spot, while
the rest of the nmltitude soon ran within the bul-
wark [for safety,] but had no firm hope of safety,
by reason of their want of necessaries, and especially
of water. The Jews pursued them; but could not
get in with them, but sat round about the bulwark,
and watched any assistance that would get in to
them, and prevented any there, that had a mind to
it, from running away.

5. When the Arabians were in these circum-
stances, they sent ambassadors to Herod, in the first
place to propose terms of accommodation, and after
that to offer him, so pressing was their thirst upon
them, to undergo whatsoever he pleased, if he would
free them from their present distress; but he would
admit of no ambassadors, of no price of redemption,
nor of any other moderate terms whatever, being
very desirous to revenge those unjust actions which
they had been guilty of towards his nation. So they
were necessitated by other motives, and particularly
by their thirst, to come out, and deliver themselves
up to him, to be carried away captives; and in five
days' time, the number of four thousand were taken
prisoners, while all the rest resolved to make a sally
upon their enemies, and to fight it out with them,
choosing rather, if so it must be, to die therein, than
to perish gradually and ingloriously. When they
had taken this resolution, they came out of their
trenches, but could no way sustain the fight, being
too much disabled, both in mind and body, and having
not room to exert themselves, and thought it an
advantage to be killed, and a misery to survive; so
at the first onset there fell about seven thousand of
them, after which stroke, they let all the courage
they had put on before fall, and stood amazed at

Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 513

Herod's warlike spirit under his own calamities; so

for the future, they yielded, and made him ruler

of their nation; whereupon he was greatly elevated

at so seasonable a success, and returned home taking

great authority upon him, on account of so bold

and glorious an expedition as he had made.

CHAPTER VI.

How Herod slew Hyrcanus, and then hasted away
to Cwsar, and obtained the Idngdom from him also;
and how a little time afterward, he entertained
Ccesar in a most honourable manner.

1. Herod's other affairs were now very prosperous;
and he was not to be easily assaulted on any side.
Yet did there come upon him a danger that would
hazard his entire dominions, after Antony had been
beaten at the battle of Actium by Cjesar [Octavian;]
for at that time both Herod's enemies and friends
despaired of his affairs, for it was not probable that
he would remain without punishment, who had showed
so much friendship for Antony. So it happened that
his friends despaired, and had no hopes of his escape,
but for his enemies, they all outwardly appeared to
be troubled at his case, but were privately very glad
of it, as hoping to obtain a change for the better.
As for Herod himself, he saw that there was no one
of royal dignity left but Hyrcanus, and therefore
he thought it would be for his advantage not to suffer
him to be an obstacle in his way any longer; for that
in case he himself survived, and escaped the danger
he was in, he thought it the safest way to put it out
of the power of such a man to make any attempt

514 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

against him, at such junctures of affairs, as was
more worthy of the kingdom than himself; and in case
he should be slain by Csesar, his envy prompted him
to desire to slay him that would otherwise be king
after him.

2. While Herod had these things in his mind,
there was a certain occasion afforded him; for Hyr-
canus was of so mild a temper, both then and at
other times, that he desired not to meddle with public
affairs, nor to concern himself with innovations, but
left all to fortune, and contented himself with what
that afforded him: But Alexandi-a [his daughter]
was a lover of strife and was exceeding desirous of a
change of the government, and spake to her father
not to bear for ever Herod's injurious treatment of
their family, but to anticipate their future hopes, as
he safely might; and desired him to write about these
matters to JVIalchus, who was then governor of Arabia,
to receive them, and to secure them [from Herod,]
for that if they went away, and Herod's affairs
proved to be, as it was likely they would be, by reason
of Ccesar's enmity to him, they should then be the
only persons that could take the government, and
this both on account of the royal family they were
of, and on account of the good disposition of the
multitude to them. While she used these persuasions,
Hyrcanus put off her suit; but as she showed that
she was a woman, and a contentious woman too, and
would not desist either night or day, but would
always be speaking to him about these matters, and
about Herod's treacherous designs, she at last pre-
vailed with him to entrust Dositheus, one of his
friends, with a letter, wherein his resolution was de-
clared; and he desired the Arabian governor to send
to him some horsemen, who should receive him, and
conduct him to the lake Asphaltites, which is from

Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 515

the bounds of Jerusalem three hundred furlongs:
and he did therefore trust Dositheus with this letter,
because he was a careful attender on him, and on
Alexandra, and had no small occasions to bear ill-
w411 to Herod: for he was kinsman of one Joseph,
whom he had slain, and a brother of those that were
formerly slain at Tyre by Antony: yet could not
these motives induce Dositheus to serve Hyrcanus in
this affair, for j^referring tlie hopes he had from the
present king to those he had from him, he gave Herod
the letter. So he took his kindness in good part,
and bid him besides do what he had already done,
that is, go on in serving him, by rolling up the
epistle and sealing it again, and delivering it to
IMalchus, and then to bring back his ietter in answer
to it; for it would be much better if he could know
Malchus' intentions also. And when Dositheus was
very ready to serve him in this point also, the Arabian
governor returned back for answer, that he would
receive Hyrcanus, and all that should come with him,
and even all the Jews that were of his party: that
he would, moreover, send forces sufficient to secure
them in their journey, and that he should be in no
want of any thing he should desire. Now as soon as
Herod had received this letter, he immediately sent for
Hyrcanus, and questioned him about the league he
had made with IMalchus: and when he denied it,
showed his letter to the sanhedrim, and put the man
to death immediately.

3. And this account we give the reader, as it is
contained in the commentaries of king Herod: but
other historians do not agree with them, for they
suppose that Herod did not find, but rather made
this an occasion for thus putting him to death, and
that by treacherously laying a snare for him; for thus
do they v/rite: That Herod and he were once at a

516 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

treat, and that Herod had given no occasion to suspect
[that he was displeased at him,] but put this ques-
tion to Hyrcanus, Whether he had received any let-
ters from JMalchus? And when he answered, that he
had received letters, but those of salutation only; and
when he asked farther, whether he had not received
any presents from him? and when he had replied, that
he had received no more than four horses to ride on,
which Malchus had sent Iiim; and they pretend that
Herod charged these upon him as the crimes of
bribery and treason, and gave order that he should
be led away and slain. And in order to demonstrate
that he had been guilty of no offence, when he was
thus brought to his end, they alleged how mild his
temper had been, and that even in his youth he had
never given any demonstration of boldness or rashness,
and that the case was the same when he came to be
king, bat that he even then committed the manage-
ment of the greatest j)art of public affairs to Antipater ;
and that he was now above fourscore years old, and
knew that Herod's govermnent was in a secure state.
He also came over Euphrates and left those who
greatly honoured him beyond that river, though he
were to be entirely under Herod's government, and
that it was a most incredible thing that he should
enterprise any thing by way of innovation, and not
at all agreeable to his temper, but that this was a
plot of Herod's contrivance.

4. And this was the fate of Hyrcanus; and thus
did he end his life, after lie had endured various and
manifold turns of fortune in his lifetime: For he
was made high priest of the Jewish nation in the
beginning of his mother Alexandra's reign, who held
the government nine years; and when, after his
mother's death, he took the kingdom himself, and
held it three months, he lost it, by the means of

Chap. vi. OF THE JEWS. 517

his brother Aristobulus. He was then restored by
Pompe}', and received all sorts of honour from him,
and enjoyed them forty years; but when he was again
deprived by Antigonus, and was maimed in his body,
he was made a captive by the Parthians, and thence
returned home again after some time, on account of
the hopes that Herod had given him; none of which
came to j^ass according to his expectation, but he still
conflicted with many misfortunes through the whole
course of his life; and what was the heaviest calamity
of all, as we have related already, he came to an end
which was undeserved by him. His character ap-
peared to be that of a man of a mild and moderate
disposition, and suffered the administration of affairs
to be generally done by others under him. He was
averse to much meddling with the public, nor had
shrewdness enough to govern a kingdom: And both
Antipater and Herod came to their greatness by
reason of his mildness, and at last he met with such
an end from them as was not agreeable either to
justice or piety.

5. Now Herod, as soon as he had put HjTcanus
out of the way, made haste to CcTsar; and because
he could not have any hopes of kindness from him,
on account of the friendship he had for Antony, he
had a suspicion of Alexandra, lest she should take
this opportunity to bring the multitude to a revolt,
and introduce a sedition into the affairs of the king-
dom; so he committed the care of every thing to
his brother Pherora.s, and placed his mother Cypros,
and his sister [Salome.] and the whole family at jNIas-
sada, and gave him a charge, that if he should
hear any sad news about him, he should take care
of the government: But as to INIariamne his wife,
because of the misunderstanding between her and liis
sister, and his sister's mother, which made it impossible

518 ANTIQUITIES Boole xv.

for them to live together, he placed her at Alex-
andrium, with Alexandra her mother, and left his
treasurer Joseph and Sohemus of Iturea, to take care
of that fortress. These two had been very faithful
to him from the beginning, and were now left as a
guard to the women. They also had it in charge,
that if they should hear any mischief had befallen
him, they should kill them both, and as far as they
were able, to preserve the kingdom for his sons, and
for his brother Pheroras.

6. When he had given them this charge, he made
haste to Rhodes, to meet CjEsar; and when he had
sailed to that city, he took off his diadem, but remitted
nothing else of his usual dignity: And when, upon
his meeting him, he desired that he would let him
speak to him, he therein exhibited a much more noble
specimen of a great soul, for he did not betake him-
self to supplications, as men usually do upon such
occasions, nor offered him any petition, as if he were
an offender, but after an undaunted manner, gave an
account of what he had done; for he spake thus to
Caesar, That "he had the greatest friendship for
Antony, and did every thing he could that he might
attain the government. That he was not indeed in the
army with him, because the Arabians had diverted
him, but that he had sent him both money and corn,
which was but too little in comparison of what he
ought to have done for him; for, if a man owns him-
self to be another's friend, and knows him to be a
l)enefactor, he is obliged to hazard every thing, to use
every faculty of his soul, every member of his body,
and all the wealth he hath, for him, in which I
confess I have been too deficient. However, I am
conscious to myself, tliat so far I have done right,
that I have not deserted Iiim u])on his defeat at
Actium: nor upon the evident change of his fortune

Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 519

have I transferred my hopes from him to another,
but have preserved myself, though not as a vahiable
fellow-soldier, yet certainly as a faithful counsellor
to Antony, when I demonstrated to him that the only
way that he had to save himself, and not to lose ail
his authority, was to slay Cleopatra; for when she
was once dead, there would be room for him to retain
his authority, and rather to bring thee to make a
composition with him, than to continue at enmity
any longer. None of which advices would he attend
to, but preferred his own rash resolutions before
them, which have happened unprofitably for him, but
profitably for thee. Now therefore in case thou de-
terminest about me, and my alacrity in serving An-
tony, according to thy anger at him, I own there is
no room for me to deny what I have done, nor will
I be ashamed to own, and that publicly too, that I
had a great kindness for him: But if thou wilt put
him out of the case, and only examine how I behave
myself to my benefactors in general; and what sort
of a friend I am, thou wilt find by experience that we
shall do and be the same to thyself, for it is but
changing the names, and the firmness of friendship
that we shall bear to thee, will not be disapproved bv
thee."

7. By this speech, and by his behaviour, which
showed Csesar the frankness of his mind, he greatly
gained upon him, who was himself of a generous
and magnificent temper, insomuch that those very
actions, which were the foundation of the accusation
against him, procured him Caesar's good-will. Ac-
cordingly, he restored him his diadem again; and
encouraged him to exhibit himself as great a friend
to himself as he had been to Antony, and then had
him in great esteem. INIoreover, he added this, that
Quintius Didius had written to him, that Herod had

520 ANTIQUITIES . Book xv.

very readily assisted him in the affair of the gladiators.
So when he had obtained such a kind reception, and
had, beyond all his hopes, procured his crown to be
more entirely and firmly settled upon him than ever
by Caesar's donation, as well as by that decree of
the Romans, which Ccesar took care to procure for
his gi-eater security, he conducted Casar on his way
to Egypt, and made j^resents even beyond his ability,
to both him and his friends, and in general behaved
himself with great magnanimity. He also desired
that Cffisar would not put to death one Alexander,
who had been a companion of Antony's; but C»sar
had sworn to put him to death, and so he could not
obtain that his petition: And now he returned to
Judea again with greater honour and assurance than
ever, and affrighted those that had expectations to the
contrary, as still acquiring from his very dangers
greater sjDlendour than before, by the favour of God
to him. So he prepared for the reception of Caesar,
as he was going out of Syria to invade Egypt; and
when he came, he entertained him at Ptolemais with
all royal magnificence. He also bestowed presents
on the army, and brought them provisions in abun-
dance. He also proved to be one of Cssar's most
cordial friends, and put the army in array, and rode
along with Caesar, and had a hundred and fifty men,
well appointed in all respects, after a rich and
sumptuous manner, for the better reception of him
and his friends. He also provided them with what
they sliould want, as they passed over the dry desert,
insomuch that they lacked neither wine nor water,
which last the soldiers stood in the greatest need of,
and besides, he presented Cffsar with eight lumdred
talents, and procured to himself the good-will of them
all, because he was assisting to them in a much
greater and more splendid degree than the kingdom

Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 521

he had obtained could afford, by which means he more
and more demonstrated to Cfesar the firmness of his
friendship, and his readiness to assist him; and what
was of the greatest advantage to him was this, that
his hberahty came at a seasonable time also: And
when they returned again out of Egypt, his assistances
were no way inferior to the good offices he had
formerly done them.

CHAPTER VII.

Hotv Herod slew Sohemus, and 'Mariamne, and
afterxvard Alearmdra, and Costoharus, and his most
intimate friends, and at last the sons of Baba also.

1. HowEATiR, when he came into his kingdom
again, he found his house all in disorder, and his
wife Mariamne and her mother Alexandra very
uneasy; for, as they supposed, what was easy to be
supposed, that they were not put into that fortress
[Alexandrium] for the security of their persons, but
as into a garrison for their imprisonment, and that
they had no power over any thing, either of others,
or of their own affairs, they were very uneasy; and
Mariamne supposing that the king's love to her was
but hypocritical, and rather pretended, as advan-
tageous to himself, as real, she looked upon it as
fallacious. She also was grieved that he would not
allow her any hopes of surviving him, if he should
come to any harm himself. She also recollected what
commands he had formerly given to Joseph, inso-
much that she endeavoured to please her kee2)ers,
and especially Sohemus, as well apprised how all
was in his power. And at the first Sohemus was

522 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

faithful to Herod, and neglected none of the things
he had given him in charge; but when the women
by kind words, and liberal presents, had gained his
affections over to them, he was by degrees overcome,
and at length discovered to them all the king's in-
junctions, and this on that account principally, that
he did not so much as hope he would come back with
the same authority he had before, so that he thought
he should both escape any danger from him, and
supposed that he did hereby much gratify the women,
who were likely not to be overlooked in the settling
of the government, nay, that they would be able
to make him abundant recompense, since they must
either reign themselves, or be very near to him that
should reign. He had a further ground of hope
also, that though Herod should have all the success
he could wish for, and should return again, he could
not contradict his wife in what she desired, for he
knew that the king's fondness for his wife was in-
expressible. These were the motives that drew So-
hemus to discover what injunctions had been given
him. So Mariamne was greatly displeased to hear
that there was no end of the dangers she was under
from Herod, and was greatly uneasy at it, and
wished that he might obtain no favours [from Caesar,]
and esteemed it almost an insupportable task, to live
with him any longer: and this she afterward openly
declared, without concealing her resentment.

2. And now Herod sailed home with joy, at the
unexpected good success he had had: and went first of
all, as was proper, to this his wife, and told her,
and her only, the good news, as preferring her be-
fore the rest, on account of his fondness for her,
and the intimacy there had been between them, and
saluted her; but so it happened, that as he told her
of the good success he liad had, she was so far from

Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 523

rejoicing at it, that she rather was sorry for it; nor
was she able to conceal her resentments, but, de-
pending on her dignity, and the nobility of her birth,
in return for his salutations, she gave a groan, and
declared evidently that she rather grieved than re-
joiced at his success, and this till Herod was dis-
turbed at her, as affording him not only marks of
her suspicion, but evident signs of her dissatisfaction.
This much troubled him, to see that this surprising
hatred of his wife to him was not concealed, but
open; and he took this so ill, and yet was so unable
to bear it, on account of the fondness he had for
her, that he could not long continue in any one mind,
but sometimes was angry at her, and sometimes
reconciled himself to her, but by always changing
one passion for another, he was still in great un-
certainty, and thus was he entangled between hatred
and love, and was frequently disposed to inflict pun-
ishment on her for her insolence towards him, but
being deeply in love with her in his soul, he was
not able to get quit of this woman. In short, as he
would gladly have her punished, so was he afraid
lest ere he were aware, he should, by putting her to
death, bring a heavier punishment upon himself at
the same time.

3. When Herod's sister and mother perceived
that he was in this temper with regard to Mariamne,
they thought they had now got an excellent oppor-
tunity to exercise their hatred against her, and pro-
voked Herod to wrath by telling him such long stories
and calumnies about her, as might at once excite
his hatred and his jealousy. Now, though he will-
ingly enough heard their words, yet had not lie
courage enough to do any thing to her, as if he
believed them, but still he became worse and worse
disposed to her, and these ill passions were more

524 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

and more inflamed on both sides, while she did not
hide her disposition towards him, and he turned his
love to her into wrath against her. But when he
was just going to put this matter past all remedy,
he heard the news that Ciesar was the victor in the
war, and that Antony and Cleopatra were both dead,
and that he had conquered Egyi^t, whereupon he
made haste to go to meet Ciesar, and left the affairs
of his family in their present state. However Mari-
amne recommended Sohemus to him, as he was set-
ting out on his journey, and professed that she owed
him thanks for the care he had taken of her, and
asked of the king for him a place in the government;
upon which an honourable employment was bestowed
upon him accordingly. Now, when Herod was come
into Egypt, he was introduced to Caesar with great
freedom, as already a friend of his, and received very
great favours from him; for he made him a present
of those four hundred Galatians who had been Cleo-
patra's guards, and restored that country to him
again, wdiich by her means had been taken away
from him. He also added to his kingdom, Gadara,
Hippos, and Samaria: and, besides those, the mari-
time cities, Gaza, and Anthedon, and Joppa, and
Strato's Tower.

4. Upon these new acquisitions, he grew more
magnificent, and conducted Caesar as far as Antioch;
but upon his return, as much as his prosperity was
augmented by the foreign additions that had been
made him, so much the greater were the distresses
that came upon him in his own family, and chiefly
in the affair of his wife, wherein he formerly ap-
peared to have been most of all fortunate; for the
affection lie had for INIariamne was no way inferior
to the affections of sucli as are on that account cele-
brated in history, and this very justly. As for her,

Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 525

she was in other respects a chaste woman, and faitli-
ful to him; yet had she somewhat of a woman rough
by nature, and treated her husband imperiously
enough, because she saw he was so fond of her as
to be enslaved to her. She did not also consider
seasonably with herself that she lived under a mon-
archj^ and that she was at another's disposal, and
accordingly would behave herself after a saucy manner
to him, which yet he usually put off in a jesting
way, and bore with moderation and good temper.
She would also expose his mother and his sister
openly, on account of the meanness of their birth,
and would speak unkindly of them, insomuch, that
there was before this a disagreement and unpardon-
able hatred among the women, and it was now come
to greater reproaches of one another than formerly,
which suspicions increased, and lasted a whole year
after Herod returned from Cresar. However, these
misfortunes, which had been kept under some de-
cency for a great while, burst out all at once upon
such an occasion as was now offered; for as the king
was one day about noon lain down on his bed to
rest him, he called for jNIariamne, out of the great
affection he had always for her. She came in ac-
cordingly, but would not lie down by him: and when
he was very desirous of her company, she showed
her contempt of him; and added, by way of reproach,
that he had caused ^ her father and her brother to
be slain. And when he took this injury very un-
kindly, and was ready to use violence to her, in a
precipitate manner, the king's sister Salome, ob-

^ ^^^lereas Mariamne is here represented as reproaching Herod with
the murder of her father [Alexander,] as well as her brother [Aris-
tobulus,] while it was her grandfather Hyrcaniis, and not her father
Alexander, whom he caused to he slain, (as Josephus himself informs
us, eh. vi. sect. -2,) we must either take Zonora's reading, which is here
grandfather rightly, or else we must, as before, ch. i. sect. 1, allow a
slip of Josephus' pen, or memory, in the i)laoe before us.

526 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

serving that he was more than ordinarily disturbed,
sent in to the king his cup-bearer, who had been
prepared long beforehand for such a design, and
bid him tell the king, how Mariamne had persuaded
him to give his assistance in preparing a love potion
for him; and if he appear to be greatly concerned,
and to ask what that love potion was? to tell him,
that she had the potion, and that he was desired
only to give it him: but that in case he did not appear
to be much concerned at this potion, to let the thing
drop, and that if he did so, no harm should thereby
come to him. When she had given him these in-
structions, she sent him in at this time to make such
a speech. So he went in, after a composed manner,
to gain credit to what he should say, and yet some-
what hastily, and said, that "Mariamne had given
him presents, and persuaded him to give him a love
potion." And when this moved the king, he said,
that "this love potion was a composition that she
had given him, whose effects he did not know, which
was the reason of his resolving to give him this in-
formation, as the safest course he could take, both
for himself and for the king." When Herod heard
what he said, and was in an ill disposition before,
his indignation grew more violent: and he ordered
that eunuch of Mariamne's who was most faithful
to her, to be brought to torture about this potion,
as well knowing it was not possible that any thing
small or great could be done without him. And
when the man was under the utmost agonies, he
could say nothing concerning the thing he was tor-
tured al)out, but so far he knew that Mariamne's
hatred against him was occasioned by somewhat that
Sohemus had said to her. Now, as he was saying
this, Herod cried out aloud, and said, that "Sohemus,
who had been at all other times most faithful to

Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 527

him, and to his government, would not have be-
trayed what injunctions he had given him; unless
he had had a nearer conversation than ordinary with
Mariamne." So he gave order that Sohemus should
be seized on and slain immediately; but he allowed
his wife to take her trial: and got together those
that M^ere most faithful to him, and laid an elaborate
accusation against her for this love potion and com-
position, which had been charged upon her by way
of calumny only. However, he kept no temper in
what he said, and was in too great a passion for
judging well about this matter. Accordingly, when
the court was at length satisfied that he was so
resolved, they passed the sentence of death upon her:
but when the sentence was passed upon her, this
temper was suggested by himself, and by some others
of the court, that she should not be thus hastily put
to death, but be laid in prison in one of the fortresses
belonging to the kingdom; but Salome and her party
laboured hard to have the woman put to death; and
they prevailed with the king to do so, and advised
this out of caution, lest the multitude should be
tumultuous if she Avere suffered to live; and thus
was Mariamne led to execution.

5. When Alexandra observed how things went,
and that there were small hopes that she herself
should escape the like treatment from Herod, she
changed her behaviour to quite the reverse of what
might have been expected from her former boldness,
and this after a very indecent manner: for out of
her desire to show how entirely ignorant she was of
the crimes laid against JNIariamne, she leaped out
of her place, and reproached her daughter in the
hearing of all the people: and cried out. That "she
had been an ill woman and ungrateful to her hus-
band, and that her punishment came justly upon

528 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

her, for such her insolent behavioin*, for that she
had not made proper returns to him who had been
their common benefactor." And when she had for
some time acted after this hypocritical manner, and
been so outrageous as to tear her hair, this indecent
and dissembling behaviour, as was to be expected,
was greatly condemned by the rest of the spectators,
as it was principally by the poor woman who was
to suffer; for at the first she gave her not a word,
nor was discomposed at her peevishness, and only
looked at her, yet did she, out of a greatness of soul,
discover her concern for her mother's offence, and
especially for her exposing herself in a manner so
unbecoming her; but as for herself, she went to her
death with an unshaken firmness of mind, and with-
out changing the colour of her face, and thereby
evidently discovered the nobility of her descent to
the spectators, even in the last moments of her life.
6. And thus died Mariamne; a woman of an
excellent character, both for chastity and greatness
of soul; but she wanted moderation, and had too
much of contention in her nature, yet had she all
that can be said in the beauty of her body, and her
majestic appearance in conversation; and thence arose
the greatest part of the occasions Avhy she did not
prove so agreeable to the king, nor live so pleasantly
with him, as she might otherwise have done; for
while she was most indulgently used by the king,
out of his fondness to her, and did not expect that
he could do any hard thing to her, she took too un-
bounded a liberty. Moreover, that which most
afflicted her was, what he hac^ done to her relations,
and she ventured to speak of all they had suffered by
him, and at last greatly provoked both the king's
mother and sister, till they became enemies to her;
and even he himself also did the same, on whom

Chap. VII. OF THE JEWS. 529

alone she depended for her expectations of escaping
the last of punishments.

7. But when she was once dead, the king's affec-
tions for her were kindled in a more outrageous
manner than before, whose old passion for her we
have already described: for his love to her was not
of a calm nature, nor such as we usually meet with
among other husbands, for at its commencement it
was of an enthusiastic kind, nor was it by their long
cohabitation and free conversation together, brought
under his power to manage; but at this time his
love to JVIariamne seemed to seize him in such a
peculiar manner, as looked like divine vengeance upon
him, for the taking away her life, for he would fre-
quently call for her, and frequently lament for her
in a most indecent manner. Moreover, he bethought
him of every thing he could make use of to divert
his mind from thinking of her, and contrived feasts
and assemblies for that purpose, but nothing would
suffice; he therefore laid aside the administration of
public affairs, and was so far conquered by his pas-
sion, that he would order his servants to call for
Mariamne, as if she were still alive, and could still
hear them. And when he was in this way, there
arose a pestilential disease, and carried off the greatest
part of the multitude, and of his best and most
esteemed friends, and made all men suspect that this
was brought upon them by the anger of God, for
the injustice that had been done to Mariamne. This
circumstance affected the king still more, till at length
he forced himself to go into desert places, and there,
under pretence of going a-hunting, bitterly afflicted
himself; yet had he not borne his grief there many
days before he fell into a most dangerous distemper
himself: He had an inflammation upon him, and a
pain in the hinder part of his head, joined with mad-

530 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

ness: and for the remedies that were used, they did
him no good at all, but proved contrary to his case,
and so at length brought him to despair. All the
physicians also that were about him, partly because
the medicines they brought for his recovery could
not at all conquer the disease, and partly because his
diet could be no other than what his disease inclined
him to, desired him to eat whatever he had a mind
to, and so left the small hopes they had of his
recovery in the power of that diet, and committed
him to fortune. And thus did his distemper go on,
while he was at Samaria, now called Sebaste.

8. Now Alexandra abode at this time in Jeru-
salem, and being informed what condition Herod
was in, she endeavoured to get possession of the
fortified places that were about the city, which were
two, the one belonging to the city itself, the other
belonging to the temple; and those that could get
them into their hands had the whole nation under
their power, for without the command of them it
was not possible to offer their sacrifices; and to
think of leaving off those sacrifices, is to every Jew
plainly impossible, who are still more ready to lose
their lives than to leave off that divine worship which
they have been wont to pay imto God. Alexandra,
therefore, discoursed with those that had the keeping
of these strongholds, that it was proper for them
to deliver the same to her, and to Herod's sons, lest,
upon his death, any other person should seize upon
the government; and that upon his recovery none
could keep them more safely for him than those
of his own family. These words were not by them
at all taken in good part; and as they had been in
former times faithful [to Herod,] they resolved to
continue so more than ever, both because they hated
Alexandra, and because they thought it a sort of

Chap. Yii. OF THE JEWS. 531

impiety to despair of Herod's recovery while he was
yet ahve, for they had been his old friends; and
one of them, whose name was Achiabus, was his
cousin-german. They sent messengers therefore to
acquaint him with Alexandra's design; so he made
no longer delay, but gave orders to have her slain:
yet was it still with difficulty, and after he had en-
dured great pain, that he got clear of his distemper.
He was still sorely afflicted both in mind and body,
and made very uneasy, and readier than ever upon
all occasions to inflict punishment upon those that
fell under his hand. He also slew the most intimate
of his friends, Costobarus, and Lysimachus, and
Gadias, who was also called Antipater; as also Do-
sitheus, and that upon the following occasion.

9. Costobarus was an Idumean by birth, and one
of principal dignity among them, and one whose
ancestors had been priests to the Kose, whom the
Idumeans had [formerly] esteemed as a god; but
after Hyrcanus had made a change in their political
government, and made them receive the Jewish cus-
toms, and law, Herod made Costobarus governor
of Idumea and Gaza, and gave him his sister Salome
to wife; and this was upon his slaughter of [his
uncle] Joseph, who had that government before, as
we have related already. When Costobarus had
gotten to be so highly advanced, it pleased him, and
was more than he hoped for, and he was more and
more puffed up by his good success, and in a little
while he exceeded all bounds, and did not think fit
to obey what Herod, as their ruler, commanded him,
or that the Idumeans should make use of the Jewish
customs, or be subject to them. He therefore sent
to Cleopatra, and informed her that the Idumeans
had been always under his progenitors, and that for
the same reason it was but just that she should

532 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

desire that country for liiin of Antony, for that he
was ready to transfer his friendship to her; and
this he did, not because he was better pleased to be
under Cleopatra's government, but because he thought
that, upon the diminution of Herod's power, it would
not be difficult for him to obtain himself the entire
government over the Idumeans, and somewhat more
also; for he raised his hopes still higher, as having
no small pretences, both by his birth and by these
riches, which he had gotten by his constant attention
to filthy lucre; and accordingly it was not a small
matter that he aimed at. So Cleopatra desired this
country of Antony, but failed of her purpose. An
account of this was brought to Herod, who was
thereupon ready to kill Costobarus, yet upon the
entreaties of his sister and mother, he forgave him,
and vouchsafed to pardon him entirely, though he
still had a suspicion of him afterward for this his
attempt.

10. But some time afterward, when Salome hap-
pened to quarrel with Costobarus, she ^ sent him a
bill of divorce, and dissolved her marriage with him,
though this was not according to the Jewish laws;

* Here is a plain example of a Jewish lady giving a bill of divorce
to her husband, though in the days of Josephus it was not esteemed
lawful for a woman so to do. See the like among the Parthians, Antiq.
B. XVIII. ch. ix. sect. G. However, the Christian law, when it allowed
divorce for adultery, Matt. v. 32, allowed the Innocent wife to divorce
her guilty husliand, as well as the innocent husband to divorce his guilty
wife, as we learn from the shepherd of Hermes, Mand. B. IV. and
from the second apology of Justin Martyr, where a persecution was
brought upon the Christians upon such a divorce; and I think the Roman
laws permitted it at that time, as well as the laws of Christianity. Now
this Babas, who was one of the race of the Asamoneans or Maccabees,
as the latter end of this section informs us, is related by the Jews, as
Dr. Hudson here remarks, to have been so eminently religious in the
Jewish way, tliat the day followinjj: the tenth of Tisri, tlie .u:reat day
of atonement, when he seems to have supjioscd all his sins entirely
forgiven, he used every day of the whole year to offer a sacrifuT for his
sins of ignorance, or such as he supposed lie had l)een jiuilty of, hut
did not distinctly remember. See soinewhat like it of A^rippa tlie Great,
Antiq. B. XIX. ch. iii. sect. 3, Vol. HI. and Job. i, 4., 5.

Chap. Yii. OF THE JEWS. 533

for with us it is lawful for a husband to do so; but
a wife, if she departs from her husband, cannot of
herself be married to another, unless her former hus-
band put her away. However, Salome chose to
follow not the law of her country, but the law of
her authority, and so renounced her wedlock: and
told her brother Herod, that she left her husband
out of her good-will to him, because she perceived
that he, with Antipater and Lysimachus, and Do-
sitheus, were raising a sedition against him: as an
evidence whereof, she alleged the case of the sons
of Babas, that tliey had been by him preserved alive
already for the interval of twelve years; which proved
to be true. But when Herod thus unexpectedly
heard of it, he was greatly surprised at it, and was
the more surprised, because the relation appeared
incredible to him. As for the fact relating to these
sons of Babas, Herod had formerly taken great pains
to bring them to punishment, as being enemies to
his government, but they were now forgotten by
him, on account of the length of time [since he had
ordered them to be slain.] Now, the cause of his
ill-will and hatred to them arose hence, that while
Antigonus was king, Herod, with his army, besieged
the city of Jerusalem, where the distress and mis-
eries which the besieged endured, were so pressing,
that the greater number of them invited Herod into
the city, and already placed their hopes on him.
Now, the sons of Babas were of great dignity, and
had power among the multitude, and were faithful
to Antigonus, and were always raising calumnies
against Herod, and encouraged the people to pre-
serve the government to that royal family which
held it by inheritance. So these men acted thus
politically, and, as they thought, for their own ad-
vantage; but when the city was taken, and Herod

534 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

had gotten the government into his hands, and Cos-
tobarus was appointed to hinder men from passing
out at tlie gates, and to guard the city, that those
citizens that were guilty, and of the party opposite
to the king, might not get out of it, Costobarus being
sensible that the sons of Babas were had in respect
and honour by the whole multitude, and supposing
that their preservation might be of great advantage
to him in the changes of government afterward, he
set them by themselves, and concealed them in his
own farms; and when the thing was suspected, he
assured Herod upon oath that he really knew nothing
of that matter, and so overcame the suspicions that
lay upon him; nay, after that, when the king had
publicly proposed a reward for the discovery, and
had put in practice all sorts of methods for search-
ing out this matter, he would not confess it, but being
persuaded that when he had at first denied it, if
the men were found, he should not escape unpun-
ished, he was forced to keep them secret, not only
out of his good-will to them, but out of a necessary
regard to his own preservation also: But when the
king knew the thing, by his sister's information, he
sent men to the places where he had the intimation
they were concealed, and ordered both them, and
those that were accused as guilty with them, to be
slain, insomuch that there were now none at all left
of the kindred of Hyrcanus, and the kingdom was
entirely in Herod's own power, and there was no-
body remaining of such dignity as could put a stop
to what he did against the Jewish laws.

Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 535

CHAPTER VIII.

How ten men of the citizens [of Jerusalem^ made
a conspiracy against Herod, for the foreign prac-
tices he had introduced, which was a transgression
of the laws of their country. Concerning the build-
ing of Sehaste and Ccesarea, and other edifices of
Herod.

1. Ox this account it was that Herod revolted
from the laws of his country, and corrupted their
ancient constitution, ])y the introduction of foreign
practices, which constitution yet ought to have been
preserved inviolable; by which means we became
guilty of great wickedness afterward, while those
religious observances which used to lead the multi-
tude to piety, were now neglected: for, in the first
place, he appointed solemn games to be celebrated
every fifth year, in honour of Caesar, and built a
theatre at Jerusalem, as also a very great amphi-
theatre in the plain. Both of them were indeed
costly works, but opposite to the Jewish customs;
for we have had no such shows deliA^ered down to
us as fit to be used or exhibited by us; yet did he
celebrate these games every five years, in the most
solemn and splendid manner. He also made proc-
lamation to the neighbouring countries, and called
men together out of every nation. The wrestlers
also, and the rest of those that strove for the prizes
in such games, were invited out of every land, both
.by the hopes of the rewards there to be bestowed,
and by the glory of victory to be there gained. So
the principal persons that were the most eminent in
these sorts of exercises, were gotten together, for

536 AXTIQUITIES Book xv.

there were very great rewards for victory proposed,
not only to those that performed their exercises
naked, but to those that played the musicians also,
and were called Thymclici; but he spared no pains
to induce all persons, the most famous for such
exercises, to come to this contest for victory. He
also promised no small rewards for those who ran
for the prizes in chariot races, when they were drawn
by two, or three, or four pair of horses. He also
imitated every thing, though never so costly or mag-
nificent, in other nations, out of an ambition that
he migh't give most public demonstration of his gran-
deur. Inscriptions also of the great actions of Ceesar,
and trophies of those nations which he had conquered
in his wars, and all made of the purest gold and
silver, encompassed the theatre itself: Nor was there
any thing that could be subservient to his design,
whether it were precious garments, or precious stones
set in order, which was not also exposed to sight in
these games. He had also made a great prepara-
tion of wild beasts, and of lions themselves in great
abundance, and of such other beasts as were either
of uncommon strength, or of such a sort as were
rarely seen. These were prepared either to fight
with one another, or that men who were condemned
to death, were to fight with tliem. And truly for-
eigners were greatly surprised and delighted at the
vastness of the expenses here exhibited, and at the
great dangers that were here seen; ^ but to natural
Jews, this was no better than a dissolution of those

* These grand plays and shows, and thymeVici, or music meetings, and
chariot races, when the chariots were drawn by two, three, or four pair
of horses, etc., instituted by Herod in Ills theatres, were still, as we see
here, looked on by the .sober Jews as heathenish sports, and tending to
corrupt the manners of the Jewish nation, and to bring them in love
with Paganish idolatry, and Paganish conduct of life, but to the dissolu-
tion of the law of Moses, and accordingly were greatly and justly con-
demned by them, as appears here and every where else in Josephus.

Chap. VIII. OF THE JEWS. 537

customs for which they had so great a veneration.
It appeared also no better than an instance of bare-
faced impiety, to throw men to wild beasts, for the
affording delight to the spectators, and it appeared
an instance of no less impiety, to change their own
laws for such foreign exercises: but, above all the
rest, the trophies gave most distaste to the Jews,
for as they imagined them to be images, included
within the armour that hung round about them, they
were sorely displeased at them, because it was not
the custom of their country to pay honours to such
images.

2. Nor was Herod unacquainted with the dis-
turbance they were under; and as he thought it un-
seasonable to use violence with, them, so he spoke
to some of them by way of consolation, and in order
to free them from that superstitious fear they were
under; yet could not he satisfy them, but thej^ cried
out with one accord, out of their great uneasiness
at the offences they thought he had been guilty of,
that although they should think of bearing all the
rest, yet would they never bear images of men in
their city, meaning the trophies, because this was
disagreeable to the laws of their country. Now when
Herod saw them in such a disorder, and that they
would not easily change their resolution unless they
received satisfaction in this point, he called to him
the most eminent men among them, and brought
them upon the theatre, and showed them the trophies,
and asked them, what sort of things they took these
trophies to be? And when they cried out, that they
were the images of men, he gave order that they
should be stripped of these outward ornaments which
were about them, and showed them the naked pieces
of wood; which pieces of wood, now without any
ornament, became matter of great sport and laughter

538 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

to them, because they had before always had the
ornaments of images themselves in derision.

3. When therefore Herod had thus got clear of
the multitude, and had dissipated the vehemency of
passion under which they had been, the greatest
part of the people were disposed to change their
conduct, and not to be displeased at him any longer;
but still some of them continued in their displeasure
against him, for his introduction of new customs,
and esteemed the violation of the laws of their country
as likely to be the origin of very great mischiefs
to them, so that they deemed it an instance of piety
rather to hazard themselves [to be put to death,]
than to seem as if they took no notice of Herod,
who, upon the change he had made in their govern-
ment, introduced such customs, and that in a violent
manner, which they had never been used to before;
as indeed in pretence a king, but in reality one that
showed himself an enemy to their whole nation; on
which account ten men that were citizens [of Jeru-
salem,] conspired together against him, and swore
to one another to undergo any dangers in the at-
tempt, and took daggers with them under their gar-
ments, [for the purpose of killing Herod.] Now
there was a certain blind man among those con-
spirators, who had thus sworn to one another, on
account of the indignation he had against what he
heard to have been done; he was not indeed able to
afford the rest any assistance in the undertaking, but
was ready to undergo any suffering with them, if
so be they should come to any harm, insomuch, that
he became a very great encourager of the rest of
the undertakers.

4. When they had taken this resolution, and that
by common consent, they went into the theatre,
hoping that, in the first place, Herod himself could

Chap. Yiii. OF THE JEWS. 539

not escape them, as they should fall upon him so
unexpectedly; and supposing, however, that if they
missed him, they should kill a great many of those
that were about him; and this resolution they took,
though they should die for it, in order to suggest
to the king, what injuries he had done to the mul-
titude. These conspirators, therefore, standing thus
prepared beforehand, went about their design with
great alacrity; but there was one of those spies of
Herod's that were appointed for such purposes, to
fish out and inform him of any conspiracies that
should be made against him, who found out the whole
affair, and told the king of it, as he was about to go
into the theatre. So when he reflected on the hatred
which he knew the greatest part of the people bore
him, and on the disturbances that arose upon every
occasion, he thought this plot against him not to
be improbable. Accordingly, he retired into his
palace, and called those that were accused of this
conspiracy before him by their several names; and
as, upon the guards' falling upon them, they were
caught in the very fact, and knew they could not
escape, they prepared themselves for their ends with
all the decency they could, and so as not at all to
recede from their resolute behaviour; for they shoM'ed
no shame for what they were about, nor denied it,
but when they were seized, they showed their daggers,
and professed, that "the conspiracy they had sworn
to was a holy and a pious action; that w^hat they
intended to do was not for gain, or out of any indul-
gence to their passions, but principally for those
common customs of their country, which all the Jews
were obliged to observe, or to die for them." This
was what tliese men said, out of their undaunted
courage in this conspiracy. So they were led away
to execution by the king's guards that stood about

540 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

them, and patiently underwent all the torments in-
flicted on them- till they died. Nor was it long before
that spy who had discovered them was seized on by
some of the people, out of the hatred they bore to
him, and was not only slain by them, but pulled to
pieces, limb from limb, and given to the dogs. This
execution was seen by many of the citizens, yet would
not one of them discover the doers of it, till upon
Herod's making a strict scrutiny after them, by
bitter and severe tortures, certain women that were
tortured, confessed what they had seen done; the
authors of which fact were so terribly punished by
the king, that their entire families were destroyed for
this their rash attempt, yet did not the obstinacy of
the people, and that undaunted constancy they showed
in the defence of their laws, make Herod any easier
to them, but he still strengthened himself after a more
secure manner, and resolved to encompass the mul-
titude every way, lest such innovations should end
in an open rebellion.

5. Since, therefore, he had now the city fortified
by the palace in which he lived, and by the temple,
which had a strong fortress by it, called Antonia,
and was rebuilt by himself, he contrived to make
Samaria a fortress for himself also against all the
people, and called it Sebaste, supposing that this
place would be a stronghold against the country, not
inferior to the former. So he fortified that place,
which was a day's journey distant from Jerusalem,
and which would ])e useful to him in common, to
keep both the country and the city in awe. He also
built another fortress for the whole nation; it was of
old called Strato's Tower, but was by him named
Caesarea. Moreover, he chose out some select horse-
men, and placed them in the great plain: and built
[for them] a place in Galilee called Gaba, with

Chap. vm. OF THE JEWS. 541

Hesebonitis, in Perea. And these were the places
which he particularly built, while he was always invent-
ing somewhat farther for his own security, and encom-
passing the whole nation with guards, that they
might by no means get from under his power, nor
fall into tumults, which they did continually upon
any small commotion; and that if they did make any
commotions he might know of it, while some of his
spies might be upon them from the neighbourhood,
and might both be able to know what they were
attemjDting, and to prevent it. And when he went
about building the wall of Samaria, he contrived to
bring thither many of those that had been assisting
to him in his wars, and many of the jieople in that
neighbourhood also, whom he made fellow-citizens
with the rest. This he did out of an ambitious desire
of building a temple, and out of a desire to make the
city more eminent than it had been before, but prin-
cipally because he contrived that it might at once be
for his own security, and a monument of his mag-
nificence. He also changed its name, and called it
Sebaste. Moreover, he j^arted the adjoining country,
which was excellent in its kind, among the inhab-
itants of Samaria, that they might be in a happy
condition, upon their first coming to inhabit it. Be-
sides all which, he encompassed the city with a wall
of great strength, and made use of the acclivity of
the place for making its fortifications stronger; nor
was the compass of the place made now so small as
it had been before, but was such as rendered it not
inferior to the most famous cities; for it was twenty
furlongs in circumference. Now, within and about
the middle of it, he built a sacred place, of a furlong
and a half [in circuit,] and adorned it with all sorts
of decorations, and therein erected a temple, which
was illustrious on account of both its largeness and

542 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

beauty. And as to the several parts of the city, he
adorned them with decorations of all sorts also: and
as to what was necessary to provide for his own
security, he made the walls very strong for that pur-
pose, and made it for the greatest part a citadel; and
as to the elegance of the building, it was taken care
of also, that he might leave monuments of the fine-
ness of his taste, and of his beneficence, to future ages.

CHAPTER IX.

Concerning the famine that happened in Jiidea and
Syria; and hoic Herod, after he had married another
wife, rebuilt Cccsarea, and other Grecian cities.

1. Now on this very year, which was the thirteenth
year of the reign of Herod, very great calamities
came upon the country; whether they were derived
from the anger of God, or whether this misery re-
turns again naturally in certain periods of time;
for in the first place there were perpetual droughts,
and for that reason the ground was barren, and did
not bring forth the same quantity of fruits that it
used to produce; and after this barrenness of the
soil, that change of food which the want of corn
occasioned, produced distempers in the bodies of
men, and a pestilential disease prevailed, one misery
following upon the back of another: and the circum-
stances, that they were destitute both of methods of
cure and of food, made the pestilential distemper,
which began after a violent manner, the more lasting.
The destruction of men also after such a manner
deprived those that survived of all their courage,
because they had no way to provide remedies sufficient

Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 543

for the distresses they were in. When therefore the
fruits of that year were spoiled, and whatsoever they
had laid up beforehand was spent, there was no
foundation of hope for relief remaining, but the
misery, contrary to what they expected, still increased
upon them; and this not only at that year, while
they had nothing for themselves left [at the end of
it,] but what seed they had sown perished also, by
reason of the ground not yielding its fruits on the
^ second year. This distress they were in made them
also, out of necessity, to eat many things that did
not use to be eaten; nor, was the king himself free
from this distress any more than other men, as being
deprived of that tribute he used to have from the
fruits of the ground, and having already expended
what money he had, in his liberality to those whose
cities he had built; nor had he any people that were
worthy of his assistance, since this miserable state
of things had procured him the hatred of his subjects,
for it is a constant rule, that misfortunes are still laid
to the account of those that govern.

2. In these circumstances he considered with him-
self how to procure some seasonable help; but this
was a hard thing to be done, while their neighbours
had no food to sell them, and their money also was
gone, had it been possible to purchase a little food

* This famine that for two years affected Judea and Syria, the 13th
and 14th years of Herod, which are the 23d and 24th years before the
Christian era, seems to have been more terrible during this time than
was that in the days of Jacob, Gen. xli., xlii. And what makes the
comparison the more remarkable is this, that now as well as then, tiie
relief they had was from Egypt also; then from Joseph the governor
of Egypt, under Pharaoh king of Egypt, and now from Petronius the
prefect of Egypt, under Augustus the Roman emperor. See almost tiie
like case, Antiq. B. XX. ch. ii. sect. 6, Vol. III. It is also well worth
our observation here, that these two years were a sabbatic year, and a
year of jubilee, for which Providence, during the theocracy, used to
provide a triple crop beforehand, but became now, when the Jews had
forfeited that blessing, the greatest years of famine to them ever since
the days of Ahab, X Kings xvii,, xviii.

5U ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

at a great price. However, he thought it his best
way, by all means, not to leave off his endeavours to
assist his people; so he cut off the rich furniture that
was in his palace, both of silver and gold, insomuch
that he did not spare the finest vessels he had, or
those that were made with the most elaborate skill
of the artificers, but sent the money to Petronius, who
had been made prefect of Egypt by Ca?sar; and as
not a few had already fled to him under their neces-
sities, and as he was particularly a friend to Herod,
and desirous to have his subjects preserved, he gave
leave to them in the first place to export corn, and
assisted them every way, both in purchasing and
exporting the same, so that he was the principal, if
not the only person, who afforded them what help
they had. And Herod taking care the people should
understand that this lielp came from himself, did
thereby not only remove from him the ill opinion of
those that formerly hated him, but gave them the
greatest demonstration possible of his good-will to
them, and care of them; for, in the first place, as
for those who were able to provide their own food,
he distributed to them their proportion of corn in
the exactest manner, but for those many that were
not able, either by reason of their old age, or any
other infirmity, to provide food for themselves, he
made this provision for them, that the bakers should
make the bread ready for them. He also took care
that they might not l)e hurt by the dangers of winter,
since they were in great want of clothing also, by
reason of the utter destruction and consumption of
their sheep and goats, till they had no wool to make
use of, nor any thing else to cover themselves withal.
And M'hen he had procured these things for his own
subjects, he went farther, in order to provide neces-
saries for their neighbours, and gave seed to the

Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 54>5

Syrians, which thing turned greatly to his own ad-
vantage also, this charitable assistance being afforded
most seasonably to their fruitful soil, so that every
one had now a plentiful provision of food. Upon
the whole, when the harvest of the land was approach-
ing, he sent no fewer than fifty thousand men, whom
he had sustained, into the country; by which means
he both repaired the afflicted condition of his own
kingdom with great generositj^ and diligence, and
lightened the afflictions of his neighbours, who were
under the same calamities, for there was nobody who
had been in want that was left destitute of a suitable
assistance by him: nay, farther, there were neither
any people, nor any cities, nor any private men, who
were to make provision for the multitudes, and on
that account were in want of sujjport, and had re-
course to him, but received what they stood in need
of,* insomuch, that it appeared upon a computation,
that the number of cori of wheat, of ten attick
medimni a-piece, that were given to foreigners,
amounted to ten thousand, and the number that was
given in his own kingdom was about fourscore thou-
sand. Xow it happened that this care of his, and
this seasonable benefaction, had such influence on
the Jews, and was so cried up among other nations,
as to wipe off that old hatred which his violation of
some of their customs, during his reign, had procured
him among all the nation; and that this liberality of
his assistance in this their greatest necessity was full
satisfaction for all that he had done of that nature,
as it also procured him great fame among foreigners:
and it looked as if these calamities that afflicted his
land to a degree plainly incredible, came in order
to raise his glory, and to be to his great advantage,
for the greatness of his liberality in these distresses,
which he now demonstrated beyond all expectation.

546 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

did so change the disposition of the multitude towards
him, that they were ready to suppose he had been
from the beginning not such a one as they had found
him to be by experience, but such a one as the care
he had taken of them in supplying their necessities
proved him now to be.

3. About this time it was that he sent five hundred
chosen men out of the guards of his body as auxiliaries
to CfEsar, whom ^ iElius Gallus led to the Red Sea,
and who were of great service to him there. When
therefore his affairs were thus improved, and were
again in a flourishing condition, he built himself a
palace in the upper city, raising the rooms to a very
great height, and adorning them with the most costly
furniture of gold, and marble seats and beds, and
these were so large, that they could contain very
many companies of men. These apartments were
also of distinct magnitudes, and had particular names
given them, for one apartment was called Cesar's,
another Agrippa's. He also fell in love again, and
married another wife, not suffering his reason to
hinder him from living as he pleased. The occasion
of this his marriage was as follows: There was one
Simon, a citizen of Jerusalem, the son of one Boethus,
a citizen of Alexandria, and a priest of great note
there; this man had a daughter, who was esteemed
the most beautiful woman of that time; and when
the people of Jerusalem began to speak much in
her commendation, it happened that Herod was much
affected with what was said of her; and when he
saw the damsel, he was smitten with her beauty,
yet did he entirely reject the thoughts of using his

' This yl^lius Gallus seems to be no other than that ylilius I.argus
whom I)io speaks of as conductinfr an expedition that was aI)out this
time made into Aral)ia Felix, a<"cording to Petavius, who is here cited
by Spanheirfi. See a full account of this expedition in Prideaux, at the
years 2'3 and 24.

Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 547

authority to abuse her, as beheving, what was the
truth, that by so doing he should be stigmatized for
violence and tyranny, so he thought it best to take
the damsel to wife. And while Simon was of a
dignity too inferior to be allied to him, but still too
considerable to be despised, he governed his inclina-
tions after the most prudent manner, by augmenting
the dignity of the family, and making them more
honourable; so he immediately deprived Jesus, the
son of Phabet, of the high priesthood, and conferred
that dignity on Simon, and so joined in affinity with
him [by marrying his daughter.]

4. When this wadding was over, he built another
citadel in that place where he had conquered the
Jews when he was driven out of his government,
and Antigonus enjoyed it. This citadel is distant
from Jerusalem about threescore furlongs. It was
strong by nature, and fit for such a building. It is
a sort of a moderate hill, raised to a farther height
by the hand of man, till it was of the shape of a
woman's breast. It is encompassed with circular
towers, and hath a strait ascent up to it, which ascent
is composed of steps of polished stones, in number
two hundred. Within it are royal and very rich
apartments, of a structure that provided both for
security and for beauty. About the bottom there are
habitations of such a structure as are well worth
seeing, both on other accounts, and also on account
of the water which is brought thither from a great
way £)ff, and at vast expenses, for the place itself is
destitute of water. The plain that is about this citadel
is full of edifices; not inferior to any city in largeness,
and having the hill above it in the nature of a castle.

5. And now, when all Herod's designs had suc-
ceeded according to his hopes, he had not the least
suspicion that any troubles could arise in his king-

548 ANTIQUITIES Book xy.

dom, because he kept his people obedient, as well by
the fear they stood in of him, for he was implacable
in the infliction of his punishments, as by the prov-
ident care he had showed towards them, after the
most magnanimous manner, when they were under
their distresses: But still he took care to have ex-
ternal security for his government as a fortress against
his subjects; for the orations he made to the cities
were very fine, and full of kindness, and he culti-
vated a seasonable good understanding with their
governors, and bestowed presents on every one of
them, inducing them thereby to be more friendly to
him, and using his magnificent disposition, so as his
kingdom might be the better secured to him, and
this till all his affairs were every way more and more
augmented. But then, this magnificent temper of
his,. and that submissive behaviouj* and liberality which
he exercised towards Caesar, and the most powerful
men of Rome, obliged him to transgress the customs
of his nation, and to set aside many of their laws,
and by building cities after an extravagant manner,
and erecting temples; ^ not in Judea indeed, for that
woidd not have been borne, it being forbidden for
us to pay any honour to images, or representations
of animals, after the manner of the Greeks, but still
he did thus in the country [properly] out of our
bounds, and in the cities thereof. The apology which
he made to the Jews for these things was this, that
all was done, not out of his own inclinations, but by
the commands and injunctions of the others, in order

' One may here take notice, that how tyrannical and extravagant
soever Herod was in himself, and in his Grecian cities, as to those plays,
and shows, and temples for idolatry, mentioned above, ch. viii. sect. 1,
and here also, yet durst even he introduce very few of them into the
cities of the Jews, who, as Josephus here notes, would not even then
have borne them, so zealous were they still for many of the laws of
Moses, even under so tyrannical a government as this was of Herod the
Great.

Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 549

to please Caesar, and the Romans, as though he had
not the Jewish customs so much in his eye as lie had
the honour of those Romans, while yet he had him-
self entirely in view all the while, and indeed was
very ambitious to leave great monuments of his gov-
ernment to posterity; whence it was that he was so
zealous in building such fine cities, and spent such
vast sums of money upon them.

6. Now upon his observation of a place near the
sea, which was very proper for containing a city, and
was before called Strato's Tower, he set about get-
ting a plan for a magnificent city there, and erected
many edifices with great diligence all over it, and
this of white stone. He also adorned it with most
sumptuous palaces, and large edifices for containing
the people; and what was the greatest and most la-
borious work of all, he adorned it with a haven, that
was always free from the waves of the sea. Its
largeness was not less than the Pyra^um [at Athens,]
and had towards the city a double station for the
ships. It was of excellent workmanship; and this
was the more remarkable for its being built in a place
that of itself was not suitable to such noble structures,
but was to be brought to perfection by materials
from other places, and at very great expenses. This
city is situate in Phenicia, in the passage by sea to
Egypt, between Joppa and Dora, which are lesser
maritime cities, and not fit for havens, on account of
the impetuous south winds that beat upon them, which
rolling the sands that come from the sea against the
shores, do not admit of shij^s lying in their station,
but the merchants are generally there forced to ride
at their anchors in the sea itself. So Herod en-
deavoured to rectify this inconvenience, and laid out
such a compass towards the land as might be suffi-
cient for a haven, wherein the great ships might lie

550 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

in safety; and this he effected by letting down vast
stones of above fifty feet in length, not less than
eighteen in breadth, and nine in depth, into twenty
fathom deep, and as some were lesser, so were others
bigger than those dimensions. This mole which he
built by the sea side was two hundred feet wide, the
half of which was opposed to the current of the waves,
so as to keep off those waves which were to break
upon them, and so was called Procymatia, or the
first breaker of the waves, but the other half had
upon it a wall, with several towers, the largest of
which was named Drusus, and was a work of very
great excellence, and had its name from Drusus, the
son-in-law of Caesar, who died young. There were
also a great number of arches where the mariners
dwelt. There were also before them a key [or land-
ing place,] which ran round the entire haven, and
was a most agreeable walk to such as had a mind
to that exercise; but the entrance or mouth of the
port was made on the north quarter, on which side
was the stillest of the winds of all in this place: and
the basis of the whole circuit on the left hand, as
you enter the port, supported a round turret, which
was made very strong, in order to resist the greatest
waves, while on the right hand, as you enter, stood
two vast stones, and those each of them larger than
the turret, which was over against them: these stood
upright, and were joined together. Now there were
edifices all along the circular haven, made of the
polished stone, with a certain elevation, whereon was
erected a temple, that was seen a great way off by
those that were sailing for that haven, and had in
it two statues, the one of Rome, the other of Ceesar.
As the city itself was called Csesarea, which was also
itself built of fine materials, and was of a fine
structure; nay, the very subterranean vaults and

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 551

cellars had no less of architecture bestowed on them
than had the buildings above ground. Some of these
vaults carried things at even distances to the haven
and to the sea, but one of them ran obliquely, and
bound all the rest together, that both the rain and
the filth of the citizens were together carried off
with ease, and the sea itself, upon the flux of the
tide from without, came into the city, and washed
it all clean. Herod also built therein a theatre of
stone; and on the south quarter, behind the port,
an amphitheatre also, capable of holding a vast num-
ber of men, and conveniently situated for a prospect
to the sea. So this city was thus finished in ^ twelve
years; during which time the king did not fail to go
on both with the work and to pay the charges that
were necessary.

CHAPTER X.

How Herod sent his sous to Rome; how also he was
accused hy Zenodorus, and the Gadarens, hut was
cleared of what they accused him of, and withal
gained to himself the good-will of Ccesar. Con-
cerning the Pharisees, the Essens, and Manahem.

1. When Herod was engaged in such matters,
and when he had already re-edified Sebaste [Samaria,]
he resolved to send his sons Alexander and Aristobulus
to Rome, to enjoy the company of Csesar; who, when
they came thither, lodged at the house of " Pollio,

• Caesarea being here said to be rebuilt and adorned in twelve years,
and soon afterwards in ten years, Antiq. B. XVI. ch. v, sect. 1, there
must be a mistake in one of the places as to the true number, but which
of them it is hard positively to determine.

=* This Pollio, with whom Herod's sons lived at Rome, was not Pollio

552 AXTIQUITIES Book xv.

who was very fond of Herod's friendship; and they
had leave to lodge in Ceesar's own palace, for he re-
ceived these sons of Herod with all humanity, and
gave Herod leave to give his kingdom to which of his
sons he pleased; and, besides all this, he bestowed
on him Trachon, and Batanea, and Auranitis, which
he gave him on the occasion following: One ^ Zeno-
dorus had hired what was called the house of Lysa-
nias, who, as he was not satisfied with its revenues,
became a partner with the robbers that inhabited the
Trachones, and so procured himself a larger income;
for the inhabitants of those places hved in a mad
way, and pillaged the country of the Damascenes,
while Zenodorus did not restrain them, but partook
of the prey they acquired. Now, as the neighbouring
people were hereby great sufferers, they complained
to Varro, who was then president [of Syria,] and
entreated him to write to Ctcsar about this injustice
of Zenodorus. When these matters were laid before
Cffisar, he wrote back to Varro to destroy those nests
of robbers, and to give the land to Herod, that so
by his care the neighbouring countries might be no
longer disturbed with these doings of the Trachonites,
for it was not an easy thing to restrain them, since
this way of robbery had been their usual practice, and
they had no other way to get their living, because they
had neither any city of their own, nor lands in their
possession, but only some receptacles and dens in the
earth, and there they and their cattle lived in com-
mon together: However, they had made contrivances
to get pools of water, and laid up corn in granaries

the Pharisee, already mentioned by Josephus, ch. 1. sect. 1, and again
presently after this, ch. x. sect, i, but Asinius Pollio, the Roman, as
Spanheim here observes.

* The character of this Zenodorus is so like that of a famous robber
of this same name in Strabo, and that about this very country, and
about this very time also, that I think Dr. Hudson hardly needed to
have put a perhapa to his determination that they were the same.

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 553

for themselves, and were able to make great resistance,
by issuing out on the sudden against any that attacked
them; for the entrances of their caves were narrow,
in which but one could come in at a time, and the
places within incredibly large, and made very wide;
but the ground over their habitations was not very
high, but rather on a plain, while the rocks are
altogether hard and difficult to be entered upon, unless
any one gets into the plain road by the guidance of
another, for these roads are not straight, but have
several revolutions. But when these men are hindered
from their wicked j^reying upon their neighbours, their
custom is to prey one upon another, insomuch that
no sort of injustice comes amiss to them. But when
Herod had received this grant from Caesar, and was
come into this country, he procured skilful guides,
and put a stop to their wicked robberies, and procured
peace and quietness to the neighbouring j^eople.

2. Hereupon Zenodorus was gi-ieved, in the first
place, because his principality was taken away from
him, and still more so, because he envied Herod, who
had gotten it; so he went up to Rome to accuse
him, but returned back again without success. Now
Agrippa was [about this time] sent to succeed Cfesar
in the government of the countries bej^ond the Ionian
sea, upon whom Herod light when he was wintering
about jNIitylene, for he had been his particular friend
and companion, and then returned into Judea again.
However, some of the Gadarens came to Agrippa,
and accused Herod, whom he sent back bound to the
king without giving them the hearing: but still the
Arabians, who of old bare ill-will to Herod's govern-
ment, were nettled, and at that time attempted to
raise a sedition in his dominions, and as they thought
upon a more justifiable occasion: for Zenodorus, de-
spairing already of success, as to his own afi'airs,

554^ ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

prevented [his enemies,] by selling to those Arabians
a part of his principality, called Auranitis, for the
value of fifty talents; but as this vi^as included in the
donations of Caesar, they contested the point with
Herod, as unjustly deprived of what they had
bought. Sometimes they did this by making in-
cursions upon him, and sometimes by attempting force
against him, and sometimes by going to law with
him. Moreover, they persuaded the poorer soldiers
to help them, and were troublesome to him, out of a
constant hope that they should seduce the people to
raise a sedition; in which designs those that are in
the most miserable circumstances of life, are still the
most earnest; and although Herod had been a great
while apprized of these attempts, yet did not he in-
dulge any severity to them, but by rational methods
aimed to mitigate things, as not willing to give any
handle for tumults.

3. Now when Herod had already reigned seven-
teen years, Caesar came into Syria; at which time
the greatest part of the inhabitants of Gadara clam-
oured against Herod, as one that was heavy in his
injunctions, and tyrannical. These reproaches they
mainly ventured upon by the encouragement of
Zenodorus, who took his oath that he would never
leave Herod till he had procured that they should
be severed from Herod's kingdom, and joined to
Csesar's province. The Gadarens were induced hereby,
and made no small cry against him, and that the
more boldly, because those that had been delivered
up by Agripj^a were not punished by Herod, who
let them go, and did them no harm, for indeed he
was the princij)al man in the world who appeared
almost inexorable in punishing crimes in his own
family, but very generous in remitting the offences
that were committed elsewhere. And while they ac-

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 555

cused Herod of injuries, and plunderings, and subver-
sions of temples, he stood unconcerned, and was ready
to make his defence. However, Cssar gave him his
right-hand, and remitted nothing of his kindness to
him, upon this disturbance by the multitude; and
indeed these things were alleged the first day, but the
hearing proceeded no farther; for as the Gadarens
saw the inclination of Cffisar and of his assessors, and
expected, as they had reason to do, that they should
be delivered up to the king, some of them, out of a
dread of the torments they might undergo, cut their
own throats in the night time, and some of them
threw themselves down precipices, and others of them
cast themselves into the river, and destroyed them-
selves of their own accord; which accidents seemed a
sufficient condemnation of the rashness and crimes
they had been guilty of: whereupon Casar made no
longer delay, but cleared Herod from the crimes he
was accused of. Another happy accident there was,
which was a farther great advantage to Herod at
this time; for Zenodorus' belly burst, and a great
quantity of blood issued from him in his sickness,
and he thereby departed this life at Antioch in Syria;
so Csesar bestowed his country, which was no small
one, upon Herod; it lay between Trachon and Galilee,
and contained Ulatha, and Paneas, and the country
round about. He also made him one of the procura-
tors of Syria, and commanded that they should do
every thing with his approbation: and, in short, he
arrived at that pitch of felicity, that whereas there
were but two men that governed the vast Roman
empire, first Csesar, and then Agrippa, who was his
principal favourite; Caesar preferred no one to Herod
besides Agrij^pa, and Agrippa made no one his greater
friend than Herod besides Ca?sar. And when he had
acquired such freedom, he begged of Caesar a tet-

556 ANTIQUITIES Book xy.

rarchy ^ for his brother Pheroras, while he did him-
self bestow upon him a revenue of a hundred talents
out of his own kingdom, that in case he came to any
harm himself, his brother might be in safety, and
that his sons might not have dominion over him.
So when he had conducted Caesar to the sea, and was
returned home, he built liim a most beautiful temple
of the whitest stone, in Zenodorus' country, near the
place called Panium. This is a very fine cave in a
mountain, under which there is a great cavity in the
earth, and the cavern is abrupt, and prodigiously deep,
and full of a still water; over it hangs a vast mountain;
and under the caverns arise the springs of the river
Jordan. Herod adorned this place, which was already
a very remarkable one, still farther, by the erection of
this temple, which he dedicated to Ca?sar.

4. At which time Herod released to his subjects
the third part of their taxes, under pretence indeed of
relieving them, after the dearth they had had; but
the main reason was, to recover their good-will,
which he now wanted, for they were uneasy at him,
because of the innovations he had introduced in their
practices, of the dissolution of their religion, and of
the disuse of their own customs; and the people every
where talked against him, like those that were still
more provoked and disturbed at his procedure : against
which discontents he greatly guarded himself, and
took away the opportunities they might have to dis-
turb him, and enjoined them to be always at work,
nor did he permit the citizens either to meet together,
or to walk, or to eat together, but watched every
thing they did, and when any were caught they
were severely punished, and many there were who

* A tet rarchy properly and originally denoted the fourth part of

an entire kingdom or country, and a tetrarch one that was a ruler of

such a fourth part; which always implies somewhat less extent of
dominion and power than belong to a kingdom and to a king.

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 557

were brought to the citadel Hyrcania, both openly
and secretly, and were there put to death; and there
were spies set every where, both in the city, and in
the roads, who watched those that met together; nay,
it is reported, that he did not himself neglect this
part of caution, but that he would oftentimes him-
self take the habit of a private man, and mix among
the multitude, in the night time, and make trial what
opinion they had of his government; and as for those
that could no way be reduced to acquiesce under his
scheme of government, he prosecuted them all manner
of ways, but for the rest of the multitude, he required
that they should be obliged to take an oath of fidelity
to him, and at the same time compelled them to
swear that they would bear him good-will, and con-
tinue certainly so to do, in his management of the
government; and indeed a great part of them, either
to please him, or out of fear of him, yielded to what
he required of them, but for such as were of a more
open and generous disposition, and had indignation
at the force he used to them, he by one means or
other made away with them. He endeavoured also
to persuade Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, and the
greatest part of their scholars, to take the oath; but
these would neither submit so to do, nor were they
punished together with the rest, out of the reverence
he bore to Pollio. The Essens also, as we call a sect
of ours, were excused from this imposition. These
men live the same kind of life as do those whom the
Greeks call Pyihagoreans, concerning whom I shall
discourse more fully elsewhere. However, it is but
fit to set down here the reasons wherefore Herod
had these Essens in such honour, and thought higher
of them than their mortal nature required; nor will
this account be unsuitable to the nature of this history,
as it will show the opinion men had of these Essens.

558 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

Now there was one of these Essens, whose name
was INIanahem, who had this testimony, that he not
only conducted his hfe after an excellent manner,
but had the foreknowledge of future events given him
by God also. This man once saw Herod when he
was a child, and going to school, and saluted him as
king of the Jews ; but he thinking that either he did not
know him, or that he was in jest, put him in mind
that he was but a private man, but INIanahem smiled
to himself, and clapped him on his backside with his
hand, and said, "However that be thou wilt be king,
and wilt begin thy reign happily, for God finds thee
worthy of it. And do thou remember the blows that
JNIanaheni hath given thee, as being a signal of the
change of thy fortune. And truly this will be the
reasoning for thee, that thou love justice [towards
men,] and piety towards God, and clemency towards
thy citizens; yet do I know how thy whole conduct
will be, that thou wilt not be such a one, for thou
wilt excel all men in hapj^iness, and obtain an ever-
lasting reputation, but wilt forget piety and righteous-
ness; and these crimes will not be concealed from
God, at the conclusion of thy life, when thou wilt
find that he will be mindful of them, and punish thee
for them." Now at that time Herod did not at all
attend to what INIanahem said, as having no hopes
of such advancement; but a little afterward, when he
was so fortunate as to be advanced to the dignity
of king, and was in the height of his dominion, he
sent for Manahem, and asked him. How long he
should reign? INIanahem did not tell him the full
length of his reign, wherefore, upon that silence of
his, he asked him, farther. Whether he should reign
ten years or not? he replied, "Yes, twenty, nay,
thirty years," but did not assign the just determinate
limit of his reign. Herod was satisfied with these

Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 559

replies, and gave Manahem his hand, and dismissed
him, and from that time he continued to honour all
the Essens. We have thought it proper to relate
these facts to our readers, how strange soever they
be, and to declare what hath happened among us,
because many of the Essens have by their excellent
virtue, been thought worthy of his knowledge of
divine revelations.

CHAPTER XI.

How Herod rehuilt the temple, and r cased it higher,
and made it more magnificent than it was before;
as also concerning that tower which he called An-
tonia.

1. And now Herod, in the eighteenth year of his
reign, and after the acts already mentioned, under-
took a very great work, that is, to build of himself
the ^ temple of God, and make it large in compass,
and to raise it to a most magnificent altitude, as
esteeming it to be the most glorious of all his actions,
as it really was, to bring it to perfection, and this
would be sufficient for an everlasting memorial of
him; but as he knew the multitude were not ready
nor willing to assist him in so vast a design, he

^ We may here observe, that the fancy of the modern Jews, in calling
this temple, which was really the third of their temples, the second
temple, followed so long by later Christians, seems to be without any
solid foundation. The reason why the Christians here followed the Jews,
is, because the prophecy of Haggai ii. 6-9, which they expound of the
Messiah's coming to the second or Zorobabel's temple, of which they
suppose this of Herod's to be only a continuation, which is meant, I
think, of his coming to the fourth and Inst temple, or to that future,
largest, and most glorious one, described by Ezekiel: whence I take the
former notion, liow general soever, to be a great mistake. See Lit.
Accomp. of Projih. p. 24.

560 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

thought to prepare them first by making a speech to
them, and then set about the work itself; so he called
them together, and spake thus to them: "I think I
need not speak to you, my countrymen, about such
other works as I have done since I came to the
kingdom, although I may say they have been per-
formed in such a manner as to bring more security
to you than glory to myself; for I have neither been
negligent in the most difficult times about what tended
to ease your necessities, nor have the buildings I have
made been so proper to j)reserve me as yourselves from
injuries; and I imagine that, with God's assistance,
I have advanced the nation of the Jews to a degree
of haj^jDiness which they never had before; and for
the particular edifices belonging to your own country,
and your own cities, that we have lately acquired,
which we have erected and greatly adorned, and
thereby augmented the dignity of your nation, it
seems to me a needless task to enumerate them to you,
since you well know them yourselves; but as to
that undertaking which I have a mind to set about
at present, and which will be a work of the greatest
piety, and excellence, that can possibly be undertaken
by us, I will now declare it to you. Our fathers
indeed, when they were returned from Babylon, built
this temple to God Almighty, yet does it want sixty
cubits of its largeness in altitude; for so much did
that first temple which Solomon built exceed this
temple; nor let am^ one condemn our fathers for their
negligence or want of piety herein, for it was not
their fault that the temple was no higher; for they
were Cyrus, and Darius the son of Hystasj^es, who
determined the measures for its rebuilding; and it
hath been by reason of the subjection of those fathers
of ours to them, and to their posterity, and after
them to the ^Macedonians, that they had not the op-

Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 561

portunity to follow the original model of this pious
edifice, nor could raise it to its ancient altitude: but
since I am now, by God's will, your governor, and
I have had peace a long time, and have gained great
riches, and large revenues, and, what is the principal
thing of all, I am at amity with, and well regarded
by, the Romans, who, if I may so say, are the rulers
of the whole world, I will do my endeavour to correct
that imperfection, which hath arisen from the neces-
sity of our affairs, and the slavery we have been under
formerly, and to make a thankful return, after the
most pious manner, to God, for what blessings I have
received from him, by giving me this kingdom, and that
by rendering his temple as complete as I am able."

2. And this was the speech which Herod made
to them: but still this speech affrighted many of the
people, as being unexpected by them; and, because
it seemed incredible, it did not encourage them, but
put a damp upon them, for they were afraid that he
would pull down the whole edifice, and not be able
to bring his intentions to perfection for its rebuilding;
and this danger appeared to them to be very great,
and the vastness of the undertaking to be such as
could hardly be accomplished. But while they were
in this disposition, the king encouraged them, and
told them, "he would not pull down their temple till
all things were gotten ready for building it up entirely
again." And as he promised them this beforehand,
so he did not break his word with them, but got ready
a thousand wagons, that were to bring stones for
the building, and chose out ten thousand of the most
skilful workmen, and brought a thousand sacerdotal
garments for as many of the priests, and had some
of them taught the arts of stone-cutters, and others
of carpenters, and then began to build, but this not
till every thing was well prepared for the work.

562 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

3. So Herod took away the old foundations, and
laid others, and erected the temple upon them, being
in length a hundred cubits, and in height twenty ad-
ditional cubits, which [twenty,] upon the ^ sinking
of their foundations, fell down: and this part it was
that we resolved to raise again in the days of Nero.
Now the temple was built of stones that were white
and strong, and each of their length was twenty-five
cubits, their height was eight, and their breadth about
twelve; and the whole structure, as was also the
structure of the royal cloister, was on each side
much lower, but the middle was much higher, till
they were visible to those that dwelt in the country
for a great many furlongs, but chiefly to such as
lived over against them, and those that approached
to them. The temple had doors also at the entrance,
and lintels over them, of the same height with the
temple itself. They were adorned with embroidered
vails, with their flowers of purple, and pillars inter-
woven: and over these, but under the crown-work,
was spread out a golden vine, with its branches hang-
ing down from a great height, the largeness and fine
workmanship of which was a surprising sight to the
spectators, to see what vast materials there were,
and with what great skill the workmanship was done.

' Some of our modern students in architecture have made a strange
blunder here, when they imagine that Josephus affirms the entire founda-
tion of the temple or holy house sunk down into the rocky mountain on
which it stood, no less than 20 cubits; whereas he is clear, that they
were the foundations of the additional 20 cubits only above the hundred,
(made perhaps weak on purpose, and only for show and grandeur,)
that sunk or fell down, as Dr. Hudson rightly understands him: nor
is the thing itself possible in the other sense. Agrippa's preparation for
building the inner parts of the temple 20 cubits higher, (History of the
War, 13. v. ch. i. sect. 5,) must in all probability refer to this matter,
since Josephus says here, that this which iiad fallen down was designed
to be raised up again under Nero, under whom Agrippa made that
preparation. But what Josephus says presently, that Solomon was the
first king of the Jews, appears by the parallel place, Antiq. B. XX.
ch. ix. sect. 7, Vol. HI. and other places, to be meant only the first of
David's posterity, and the first buUder of the temple.

Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 563

He also encompassed the entire temple with very-
large cloisters, contriving them to be in a due pro-
portion thereto; and he laid out larger sums of money
upon them than had been done before him, till it
seemed that no one else had so greatly adorned the
temple as he had done. There was a large wall to
both the cloisters, which wall was itself the most
prodigious work that was ever heard of by man. The
hill was a rocky ascent, that declined by degrees
towards the east parts of the city, till it came to an
elevated level. This hill it was which Solomon, who
was the first of our kings, by divine revelation, en-
comj^assed with a wall; it was of excellent work-
manship upwards, and round the to]) of it. He also
built a wall below, beginning at the bottom, which
was encompassed by a deej) valley; and at the south
side he laid rocks together, and bound them one to
another with lead, and included some of the inner
parts, till it proceeded to a great height, and till both
the largeness of the square edifice, and its altitude,
were immense, and till the vastness of the stones in
the front were plainly visible on the outside, yet
so that the inward parts were fastened together with
iron, and preserved the joints immovable for all
future times. When this work [for the foundation]
was done in this manner, and joined together as part
of the hill itself to the very top of it, he wrought it
all into one outward surface, and filled up the hollow
places which were about the wall, and made it a
level on the external upper surface, and a smooth
level also. This hill was walled all round, and in
compass four furlongs, [the distance of] each angle
containing in length a furlong: but within this wall,
and on the very top of all, there ran another wall
of stone also, having, on the east quarter, a double
cloister, of the same length with the wall; in the

564> ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

midst of which was the temple itself. This cloister
looked to the gates of the temple; and it had been
adorned by many kings in former times: And round
about the entire temple were fixed the spoils taken
from barbarous nations; all these had been dedicated
to the temple by Herod, with the addition of those
he had taken from the Arabians.

4. Now on the north side [of the temple] was
built a citadel, whose walls were square, and strong,
and of extraordinary firmness. This citadel was built
by the kings of the Asamonean race, who were also high
priests before Herod, and they called it the Tower, in
which were reposited the vestments of the high priest,
which the high priest only put on at the time when he
was to offer sacrifice. These vestments king Herod
kept in that place, and after his death they were under
the power of the Romans, until the time of Tiberius
CfEsar; under whose reign Vitellius, the president
of Syria, when he once came to Jerusalem, and had
been most magnificently received by the multitude,
he had a mind to make them some requital for the
kindness they had showed him, so, upon their petition
to have those holy vestments in their own power,
he wrote about them to Tiberius Caesar, who granted
his request; and this their power over the sacerdotal
vestments continued with the Jews till the death of
king Agrippa; but after that, Cassius Longinus, who
was president of Syria, and Cuspius Fadus, who was
procurator of Judea, enjoined the Jews to reposit those
vestments in the Tower of Antonia, for that they
ought to have them in their power, as they formerly
had. However, the Jews sent ambassadors to
Claudius Caesar, to intercede with him for them, upon
whose coming, king Agrippa, jun. being then at
Rome, asked for, and obtained, the power over them
from the emperor, who gave command to Vitellius,

Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 565

who was then commander in Syria, to give it them
accordingly. Before that time, they were kept under
the seal of the high priest, and of the treasurers of
the temple; which treasurers, the day before a festival,
went up to the Roman captain of the temple guards,
and viewed their own seal, and received the vest-
ments; and again, when the festival was over, they
brought them to the same place, and showed the
captain of the temple guards their seal, which cor-
responded with his seal, and reposited them there.
And that these things were so, the afflictions that
happened to us afterward [about them] are sufficient
evidence: But for the tower itself, when Herod the
king of the Jews had fortified it more firmly than
before, in order to secure and guard the temple, he
gratified Antonius, who was his friend, and the
Roman ruler, and then gave it the name of the Tower
of Antonia.

5. Xow in the western quarters of the enclosure
of the temple there were four gates; the first led
to the king's palace, and went to a passage over the
intermediate valley; two more led to the suburbs
of the city; and the last led to the other city, where
the road descended down into the valley by a great
number of stejDS, and thence up again by the ascent,
for the city lay over against the temple in the manner
of a theatre, and was encompassed with a deep valley
along the entire south quarter; but the fourth front
of the temple, which was southward, had indeed
itself gates in its middle, as also it had the royal
cloister, with three walks which reached in length
from the east valley unto that on the west, for it
was impossible it should reach any farther: and this
cloister deserves to be mentioned better than any
other under the sun; for while the valley was very
deep, and its bottom could not be seen, if you looked

566 ANTIQUITIES Book xv.

from above into the depth, this farther vastly high
elevation of the cloister stood upon that height, inso-
much, that if any one looked down from the top of
the battlements, or down both those altitudes, he
would be giddy, while his sight could not reach to
such an immense depth. This cloister had pillars
that stood in four rows one over against the other
all along, for the fourth row was interwoven into the
wall, which [also was built of stone;] and the thickness
of each pillar was such, that three men might, with
their arms extended, fathom it round, and join their
hands again, while its length was twentj^-seven feet
with a double spiral at its basis; and the number of
all the pillars [in that court] was a hundred and
sixty-two. Their chapiters were made with sculptures
after the Corinthian order, and caused an amazement
[to the spectators,] by reason of the grandeur of the
whole. These four rows of pillars included three
intervals for walking in the middle of this cloister;
two of which walks were made parallel to each other,
and were contrived after the same manner; the
breadth of each of them was thirty feet, the length
was a furlong, and the height fifty feet, but the
breadth of the middle part of the cloister was one
and a half of the other, and the height was double,
for it was much higher than those on each side; but
the roofs were adorned with deep sculptures in wood,
representing many sorts of figures: the middle was
much higher than the rest, and the wall of the front
was adorned with beams, resting upon pillars that
were interwoven into it, and that front was all of
polished stone; insomuch, that its fineness, to such
as had not seen it, was incredible, and to such as
had seen it, was greatly amazing. Thus was the first
enclosure, in tlie midst of whicli, and not far from
it, was the second, to be gone up to by a few steps;

Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 567

this was encompassed by a stone wall for a partition,
with an inscription, which forbade any foreigner to
go in under pain of death. Now, this inner enclosure
had on its southern and northern quarters three gates
[equally] distant one from another; but on the east
quarter, towards the sunrising, there was one large
gate, through which such as were pure came in,
together with their wives, but the temple farther
inward in that gate was not allowed to the women;
but still more inward was there a third [court of
the] temple, whereinto it was not lawful for any
but the priests alone to enter. The temple itself
was within this; and before that temple was the altar,
upon which we offer our sacrifices and burnt-offerings
to God. Into ^ none of these three did king Herod
enter, for he was forbidden, because he was not a
priest. However, he took care of the cloisters, and
the outer enclosures, and these he built in eight
years.

6. But the temple itself was built by the priests
in a year and six months: upon which all the people
were full of joy; and presently they returned thanks,
in the first place to God, and in the next place, for
the alacrity the king had showed. They feasted, and
celebrated this rebuilding of the temple: And for
the king, he sacrificed three hundred oxen to God,
as did the rest, every one according to his ability; the
number of which sacrifices is not possible to be set down,
for it cannot be that we should truly relate it: for
at the same time witli tliis celebration for the work
about the temple, fell also the day of the king's

* Into none of these three did hint/ Herod enter, i.e. 1, Not into
the court of the priests; 2, nor into the holy house itself; 3, nor into
the separate place belonging to the altar, as the words following imply,
for none but priests, or their attendants, the Levites, might come into
any of them. See Antiq. B. XVI. ch. iv. sect. 6, when Herod goes into
the temple, and makes a speech in it to the people, but that could only
be into the court of Israel, whither the people could come to hear him.

5^ AXTTQriTIES B^k xv.

:'jee of tbaa botiip made ~-.~ iv-tiTal most

'. ^_..d was also an ficcult passage built for the
kin^: it led frcmi Antonia to the inner temple, at
its easton sate: otct wlndi he also erected for him-
sielf a tower, that he mi^ht haTe the opportonitir of
a snhfjsnraneoas ascent to the temple, in order to
goard against anjr seditioo ivhidi mi^it be made hy
the people against their kings. It is also ^reported,
that dmring the time that the temple was building,
it did not rain in the daytime^ bat that the diowers
fell in the ni^bt, so that the work was not hindered.
And this onr fathers haTc delivered to ns; nor is it
incredible, if anjr €me have r^ard to the manif estaticHos
of G ' A":'^. "^^ : ^as performed the work of the
lebu- - ;!e.

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570 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

ment being avoided in our original laws; for those
laws ordain, that the thief shall restore four-fold:
and that if he have not so much, he shall be sold
indeed, but not to foreigners, nor so that he be under
perpetual slavery, for he must have been released
after six years. But this law, thus enacted, in order
to introduce a severe and illegal punishment, seemed
to be a piece of insolence in Herod, when he did not
act as a king but as a tyrant, and thus contemptuously,
and without any regard to his subjects, did he venture
to introduce such a punishment. Now this penalty,
thus brought into practice, was like Herod's other
actions, and became a part of his accusation, and an
occasion of the hatred he lay under.

2. Now at this time it was that he sailed to Italy,
as very desirous to meet with Csesar, and to see his
sons who lived at Rome: and Csesar was not only very
obliging to him in other respects, but delivered him
his sons again, that he might take them home with
him as having already completed themselves in the
sciences; but as soon as the young men were come
from Italy, the multitude were very desirous to see
them, and they became conspicuous among them all,
as adorned with great blessings of fortune, and having
the countenances of persons of royal dignity. So
they soon appeared to be the objects of envy to
Salome, the king's sister, and to such as had raised
calumnies against Mariamne; for they were suspicious,
that when these came to the government, they should
be punished for the wickedness they had been guilty
of against their mother: so they made this very fear
of theirs a motive to raise calumnies against them
also. They gave it out that they were not pleased
with their father's company, because he had put their
mother to death, as if it were not agreeable to piety
to appear to converse with their mother's murderer.

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 571

Now by carrying these stories, that had indeed a
true foundation [in the fact,] but were only built
on probabilities, as to the present accusation, they
were able to do them mischief, and to make Herod
take away that kindness from his sons which he had
before borne to them, for they did not say these things
to him openly, but scattered abroad such words among
the rest of the multitude; from which words, when
carried to Herod, he was induced [at last] to hate
them, and which natural affection itself, even, in length
of time, was not able to overcome; yet was the king
at that time in a condition to prefer the natural af-
fection of a father before all the suspicions and
calumnies his sons lay under; So he respected them
as he ought to do, and married them to wives, now
they were of an age suitable thereto. To Aristobulus
he gave for a wife Berenice, Salome's daughter, and
to Alexander, Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus.
king of Cappadocia.

CHAPTER 11.

How Herod twice sailed to Agrippa: and how, upon
the complaint of the Jews in Ionia, against the
Greeks, Agrippa confirmed the laws of the Jews
to them.

1. When Herod had despatched these affairs, and
he understood that Marcus Agrippa had sailed again
out of Italy into Asia, he made haste to him, and
besought him to come to him into his kingdom, and
to partake of what he might justly expect from one
that had been his guest, and was his friend. This
request he greatly pressed, and to it Agrippa agreed

572 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

and came into Judea; whereupon Herod omitted
nothing that might please him. He entertained him
in his new built cities, and showed him the edifice he
had built, and provided all sorts of the best and most
costly dainties for him and his fi'iends, and that at
Sebaste and C^esarea, about that port that he had
built, and at the fortresses which he had erected at
great expense, Alexandrium, and Herodium, and
HjTcania. He also conducted him to the city
Jerusalem, where all the j^eoj^le met him in their
festival garments, and received him with acclama-
tions. Agrippa also offered a hecatomb of sacrifices
to God; and feasted the people, without omitting
any of the greatest dainties that could be gotten.
He also took so much pleasure there, that he abode
many days with them, and would willingly have stayed
longer, but that the season of the year made him
make haste away; for, as winter was coming on, he
thought it not safe to go to sea later, and yet he
was of necessity to return again to Ionia.

2. So Agrippa went away, when Herod had be-
stowed on him, and on the principal of those that
were with him, many presents; but king Herod,
when he had passed the winter in his own dominions,
made haste to get to him again in the spring, when
he knew he designed to go to a campaign at the
Bosphorus. So when he had sailed by Rhodes, and
by Cos, he touched at Lesbos, as thinking he should
have overtaken Agrippa there, but he was taken short
here by a northwind, which hindered his ship from
going to the shore; so he continued many days at Chios,
and there he kindly treated a great many that came
to him, and obliged them by giving them royal gifts.
And when he saw that the portico of the city was
fallen down, which, as it was overthrown in the
iNIithridatic war, and was a very large and fine build-

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 573

ing, so was it not so easy to rebuild that, as it was
the rest, yet did he furnish a sum not only large
enough for that purpose, but what was more than
sufficient to finish the building, and ordered them not
to overlook that portico, but to rebuild it quickly, that
so the city might recover its proper ornaments. And
when the high winds were laid, he sailed to Mity-
lene, and thence to Byzantium ; and when he heard that
Agrippa was sailed beyond the Cyanean rocks, he
made all the haste possible to overtake him, and came
up with him aboui, Shiope, in Pontus. He >vas seen
saihng by the shipmen most unexpectedly, but ap-
peared to their great joy; and many friendly saluta-
tions there were between them, insomuch that Agrippa
thought he had received the greatest marks of the
king's kindness and humanity towards him possible,
since the king had come so long a voyage, and at
a very proper season for his assistance, and had
left the government of his own dominions, and thought
it more worth his while to come to him. Accordingly,
Herod was all in all to Agrippa, in the management
of the war, and a great assistant in civil affairs, and
in giving him counsel as to particular matters. He
was also a pleasant companion for him when he re-
laxed himself, and a joint partaker with him in all
things: in troubles because of his kindness, and in
prosperity because of the respect Agrippa had for
him. Now as soon as those affairs of Pontus were
finished, for whose sake Agrij^pa was sent thither,
they did not think fit to return by sea, but passed
through Paphlagonia and Cappadocia; they then
travelled thence over great Phrygia, and came to
Ephesus, and then they sailed from Ephesus to
Samos. And indeed the king bestowed a great many
benefits on every city that he came to, according as
they stood in need of them; for as for those that

574 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

wanted either money or kind treatment, he was not
wanting to them; but he supphed the former him-
self out of his own expenses: he also became an
intercessor with Agrippa for all such as sought after
his favour, and he brought things so about, that the
petitioners failed in none of their suits to him,
Agrippa being himself of a good disposition, and of
great generosity, and ready to grant all such requests
as might be advantageous to the petitioners, provided
they were not to the detriment of others. The inclina-
tion of the king was of great weight also, and still
excited AgrijDpa, who was himself ready to do good;
for he made a reconciliation between the f)eople of
Ilium, at whom he was angry, and paid what money
the people of Chios owed Ccesar's procurators, and
discharged them of their tributes; and helped all
others according as their several necessities required.

3. But now when Agrippa and Herod were in
Ionia, a great multitude of Jews, who dwelt in their
cities, came to them, and laying hold of the op-
portunity and the liberty now given them, laid before
them the injuries which they suffered, while they
were not permitted to use their own laws, but were
compelled to prosecute their lawsuits, by the ill usage
of the judges, upon their holy-days, and were deprived
of the money they used to lay up at Jerusalem, and
were forced into the army, and upon such other
offices as obliged them to spend their sacred money:
from which burdens they always used to be freed
by the Romans, who had still permitted them to live
according to their own laws. When this clamour
was made, the king desired of Agrippa that he would
hear their cause, and assigned Nicolaus, one of his
friends, to plead for those, their privileges. Accord-
ingly, when Agrippa had called the principal of the
Romans, and such of the kings and rulers as were

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 575

there, to be his assessors, Nicolaus stood up, and
pleaded for the Jews, as follows: "It is of necessity
incumbent on such as are in distress to have recourse
to those that have it in their power to free them
from those injuries they lie under; and for those
that now are complainants, they approach you with
great assurance; for as they have formerly often ob-
tained your favour, so far as they have even wished
to have it, they now only entreat that you, who have
been the donors, will take care that those favours
you have already granted them may not be taken
away from them. We have received these favours
from you, who alone have power to grant them, but
have them taken from us by such as are no greater
than ourselves, and by such as we know are as much
subjects as we are: and certainly, if we have been
vouchsafed great favours, it is to our own commenda-
tion, who have obtained them, as having been found
deserving of such great favours; and if those favours
be but small ones, it would be barbarous for the
donors not to confirm them to us; and for those
that are the hinderance of the Jews, and use them
reproachfully, it is evident that they affront both the
receivers, w^hile they will not allow those to be worthy
men to whom their excellent rulers themselves have
borne their testimony, and the donors while they
desire those favours already granted may be abro-
gated. Now if any one should ask these Gentiles
themselves, which of the two things they would choose
to part with, their lives, or the customs of their fore-
fathers, their solemnities, their sacrifices, their fes-
tivals, which they celebrated in honour of those they
suppose to be gods? I know very w^ell that they
would choose to suffer any thing whatsoever, rather
than a dissolution of any of the customs of their
forefathers; for a great many of them have rather

576 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

chosen to go to war on that account, as very sohcitous
not to transgress in those matters: And indeed we
take an estimate of that happiness which all mankind
do now enjoy by your means from this very thing,
that we are allowed every one to worship as our own
institutions require, and yet to live [in peace,] and
although they would not be thus treated themselves,
yet do they endeavour to compel others to comply
with them, as if it were not as great an instance of
imjDiety, profanely to dissolve the religious solemnities
of any others, as to be negligent in the observation
of their own towards their gods. And let us now
consider the one of these practices: Is there any
people or city, or community of men, to whom your
government and the Roman power does not appear
to be the greatest blessing? Is there any one that
can desire to make void the favours they have granted?
No one is certainly so mad: for there are no men
but such as have been partakers of their favours, both
public and private; and indeed those that take away
what you have gi'anted, can have no assurance, but
every one of their own grants made them by you,
may be taken from them also; which grants of yours
can yet never be sufficiently valued; for if they
consider the old governments, under kings, together
with your present government, besides the great
number of benefits which this government hath be-
stowed on them in order to their happiness, this is
instead of all the rest, that they appear to be no
longer in a state of slavery, but of freedom. Now
the privileges we desire, even when we are in the
best circumstances, are not such as deserve to be
envied, for we are indeed in a prosperous state by
your means, but this is only in common with others;
and it is no more than this which we desire, to pre-
serve our religion without any prohibition; which as

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 577

it appears not in itself a privilege to be envied us,
so it is for the advantage of those that grant it to
us; for if the divinity delights in being honoured, he
must delight in those that permit them to be honoured :
and there are none of our customs which are inhuman,
but all tending to piety, and devoted to the preserva-
tion of justice; nor do we conceal those injunctions
of ours, by which we govern our lives, they being
memorials of piety, and of a friendly conversation
among men: And ^ the seventh day we set apart
from labour; it is dedicated to the learning of our
customs and laws, we thinking it proper to reflect
on them, as well as on any [good] thing else, in
order to our avoiding of sin. If any one, therefore,
examine into our observances, he will find they are
good in themselves, and that they are ancient also,
though some think otherwise, insomuch, that those
who have received them, cannot easily be brought to
depart from them, out of that honour they pay to
the length of time they have religiously enjoyed them,
and observed them. Xow our adversaries take these
our privileges away, in the way of injustice: they
violently seize upon that money of ours which is
offered to God, and called sacred money, and this
openly, after a sacrilegious manner; and they impose
tributes upon us, and bring us before tribunals on
holy-days, and then require other like debts of us,
not because the contracts require it, or for their own
advantage, but because they would put an aft'ront
on our religion, of which they are conscious as well
as we, and have indulged themselves in an unjust,
and, to them, involuntary, hatred; for your govern-

^ We may here observe the ancient practice of the Jews of dedicating
the Sabbath-day not to idleness, but to the learning their sacred rites
and religious customs, and to the meditation on the law of Moses. The
like to which we meet with elsewhere in Josephus, also against Apion,
B. I. sect. 22.

578 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

meiit over all is one tending to the establishing of
benevolence, and abolishing of ill-will among such
as are disposed to it. This is therefore what we
implore from thee, most excellent Agrippa, that we
may not be ill treated; that we may not be abused;
that we may not be hindered from making use of our
own customs; nor be despoiled of our goods; nor
be forced by these men to do what we ourselves force
nobody to do; for these privileges of ours are not
only according to justice, but have formerly been
granted us by you. And we are able to read to you
many decrees of the senate, and the tables that con-
tain them, which are still extant in the capitol, con-
cerning these things, which it is evident were granted
after you had experience of our fidelity towards you,
and which ought to be valued, though no such fidelity
had been; for you have hitherto preserved what
people were in possession of, not to us only, but
almost to all men, and have added greater advantages
than they could have hoped for, and thereby your
government is become a great advantage to them.
And if any one were able to enumerate the benefits
you have conferred on every nation, which they pos-
sess by your means, he could never put an end to
his discourse; but that we may demonstrate that we
are not unworthy of all those advantages we have
obtained, it will be sufficient for us to say nothing
of other tilings, ])ut to speak freely of this king who
now governs us, and is now one of thy assessors: and
indeed, in what instance of good-will, as to your
house, hath he been deficient? What mark of fidelity
to it hath he omitted^ What token of honour hath
he not devised? What occasion for his assistance
of you hath he not regarded at the very first? What
hindereth, therefore, but that your kindnesses may
be as numerous as his so great benefits to you have

Chap. II. OF THE JEWS. 579

been. It may also perhaps be fit here not to pass
over in silence the valour of his father Antipater,
who, when Caesar made an expedition into Egypt,
assisted him with two thousand armed men, and
proved inferior to none, neither in the battles on
land, nor in the management of the navy; and what
need I say any thing of how great weight those
soldiers were at that juncture^ or how many, and
how great presents they were vouchsafed by Caesar?
And truly I ought before now to have mentioned
the epistles which Caesar wrote to the senate; and
how Antipater had honours, and the freedom of the
city of Rome, bestowed upon him, for these are
demonstrations both that we have received these
favours by our own deserts, and do on that account
petition thee for thy confirmation of them, from
whom we had reason to hope for them, though they
had not been given us before, both out of regard
to our king's disposition towards you, and your dis-
position towards him. And farther, we have been
informed by those Jews that were there, with what
kindness thou came into our country, and how thou
offered the most perfect sacrifices to God and hon-
oured him with remarkable vows, and how thou gave
the peoj^le a feast, and accepted of their own hos-
pitable presents to thee. We ought to esteem all
these kind entertainments made both by our nation
and our city, to a man who is the ruler and manager
of so much of the public affairs, as indications of that
friendship which thou hast returned to the Jewish
nation, and which hath been procured them by the
family of Herod. So we put thee in mind of these
things, in the presence of the king, now sitting by
thee, and make our request for no more but this,
that what you have given us yourselves, you will not
see taken awav by others from us."

580 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

5. When Xicolaus had made this speech, there
was no opposition made to it by the Greeks, for this
was not an inquiry made, as in a court of justice,
but an intercession to prevent violence to be offered
to the Jews any longer; nor did the Greeks make
any defence of themselves, or deny what it was sup-
posed they had done. Their pretence was no more
than this, that while the Jews inhabited in their
country, they w^ere entirely unjust to them [in not
joining in their worship,] but they demonstrated their
generosity in this, that though they worshipped ac-
cording to their own institutions, they did nothing
that ought to grieve them. So when Agrippa per-
ceived that they had been oppressed by violence, he
made this answer: "That on account of Herod's good-
will and friendship, he was ready to grant the Jews
whatsoever they should ask him, and that their re-
quests seemed to him in themselves just; and that
if they requested any thing farther, he should not
scruple to grant it them, provided it was no way to
the detriment of the Roman government; but that,
while their request was no more than this, that what
privileges they had already given them might not
be abrogated, he confirmed this to them, that they
might continue in the observation of their own
customs, without any one's offering them the least
injury." And when he had said this, he dissolved
the assembly; upon which Herod stood up, and
saluted him, and gave him thanks for the kind dis-
position he showed to them. Agrippa also took this
in a very obliging manner, and saluted him again,
and embraced him in his arms; after which he went
away from Lesbos; but the king determined to sail
from Samos to his own country; and when he had
taken his leave of Agrippa, he pursued his voyage,
and landed at Ccesarea in a few days time, as having

Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 581

favourable winds, from whence he w^ent to Jerusalem,
and there gathered all the people together to an
assembly, not a few being there out of the country
also. So he came to them, and gave them a par-
ticular account of all his journey, and of the affairs
of all the Jews in Asia, how by his means they would
live without injurious treatment for the time to come.
He also told them of the entire good fortune he had
met with, and how he had administered the govern-
ment, and had not neglected any thing which was
for their advantage; and as he was very joyful, he
now remitted to them the fourth part of their taxes
for the last year. Accordingly, they were so pleased
with his favour and speech to them, that they went
their ways with great gladness, and wished the king
all manner of happiness.

CHAPTER III.

How great disturbances arose in Herod's family on
his preferring Antipater, his eldest son, before the
rest, till Alexander look that in jury very heinously.

1. But now the affairs in Herod's family were
in more disorder, and became more severe upon him,
by the hatred of Salome to the young men [Alex-
ander and Aristobulus,] which descended as it were
by inheritance [from their mother ^Nlariamne:] And
as she had fully succeeded against their mother, so
she proceeded to that degree of madness and inso-
lence as to endeavour that none of her posterity might
be left alive, who might have it in their power to
revenge her death. The young men had also some-
what of a bold and uneasy disposition towards their

582 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

father, occasioned by the remembrance of what their
mother had unjustly suffered, and by their own affec-
tation of dominion. The old grudge was also renewed ;
and they cast reproaches on Salome and Pheroras,
who requited the young men with malicious designs,
and actually laid treacherous snares for them. Now,
as for this hatred it was equal on both sides, but the
manner of exerting that hatred was different: for
as for the young men they were rash, reproaching
and affronting the others openly, and were unex-
perienced enough to think it the most generous to
declare their minds in that undaunted manner: but
the others did not take that method, but made use
of calumnies after a subtle and a spiteful manner,
still provoking the yoimg men, and imagining that
their boldness might in time turn to the offering
violence to their father; for inasmuch as they were
not ashamed of the pretended crimes of their mother,
nor thought she suffered justlj^ these supposed that
it might at length exceed all bounds, and induce them
to think they ought to be avenged on their father,
though it were by despatching him with their own
hands. At length it came to this, that the whole
city was full of their discourses, and, as is usual in
such contests, the unskilfulness of the young men
was pitied, but the contrivance of Salome was too
hard for them, and what imputations she laid upon
them came to be believed, by means of their own
conduct; for they who were so deeply affected with
the death of their mother, that while they said both
she and themselves were in a miserable case, they
vehemently complained of her pitiable end, which
indeed was truly such, and said that they were them-
selves in a pitiable case also, because they were forced
to live with those that had been her murderers, and
to be partakers with them.

Chap. m. OF THE JEWS. 583

2. These disorders increased greatly, and the king's
absence abroad had afforded a fit opportunity for
that increase; but as soon as Herod was returned,
and had made the forenientioned speech to tlie mul-
titude, Pheroras and Salome let fall words immedi-
ately, as if he were in great danger, and as if the
young men openly threatened that they would not
spare him any longer, but revenge their mother's
death upon him. They also added another circum-
stance, that their hojDes were fixed on Archelaus, the
king of Cappadocia, that they should be able by his
means to come to Ctesar, and accuse their father.
Upon hearing such things, Herod was immediately
disturbed; and indeed was the more astonished, be-
cause the same things were related to him by some
others also. He then called to mind his former
calamity, and considered that the disorders in his family
had hindered him from enjoying any comfort from
those that were dearest to him, or from his wife
whom he loved so well; and suspecting that his fu-
ture troubles would soon ])e heavier and greater than
those that were past, he was in great confusion of
mind; for divine providence had in reality conferred
upon him a great many outward advantages for
his happiness, even beyond his hopes, but the troubles
he had at home were such as he never expected to
have met with, and rendered him unfortunate; nay,
both sorts came upon him to such a degree as no
one could imagine, and made it a doubtful question,
whether, upon the comparison of both, he ought to
have exchanged so great a success of outward good
things, for so great misfortunes at home, or whether
he ought not to have chosen to avoid the calamities
relating to his family, though he had, for a compen-
sation, never been possessed of the admired grandeur
of a kingdom,

584 ANTIQUITIES Book xyi.

3. As he was thus disturbed and afflicted, in
order to depress these young men, he brought to
court another of his sons, that was born to him when
he was a private man: his name was Aiitipater; yet
did he not then indulge him as he did afterwards,
when he w^as quite overcome by him, and let him
do everj' thing as he pleased, but rather with a
design of depressing the insolence of the sons of
Mariamne, and managing this elevation of his so,
that it might be for a warning to them, for this bold
behaviour of theirs (he thought) would not be so
great, if they were once persuaded, that the suc-
cession to the kingdom did not appertain to them
alone, or must of necessity come to them. So he
introduced Antipater as their antagonist, and imagined
that he made a good provision for discouraging their
pride, and that after this was done to the young
men, there might be a proper season for exj^ecting
these to be of a better disposition: But the event
proved otherwise than he intended, for the young
men thought he did them a very great injury; and
as Antipater was a shrewd man, when he had once
obtained this degree of freedom, and began to expect
greater things than he had before hoped for, he had
but one single design in his head, and that was, to
distress his brethren, and not at all to yield to them
the pre-eminence, but to keep close to his father,
who was already alienated from them by the cal-
unmies he had heard about them, and ready to be
wrought upon in any way his zeal against them
should advise him to pursue, that he might be con-
tinually more and more severe against them. Ac-
cordingly, all the reports that were spread abroad
came from him, while he avoided himself the sus-
picion of those discoveries proceeding from him, for
he rather chose to make use of those persons for

Chap. III. OF THE JEWS. 585

his assistants that were unsuspected, and such as
might be believed to speak truth by reason of the
good-will they bore to the king; and indeed there
were already not a few who cultivated a friendship
with Antipater, in hopes of gaining somewhat by
him, and these were the men who most of all per-
suaded Herod, because they appeared to speak thus
out of their good-will to him: and while these joint
accusations, which from various foundations sup-
ported one another's veracity, the young men them-
selves afforded farther occasions to Antipater also:
for they were observed to shed tears often, on account
of the injury that was offered them, and had their
mother in their mouths, and among their friends they
ventured to reproach their father, as not acting justly
by them; all which things were with an evil intention
reserved in memory by Antipater against a proj^er
opportunity; and when they were told to Herod,
with aggravations, increased the disorder so much,
that it brought a great tumult into the family; for
while the king was very angry at imputations that
were laid upon the sons of Mariamne, and was de-
sirous to humble them, he still increased the honour
that he had bestowed on Antipater; and was at last
so overcome by his persuasions, that he brought his
mother to court also. He also WTote frequently to
Cffisar in favour of him, and more earnestly recom-
mended him to his particular care. And when
Agrippa was returning to Rome, after he had fin-
ished his ten ^ years' government in Asia, Herod
sailed from Judea; and when he met with him, he
had none with him but Antipater, whom he delivered
to Agrippa, that he might take him along with him,

* This intervcil of ten years for the duration of Marcus Agrippa's
government in Asia, seems to be true, and agreeable to the Roman
history. See Usher's Annals at A. M. 339^.

586 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

together with many presents, that so he might be-
come Csesar's friend, insomuch, that things already
looked as if he had all his father's favour, and that
the young men were entirely rejected from any hopes
of the kingdom.

CHAPTER IV.

How^ during Antipater's abode at Rome, Herod
brought Alexander and Aristobulus before Ccesar,
and accused them. Alexander s defence of him-
self before Ccesar, and reconciliation to his father.

1. And now what happened during Antipater's
absence, augmented the honour to which he had been
promoted, and his apparent eminence above his
brethren, for he had made a great figure in Rome,
because Herod had sent recommendations of him to
all his friends there, only he was grieved that he was
not at home, nor had proper opportunities of per-
petually calumniating his brethren; and his chief fear
was, lest his father should alter his mind and enter-
tain a more favourable ojjinion of the sons of Mari-
amne; and as he had this in his mind he did not
desist from his purpose, but continually sent from
Rome any such stories as he hoped might grieve and
irritate his father against his brethren, under pre-
tence indeed of a deep concern for his preservation,
but in truth, such as his malicious mind dictated, in
order to purchase a greater hope of the succession,
which yet was already great in itself; and thus he
did till he had excited such a degree of anger in
Herod, that he was already become very ill disposed
towards the young men; but still, while he delayed

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 587

to exercise so violent a disgust against them, and
that he might not either be too remiss, or too rash,
and so offend, he thought it best to sail to Rome,
and there accuse his sons before Csesar, and not
indulge himself in any such crime as might be heinous
enough to be suspected of impietj^; but as he was
going up to Rome, it happened that he made such
haste as to meet with Caesar at the ^ city Aquilei:
So when he came to the speech of Csesar, he asked
for a time for hearing this great cause, wherein he
thought himself very miserable, and presented his
sons there, and accused them of their mad actions,
and of their attempts against him: That "they were
enemies to him; and by all the means they were
able, did their endeavours to show their hatred to
their own father, and would take away his life, and
so obtain his kingdom, after the most barbarous
manner; that he had power from Caesar to dispose
of it, not by necessity, but by choice, to him who
shall exercise the greatest piety towards him, while
these my sons are not so desirous of ruling, as they
are, upon a disappointment thereof, to expose their
o"wn life; if so be they may but deprive their father
of his life, so wild and polluted is their mind by
time become, out of their hatred to him; that whereas
he had a long time borne this his misfortune, he
was now compelled to lay it before Csesar, and to
pollute his ears with such language, while he him-
self wants to know wlmt severity they have ever

* Although Herod met Augustus at Aquilei, yet was this accusation
of his sons deferred till they came to Rome, as sect. 3 assures, and as
we are particularly informed in the History of the War, B. I. ch. xxiii.
sect. 3, Vol. HI., though what he here says helonged distinctly to Alex-
ander the elder brother. I mean his being brought to Rome, is here
justly extended to both the brothers, and that not only in our copies,
but that in Zonoras also: nor is there reason to doubt but they were
both at this solemn hearing of Augustus, although the defence was made
by Alexander alone, who was tlie eldest brother, and one that could
speak very well.

588 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

suffered from him? or what hardships he hath evei-
laid upon them to make them complain of him(
and how they can think it just, that he should not
be lord of that kingdom, which he in a long time,
and with great danger, had gained, and not allow
him to keep it and dispose of it to him who should
deserve it best? and this, with other advantages, he
proposes as a reward for the piety of such a one
as will hereafter imitate the care he hath taken of
it, and that such a one may gain so great a requital
as that is; and that it is an impious thing for them
to pretend to meddle with it beforehand, for he who
hath ever the kingdom in his view, at the same time
reckons upon procuring the death of his father, be-
cause otherwise he cannot come at the govermiient;
that as for himself, he had hitherto given them all
that he was able, and what was agreeable to such
as are subject to the royal authority, and the sons
of a king: what ornaments thej^ wanted, with servants
and delicate fare, and had married them into the
most illustrious families, the one [Aristobulus] to
his sister's daughter, but Alexander to the daughter
of king Archelaus; and what was the greatest favour
of all, when their crimes were so very bad, and he
had authority to punish them, yet had he not made
use of it against them, but had brought them before
Cffisar their common benefactor, and had not used
the severity which either as a father who had been
impiously abused, or as a king who had been assaulted
treacherously, he might have done, he made them
stand upon the level with him in judgment; that,
however, it was necessary that all this should not
be passed over without punishment, nor himself live
in the greatest fears; nay, that it was not for their
own advantage to see the light of the sifh after what
they have done, although they should escape at this

Chap. IT. OF THP: JEWS. 589

time, since they had done the vilest things, and would
certainly suffer the greatest punishments that were
ever known among mankind."

2. These were the accusations which Herod laid
with great vehemency against his sons before C^sar.
Now, the young men, both while he was speaking,
and chiefly at his concluding, wept, and were in con-
fusion. For, as to themselves, they knew in their
own consciences they were innocent, but because they
were accused by their father, they were sensible, as
the truth was, that it was hard for them to make
their apology, since, though they were at liberty to
speak their minds freely as the occasion required,
and might with force and earnestness refute the
accusation, yet was it not now decent so to do. There
was therefore a difficulty how they should be able
to speak, and tears, and at length a deep groan
follow^ed, while they were afraid, that if they said
nothing, they should seem to be in this difficulty
from a consciousness of guilt, nor had they any
defence ready, by reason of their youth, and the
disorder they were under; yet was not Ccesar un-
apprised, when he looked upon them in the confusion
they were in, that their delay to make their defence
did not arise from any consciousness of great enor-
mities, but from their unskilfulness and modesty.
They were also commiserated by those that were
there in jjarticular, and they moved their father's
affections in earnest, till he had much ado to conceal
them.

3. But when they saw there was a kind dispo-
sition arisen both in him and in CfEsar, and that
every one of the rest did either shed tears, or at
least did all grieve with them, the one of them, whose
name was AIcdYiuder, called to his father, and at-
tempted to answer his accusation and said, "O father.

590 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

the benevolence thou hast showed to us is evident,
even in this very judicial procedure, for hadst thou
had any pernicious intentions about us thou hadst not
produced us here before the common saviour of all,
for it was in thy power, both as a king, and as a
father, to punish the guilty, but by thus bringing
us to Rome, and making Cjesar himself a witness to
what is done, thou intimatest that thou intendest to
save us, for no one that hath a design to slay a man
will bring him to the temples, and to the altars: yet
are our circumstances still worse, for we cannot en-
dure to live ourselves any longer, if it be believed
that we have injured such a father; nay, perhaps it
would be worse for us to live with this suspicion upon
us, that we have injured him, than to die without
such guilt: and if our open defence may be taken
to be true, we shall be hapj^y, both in pacifying thee,
and in escaping the danger we are in, but if this
calumny so prevails, it is more than enough for us
that we have seen the sun this day; which why should
we see, if this suspicion be fixed upon us? Now it
is easy to say of young men, that they desire to
reign; and to say farther, that this evil proceeds from
the case of our unhappy mother. This is abundantly
sufficient to produce our misfortune out of the former;
Imt consider well, whether such an accusation does
not suit all such young men, and may not be said
of them all promiscuously? for nothing can hinder
liim that reigns, if he have children, and their mother
be dead, but the father may have a suspicion upon
all his sons, as intending some treachery to him: but
a suspicion is not sufficient to prove such an impious
])ractice. Now let any man say, whether we have
actually and insolently attempted any such thing,
whereby actions otherwise incredible, use to be made
credible. Can any body prove that poison hath been

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 591

prepared? or prove a conspiracy of our equals, or
the corruption of servants, or letters written against
thee? though indeed there are none of those things
but have sometimes been pretended by way of cal-
umny, when they were never done; for a royal family
that is at variance with itself is a terrible thing; and
that which thou callest a reward of piety, often
becomes, among very wicked men, such a foundation
of hope, as makes them leave no sort of mischief
untried: Nor does any one lay any wicked practices
to our charge; but to calumnies by hearsay, how can
he put an end to them, who will not hear what we
have to say? Have we talked with too great free-
dom? yes; but not against thee, for that would be
unjust, but against those that never conceal any
thing that is spoken to them. Hath either of us
lamented our mother? yes; but not because she is
dead, but because she was evil spoken of by those
who had no reason so to do. Are we desirous of
that dominion which we know our father is pos-
sessed of? For what reason can we be so? If we
already have royal honours, as we have, should not
we labour in vain? And if we have them not, yet,
are not we in hopes of them? Or, supposing that
we had killed thee, could we expect to obtain th}^
kingdom? while neither the earth would let us tread
upon it, nor the sea let us sail upon it, after such
an action as that: nay, the religion of all your sub-
jects, and the piety of the whole nation, would have
prohibited parricides from assuming the government,
and from ' entering into that most holy temple which

* Since some prejudiced men have indulged a wild suspicion, as we
have supposed already, Antiq. B. XV. ch. xi. sect. 7, that Joseplms"
history of Herod's rebuilding the temple is no better than a fable, it
may not be amiss to take notice of the occasional clause in the speech
of Alexander before his father Herod, in his and his brother's vindication,
wliich mentions the temple as known by every body to have been built by
Herod. See John ii. 20. See also another speech of Herod's own to

592 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

was built by thee. But suppose we had made hght
of other dangers, can any murderer go off unpun-
ished, while Caesar is alive? We are thy sons, and
not so impious, or so thoughtless, as that comes to,
though perhaps more unfortunate than is convenient
for thee. But in case thou neither findest any causes
of complaint, nor any treacherous designs, what suffi-
cient evidences hast thou to make such a wickedness
of ours credible? Our mother is dead indeed, but
then what befell her might be an instruction to us
to caution, and not an incitement to wickedness. We
are willing to make a larger apology for ourselves,
but actions never done do not admit of discourse:
Nay, we will make this agreement with thee, and
that before Capsar, the lord of all, who is now a
mediator between us, If thou, O father, canst bring
thyself by the evidence of truth, to have a mind free
from suspicion concerning us, let us live, though
even then we shall live in an unhappy way, for to
be accused of great acts of wickedness, though falgely,
is a terrible thing; but if thou hast any fear remaining,
continue thou on in thy pious life, we will give this
reason for our own conduct, our life is not so de-
sirable to us as to desire to have it, if it tend to the
harm of our father who gave it us."

4. When Alexander had thus spoken, Csesar, who
did not before believe so gross a calumny, was still
more moved by it, and looked intently upon Herod,
and perceived he was a little confounded; the persons
there present were under an anxiety about the young
men, and the fame tliat was spread abroad made
the king hated, for the very incredibility of the

the young men tliat ]nillcd down his golden eagle from the front of the
temple, where lie takes notiee, "I low the building of the temple cost
him a vast sum; and that tlie Asanionc;ins, in those 125 years they held
the government, were not able to perform so great a work, to the honour
of God, as this was." Antiq. B. XVII. ch. vi. sect. 3, Vol. III.

Chap. IV. OF THE JEWS. 593

calumny, and the commiseration which the flower of
youth, the beauty of body, which were in the young
men, pleaded for assistance; and the more so on
this account, that Alexander had made their defence
with dexterity and prudence; nay, they did not them-
selves any longer continue in their former coun-
tenances, which had been bedewed with tears and
cast downwards to the ground, but now there arose
in them a hoj^e of the best: and the king himself
appeared not to have had foundation enough to
build such an accusation upon, he having no real
evidence wherewith to convict them. Indeed he
wanted some apology for making the accusation;
but CjEsar, after some delay, said. That "although
the young men were thoroughly innocent of that for
which they were calumniated, yet had they been so
far to blame, that they had not demeaned themselves
towards their father, so as to prevent that suspicion
which was spread abroad concerning them." He
also exhorted Herod to lay all such suspicions aside,
and to be reconciled to his sons; for that it was not
just to give any credit to such reports concerning
his own children; and that this repentance on both
sides might still heal those breaches that had hap-
pened between them, and might improve their good-
will to one another, whereby those on both sides,
excusing the rashness of their suspicions, might re-
solve to bear a greater degree of affection towards
each other than they had before. After Ceesar had
given them this admonition, he beckoned to the young
men. When therefore they were disposed to fall
down to make intercession to their father, he took
them up, and embraced them, as they were in tears,
and took each of them distinctly in his arms, till not
one of those that were present, whether freeman or
slave, but was deeply affected with what they saw.

594 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

5. Then did they return thanks to Csesar, and
went away together; and with them went Antipater,
with a hypocritical pretence that he rejoiced at this
reconcihation. And in the last days they were with
Ca?sar, Herod made him a present of three hundred
talents, as he was then exhibiting shows and largesses
to the people of Rome: and Caesar made him a present
of half the revenue of the copper mines in Cyprus,
and committed the care of the other half to him, and
honoured him with other gifts and incomes: And as
to his own kingdom, he left it in his own power to
appoint which of his sons he pleased for his suc-
cessor, or to distribute it in parts to every one, that
the dignity might thereby come to them all. And
when Herod was disposed to make such a settlement
immediately, Caesar said, "He would not give him
leave to deprive himself, while he was alive, of the
power over his kingdom, or over his sons."

6. After this Herod returned to Judea again,
but during his absence no small part of his dominions
about Trachon had revolted, whom yet the com-
manders he left there had vanquished, and compelled
to a submission again. Now, as Herod was sailing
with his sons, and was come over against Cilicia, to
[the island] Eleusa, which hath now changed its
name for Sebaste, he met with Archelaus, king of
Cappadocia, who received him kindly, as rejoicing
tliat he was reconciled to his sons, and that the accusa-
tion against Alexander, who had married his daughter,
was at an end. They also made one another such
presents as it became kings to make. From thence
Herod came to Judea, and to the temple, where he
made a speech to the people, concerning what had
been done in this his journey: "He also discoursed
to them about Csesar's kindness to him, and about
as many of the particulars he had done, as he thought

Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 595

it for his advantage other people should be acquainted
with. At last he turned his speech to the admonition
of his sons; and exhorted those that hved at court,
and the multitude, to concord: and informed them,
that his sons were to reign after him; Antipater first,
and then Alexander and Aristobulus, the sons of
Mariamne; but he desired that at present they should
all have regard to himself, and esteem him king
and lord of all, since he was not yet hindered by
old age, but was in that period of life when he must
be the most skilful in governing; and that he was
not deficient in other arts of management that might
enable him to govern the kingdom well, and to rule
over his children also. He farther told the rulers
under him, and the soldiery, that in case they would
look upon him alone, their life would be led in a
peaceable manner, and they would make one another
happy." And when he had said this, he dismissed
the assembly. Which speech was acceptable to the
greatest part of the audience, but not so to them
all, for the contention among his sons, and the hopes
he had given them, occasioned thoughts and desires
of innovations among them.

CHAPTER V.

How Herod celebrated the games that were to return

every fifth year, upon the building of Ccesarea;
and how he built and adorned many other places
after a magnificent manner; and did many other
actions gloriously.

1. About this time it was that Cassarea Sebaste,
which he had built, was finished. The entire building

596 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

being accomplished in the tenth year, the solemnity
of it fell into the twenty-eighth year of Herod's reign,
and into the hundred and ninety-second olympiad:
There was accordingly a great festival, and most
sumptuous preparations made presently, in order to
its dedication, for he had appointed a contention in
music, and games to be performed naked: He had
also gotten ready a great number of those that fight
single combats, and of beasts for the like purpose:
horse races also, and the most chargeable of such
sports and shows as used to be exhibited at Rome,
and in other places. He consecrated this combat to
CcEsar, and ordered it to be celebrated every fifth
year. He also sent all sorts of ornaments for it
out of his own furniture, that it might want nothing
to make it decent: nay, Juha, Ca\sar's wife, sent a
great part of her most valuable furniture [from
Rome,] insomuch that he had no want of any thing:
The sum of them all was estimated at five hundred
talents. Now when a great multitude was come to
that city, to see the shows, as well as the ambassadors
whom other people sent, on account of the benefits
they had received [from Herod,] he entertained them
all in the pubhc inns, and at public tables, and with
perpetual feasts, this solemnity having In the day-
time the diversions of the fights, and in the night-time
such merry meetings as cost vast sums of money,
and publicly demonstrated the generosity of his soul,
for in all his undertakings he was ambitious to ex-
hibit what exceeded w^hatsoever had been done before
of the same kind. And it is related tliat Cfesar and
Agrippa often said. That "the dominions of Herod
were too little for the greatness of his soul, for that
he deserved to have ])otli all the kingdom of Syria,
and that of Egypt also."

2. After this solemnity and these festivals were

Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 597

over, Herod erected another city in the plain called
Capharsaba, where he chose out a fit place, botli
for plenty of water, and goodness of soil, and proper
for the production of what was there planted, where
a river encompassed the city itself, and a grove of
the best trees for magnitude was round about it:
this he named Antipatris, from his father Antipater.
He also built upon another spot of ground above
Jericho, of the same name with his mother, a place
of great' security, and very pleasant for habitation,
and called it Cyprus. He also dedicated the finest
monuments to his brother Phasaelus, on account of
the great natural affection there had been between
them, by erecting a tower in the city itself, not less
than the tower of Pharos, which he named Phasaelus,
which was at once a part of the strong defences of
the city and a memorial for him that was deceased,
because it bore his name. He also built a city of
the same name in the valley of Jericho, as you go
from it northward, whereby he rendered the neigh-
bouring country more fruitful, by the cultivation
its inhabitants introduced; and this also lie called
Phasaelus.

3. But as for his other benefits, it is impossible to
reckon them up, those which he bestowed on cities,
both in Syria and in Greece, and in all the places
he came to in his voyages; for he seems to have
conferred, and that after a most plentiful manner,
what would minister to many necessities, and the
building of public works, and gave them the money
that was necessary to such works as wanted it, to
support them upon the failure of their other revenues:
but, what was the greatest and most illustrious of all
his works, he erected Apollo's temple at Rhodes,
at his own expenses, and gave them a great number
of talents of silver for the repair of their fleet. He

598 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

also built the greatest part of the public edifices
for the inhabitants of ^ Nicopolis, at Actium: and for
the Antiochians, the inhabitants of the principal city
in Syria, where a broad street cuts through the place
lengthways, he built cloisters along it on both sides;
and laid the open road with polished stone, and was
of very great advantage to the inhabitants. And
as to the Olympic games, which were in a very low
condition, by reason of the failure of their revenues,
he recovered their reputation, and appointed revenues,
for their maintenance, and made that solemn meeting
more venerable, as to the sacrifices and other orna-
ments: and by reason of this vast liberality, he was
generally declared in their inscriptions to be one of
the perpetual managers of those games.

4. Now some there are who stand amazed at the
diversity of Herod's nature and purposes; for when
we have respect to his magnificence, and the benefits
which he bestowed on all mankind, there is no pos-
sibility for even those that had the least respect for
him, to deny, or not openly to confess, that he had
a nature vastly l)eneficent; but when any one looks
upon the punishments he inflicted, and the injuries
he did, not only to his subjects, but to his nearest
relations, and takes notice of his severe and unrelent-
ing disposition there, he will be forced to allow, that
it was brutish, and a stranger to all humanity, inso-
much that these men suppose his nature to be dif-
ferent, and sometimes at contradiction with itself:
but I am myself of another opinion, and imagine
that the occasion of both these sort of actions was
one and the same: for being a man ambitious of

' Dr. Hudson here pives lis the words of Suetonius concerning this
Nicopolis, wiien Aufjustus rebuilt it: "And that the memory of the vict-)" "
at Actium might l)c celel)rated the more afterward, he built Nicopolis
at Actium, and a))pointe(l pui)lic shows to be there exhibited every fiftii
year, in August." Sect. 18,

Chap. V. OF THE JEWS. 599

honour, and quite overcome by that passion, he was
induced to be magnificent, wherever there appeared
any hopes of a fucure memorial, or of reputation at
present; and as his expenses were beyond his abihties,
he was necessitated to be harsh to his subjects; for
the persons on whom he expended his money were
so many, that they made him a very bad procurer
of it: and because he was conscious that he was
hated by those under him, for the injuries he did
them, he thought it not an easy thing to amend his
offences, for that it was convenient for his revenue,
he therefore strove on the other side to make their
ill-will an occasion of his gains. As to his own court,
therefore, if any one was not very obsequious to him
in his language, and would not confess himself to
be his slave, or but seemed to think of any innovation
in his government, he was not able to contain him-
self, but prosecuted his very kindred and friends, and
punished them as if they were enemies; and this
wickedness he undertook out of a desire that he
might be himself alone honoured. Now for this my as-
sertion about that passion of his, we have the greatest
evidence, by what he did to honour Ctesar and
Agrippa, and his other friends; for with what honours
he paid his respects to them who were his superiors,
the same did he desire to be paid to himself; and
what he thought the most excellent present he could
make another, he discovered an inclination to have the
like presented to himself. But now the Jewish nation
is by their law a stranger to all such things, and ac-
customed to prefer righteousness to glory; for which
reason that nation was not agreeable to him, because
it was out of their power to flatter the king's ambition
with statues or temples, or any other such per-
formances. And tliis seems to me to have been at
once the occasion of Herod's crimes, as to his own

600 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

courtiers and counsellors, and of his benefactions, as
to foreigners and those that had no relation to him.

CHAPTER VI.

A71 embassage of the Jews in Cyrene and Asia to
Ccesar, concerning the complaints they had to make
against the Greeks: with copies of the epistles which
Ccesar and Agrippa wrote to the cities for them.

1. iSTow the cities ill treated the Jews in Asia,
and all those also of the same nation which lived in
Lybia, which joins to Cyrene, while the former kings
had given them equal privileges with the other citizens;
but the Greeks affronted them at this time, and
that so far as to take away their sacred money, and
to do them mischief on other particular occasions.
When therefore they were thus afflicted, and found
no end of the barbarous treatment they met with
among the Greeks, they sent ambassadors to Caesar
on those accounts; who gave them the same privileges
as they had before, and sent letters to the same pur-
pose to the governors of the provinces, copies of which
I subjoin here, as testimonials of the ancient favour-
able disposition the Roman emperors had towards us.

2. "Ciesar Augustus high priest, and tribune of
the people, ordains thus: Since the nation of the Jews
liatli been found grateful to the Roman people, not
only at this time, but in time past also, and chiefly
Hyrcanus the high priest, under my father ^ Casar
the emperor, it seemed good to me and my counsellors,

* Aufrtistus here calls Julius Caesar his father, though by birth he
was only his uncle, on account of his adoption by him. See the same,
Antiq. B. XIV. ch. xiv. sect. 4.

Chap. Yi. OF THE JEWS. 601

according to the sentence and oath of the people of
Rome, that the Jews have hberty to make use of
their own customs, according to the law of their
forefathers, as they made use of them under Hyrcanus
the high priest of Almighty God; and that their sacred
money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and
that it be committed to the care of the receivers at
Jerusalem; and that they be not obliged to go
before any judge on the Sabbath day^ nor on the
^ day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour:
but if any one be caught stealing their holy books,
or their sacred money, whether it be out of the
synagogue, or public school, he shall be deemed a
sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be brought
into the public treasury of the Romans. And I give
order, that the testimonial which they have given me,
on account of my regard to that piety which I exercise
toward all mankind, and out of regard to Caius
ISIarcus Censorinus, together ^Wth the present decree,
be proposed in that most eminent place which hath
been consecrated to me, by the community of Asia
at Ancyra. And if any one transgress any part of
ivhat is above decreed, he shall be severely punished."
This was inscribed upon a pillar in the temple of
Csesar.

3. "Cffisar to Xorbanus Flaccus, sendeth greeting:
Let those Jews, how many soever they be, who have
been used, according to their ancient custom, to send
their sacred money to Jerusalem, do the same freely."
These were the decrees of Caesar.

4. Agrippa also did himself write after the manner
following, on behalf of the Jews: "Agrippa, to the
magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians,

^ This is authentic evidence, that the Jews, in the days of Augustus,
began to prepare for the celebration of tlie Sabbath at the ninth hour
on Friday, as the tradition of the eiders did, it seems, then require of
them.

G02 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

sendeth greeting: I will that the care and custody
of the sacred money that is carried to the temple at
Jerusalem be left to the Jews of Asia, to do with
it according to their ancient custom; and that such as
steal that sacred money of the Jews, and fly to a
sanctuary, shall be taken thence and delivered to
the Jews, by the same law that sacrilegious persons
are taken thence. I have also written to Sylvanus
the pretor, that no one compel the Jews to come before
a judge on the Sabbath day."

5. "JNIarcus Agrippa, to the magistrates, senate,
and people of Cyrene, sendeth greeting: The Jews of
Cyrene have interceded with me for the performance
of w^hat Augustus sent orders about to Flavins, the
then pretor of Lybia, and to the other procurators
of that province, that the sacred money may be sent
to Jerusalem freely, as hath been their custom from
their forefathers, they complaining that they are
abused by certain informers, and under pretence of
taxes which were not due, are hindered from sending
them, which I command to be restored, without any
diminution or disturbance given to them: And if any
of that sacred money in the cities be taken from their
proper receivers, I farther enjoin, that the same be
exactly returned to the Jews in that place."

6. "Caius Norbanus Flaccus, proconsul, to the
magistrates of the Sardians, sendeth greeting: Caesar
hath written to me, and commanded me not to forbid
the Jews, how many soever they be, from assembling
together according to the custom of their forefathers,
nor from sending their money to Jerusalem: I have
therefore written to you, that you may know that
both Cfesar and I would have you act accordingly."

7. Nor did Julius Antonius, the proconsul, write
otherwise, "To the magistrates, senate, and people
of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting: As I was dis-

Chap. VI. OF THE JEWS. 603

pensing justice at Ephesus, on the ides of February,
the Jews that dwell in Asia demonstrated to me, that
Augustus and Agrippa had permitted them to use
their own laws and customs, and to offer those their
first fruits which every one of them freely offers to
the Deity on account of piety, and to carry them in
a company together to Jerusalem without disturbance.
They also petitioned me, that I also would confirm
what had been granted by Augustus and Agripj^a
by my own sanction. I w^ould therefore have you
take notice, that according to the will of Augustus
and Agrippa, I permit them to use and do accord-
ing to the customs of their forefathers without dis-
turbance."

8. I have been obliged to set down these decrees,
because the present history of our own acts will go
generally among the Greeks; and I have hereby
demonstrated to them that we have formerly been in
great esteem, and have not been prohibited by those
governors we were under from keeping any of the
laws of our forefathers; nay, that we have been sup-
ported by them, while we followed our own religion,
and the w^orship we paid to God: and I frequently
make mention of these decrees, in order to reconcile
other people to us, and to take away the causes of
that hatred which unreasonable men bear to us. As
for our customs, there is no nation which always
makes use of the same, and in every city almost w^e
meet with them different from one another; but
natural justice is most agreeable to the advantage
of all men equally, both Greeks and Barbarians, to
which our laws have the greatest regard, and thereby
render us, if we abide in them after a pure manner,
benevolent and friendly to all men: on which account
we have reason to expect the like return from others,
and to inform them that they ought not to esteem

I

604 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

difference of positive institutions a sufficient cause
of alienation, but [join with us in] the pursuit of
virtue and probity, for this belongs to all men in
common, and of itself alone is sufficient for the pres-
ervation of human life. I now return to the thread
of my history.

CHAPTER VII.

How upon Herod's going down into David's sepulchre^
the sedition in his family greatly increased.

1. As for Herod he had spent vast sums about
the cities, both without and within his own king-
dom: and as he had before heard that Hyrcanus,
who had been king before him, had opened David's
sepulchre, and taken out of it three thousand talents
of silver, and that there was a much greater number
left behind, and indeed enough to suffice all his wants,
he had a great while an intention to make the attempt:
and at this time he opened that sepulchre by night,
and went into it, and endeavoured that it should not be
at all known in the city, but took only his most faithful
friends with him. As for any money, he found none,
as Hyrcanus had done, but that furniture of gold,
and those precious goods that were laid up there;
all which he took aAvay. However, he had a great
desire to make a more diligent search, and to go
farther in, even as far as the very bodies of David
and Solomon; where two of his guards were slain,
by a flame that burst out upon those that went in,
as the report was. So he was terribly affrighted,
and went out and built a propitiatory monument of
that fright he had been in. and this of white stone
at the mouth of the sepuk-lu-e, and that at great ex-

Chap. vii. OF THE JEWS. 605

pense also. And even ^ Xicolaus his historiographer
makes mention of this monument built by Herod,
though he does not mention his going down into the
sepulchre, as knowing that action to be of ill repute;
and many other things he treats of in the same manner
in his book; for he wrote in Herod's lifetime, and
under his reign, and so as to please him, and as
a servant to him, touching upon nothing but what
tended to his glory, and openly excusing many of
his notorious crimes, and very diligently concealing
them. And as lie was desirous to put handsome
colours on the death of jNIariamne, and her sons,
which were barbarous actions in the king, he tells
falsehoods about the incontinence of jMariamne, and
the treacherous designs of his sons upon him; and
thus he proceeded in his whole work, making a
pomj^ous encomium upon what just actions he had
done, but earnestly apologizing for his unjust ones.
Indeed, a man, as I said, may have a great deal to
say bj^ way of excuse for Xicolaus; for he did not
so. properly write this as a history for others, as
somewhat that might be subservient to the king
himself. As for ourselves, who come of a family
nearly allied to the Asamonean kings, and on that
account have an honourable place, which is the priest-
hood, we think it indecent to say any thing that is
false about them, and accordingly we have described
their actions after an unblemished and upright man-
ner. And although we reverence many of Herod's
posterity, who still reign, yet do we pay a greater

' It is here worth our observation, how careful Josephus was to the
discovery of truth in Herod's history, since he would not follow Nicolaus
of Damascus himself, so great a historian, where there was great reason
to suspect that he flattered Herod ; which impartiality in history Josephus
here solemnly professes, and of which impartiality he has given more
demonstrations than almost any historian whomsoever: But as to Herod's
taking great wealth out of David's sepulchre, though I cannot prove it,
yet do I strongly suspect it was this very history.

606 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

regard to truth than to them, and this though it some-
times happens that we incur their displeasure by
so doing.

2. And indeed Herod's troubles in his family
seemed to be augmented by reason of this attempt
he made upon David's sepulchre, whether divine
vengeance increased the calamities he lay under, in
order to render them incurable, or whether fortune
made an assault upon him in those cases, wherein the
seasonableness of the cause made it strongly believed
that the calamities came upon him for his impiety;
for the tumult was like a civil war in his palace,
and their hatred towards one another was like that
where each one strove to exceed another in calumnies.
However, Antipater used stratagems perpetually
against his brethren, and that very cunningly: While
abroad he loaded them with accusations, but still took
upon him frequently to apologize for them, that this
apparent benevolence to them might make him be
believed, and forward his attempts against them,
by which means he, after various manners, circum-
vented his father, who believed that all he did
was for his preservation. Herod also recommended
Ptolemy, who was a great director of the affairs of
his kingdom, to Antipater; and consulted with his
mother about the public affairs also. And indeed
these were all in all, and did what they pleased, and
made the king angry against any other persons, as
they thought it might be to their own advantage:
but still the sons of INIariamne were in a worse and
worse condition perpetually, and while they were
thrust out, and set in a more dishonourable rank,
who yet by birth were the most noble, they could not
bear the dishonour. And for the women, Glaphyra,
Alexander's wife, the daughter of Archelaus, hated
Salome, both because of her love to her husband, and

Chap. vii. OF THE JEWS. 607

because Glaphyra seemed to behave herself some-
what insolently towards Salome's daughter, who was
the wife of Aristobulus, w^hich equality of hers to
herself Glaphyra took very impatiently.

3. Now, besides this second contention that had
fallen among them, neither did the king's brother
Pheroras keep himself out of trouble, but had a
particular foundation for suspicion and hatred; for
he was overcome with the charms of his wife to such
a degree of madness, tliat he despised the king's
daughter, to whom he had been betrothed, and wholly
bent his mind to the other, w^ho had been but a
servant.- Herod also w\as grieved by the dishonour
that was done him, because he had bestowed many
favours upon him, and had advanced him to that
height of power that he was almost a partner with
him in the kingdom, and saw that he had not made
him a due return for his favours, and esteemed him-
self unhappy on that account. So upon Pheroras'
unworthy refusal, he gave the damsel to Phasaelus'
son: but after some time, when he thought the heat
of his brother's affections was over, he blamed him
for his former conduct, and desired him to take his
second daughter, whose name was Cypros. Ptolemy
also advised him to leave off affronting his brother,
and to forsake her whom he had loved, for that it
was a base thing to be so enamoured of a servant,
as to deprive himself of the king's good-will to him,
and become an occasion of his trouble, and make
himself hated by him. Pheroras knew that this advice
would be for his own advantage, particularly because
he had been accused before, and forgiven; so he
put his wife away, although he already had a son by
her, and engaged to the king that he would take
his second daughter, and agreed that the thirtieth
day after should be the day of marriage; and swore

608 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

he would have no farther conversation with her whom
he had put away; but when the thirty days were over,
he was such a slave to his affections, that he no longer
performed any thing he had promised, but continued
still with his former wife. This occasioned Herod to
grieve openly, and made him angry, while the king
dropped one word or other against Pheroras per-
petually; and many made the king's anger an op-
portunity for raising calumnies against him. Nor
had the king any longer a single quiet day or hour,
but occasions of one fresh quarrel or another arose
among his relations, and those that were dearest to
him; for Salome was of a harsh temper, -and ill-
natured to INIariamne's sons; nor would she suffer
her own daughter, who was the wife of Aristobulus,
one of those young men, to bear a good-will to
her husband, but persuaded her to tell her if
he said any thing to her in private, and when any
misunderstandings happened, as is common, she raised
a great many suspicions out of it; by which means
she learned all their concerns, and made the damsel
ill-natured to the young man. And in order to
gratif;^ her mother, she often said, that the young men
used to mention Mariamne when they were by them-
selves: and that they hated their father, and were
continually threatening, that if they had once got
the kingdom, they would make Herod's sons by his
other wives country schoolmasters, for that the present
education which was given them, and their diligence
in learning, fitted them for such an employment.
And as for the women, whenever they saw them
adorned with their mother's clothes, they threatened,
that instead of their present gaudy apparel, they
should be clotlied in sackcloth, and confined so closely
that they should not see the light of the sun. These
stories were presently carried by Salome to the king,

Chap. Yii. OF THE JEWS. 609

who was troubled to hear them, and endeavoured to
make up matters: but these suspicions afflicted him,
and becoming more and more uneasy, he beheved
every body against every body. However, upon his
rebuking his sons, and hearing the defence they made
for themselves, he was easier for a while, though a little
afterwards much worse accidents came upon him.

4. For Pheroras came to Alexander, the husband
of Glaphyra, who was the daughter of Archelaus, as
we have already told you, and said, that he had heard
from Salome, that Herod was enamoured of Glaphyra,
and that his passion for her was incurable. When
Alexander heard that, he was all on fire, from his
youth and jealousy; and he interpreted the instances
of Herod's obliging behaviour to her, which were very
frequent, for the worse, which came from those
suspicions he had on account of that word which fell
from Pheroras; nor could he conceal his grief at the
thing, but informed him what words Pheroras had
said. Upon which Herod was in a greater disorder
than ever, and not bearing such a false calumny,
which was to his shame, was much disturbed at it:
and often did he lament the wickedness of his
domestics, and how good he had been to them, and
how ill requitals they had made him. So he sent
for Pheroras, and reproached him, and said, "Thou
vilest of all men! art thou come to that unmeasurable
and extravagant degree of ingratitude, as not only
to suppose such things of me, but to speak of them?
I now indeed perceive what thy intentions are: it
is not thy only aim to reproach me, when tliou uscst
such words to my son, but thereby to persuade him
to plot against me, and get me destroyed by poison.
And who is there, if he had not a good genius at
his elbow, as hath my son, but would not l)ear such
a suspicion of his father, but would revenge himself

610 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

upon him? Dost thou suppose that thou hast only
(h'opped a word for him to think of, and not rather
hast put a sword into his hand to slay his father?
And what dost thou mean, when thou really hatest
both him and his brother, to pretend kindness to
them, only in order to raise a reproach against me,
and talk of such things as no one but such an
impious wretch as thou art could either devise in
their mind, or declare in their words. Begone, thou
that art such a plague to thy benefactor, and thy
brother, and may that evil conscience of thine go
along with thee; while I still overcome my relations
by kindness, and am so far from avenging myself
of them, as they deserve, that 1 bestow greater benefits
upon them than they are worthy of."

5. Thus did the king speak. Whereupon Pheroras,
who was caught in the very act of his villainy, said.
That "it was Salome who was the framer of this
plot, and that the words came from her." But as
soon as she heard that, for she was at hand, she
cried out, like one that would be believed, that no
such thing ever came out of her mouth; that they
all earnestly endeavoured to make the king hate her,
and to make her away, because of the good-will she
bore to Herod, and because she was always fore-
seeing the dangers that were coming upon him, and
that at present there were more plots against him
than usual; for while she was the only person who
persuaded her brother to put away the wife he now
had, and to take the king's daughter, it was no
wonder if she were hated by him. As she said this,
and often tore her hair, and often beat her breast,
her coimtenance made her denial to be believed;
but the perverseness of her manners declared at the
same time her dissimulation in these proceedings: Init
Phercn'as was caught between them, and had nothing

Chap. Yii. OF THE JEWS. 611

plausible to offer in his own defence, while he con-
fessed that he had said what was charged upon
him, but was not believed when he said he had
heard it from Salome: so the confusion among them
was increased, and their quarrelsome words one to
another. At last the king, out of his hatred to his
brother and sister, sent them both away; and when
he had commended the moderation of his son, and
that he had himself told him of the report, he went
in the evening to refresh himself. After such a
contest as this had fallen out among them, Salome's
reputation suffered greatly, since she was supposed
to have first raised the calumny; and the king's wives
were grieved at her, as knowing she was a very ill
natured woman, and would sometimes be a friend,
and sometimes an enemy at different seasons: so they
perpetually said one thing or another against her,
and somewhat that now fell out made them the
bolder in speaking against her.

6. There was one Obodas, king of Arabia, an
inactive and slothful man in his nature; but Sylleus
managed most of his affairs to him. He was a
shrewd man, although he was but young, and was
handsome withal. This Sylleus, upon some occasion
coming to Herod, and supping witli him, saw Salome,
and set his heart upon her; and, understanding that
she was a widow, he discoursed witli her. Now
because Salome was at this time less in favour with
her brother, she looked upon Sylleus with some pas-
sion, and was very earnest to be married to him;
and on the days following there appeared many, and
those very great, indications of their agreement to-
gether. Now the women carried this news to tlie
king, and laughed at the indecency of it; whereupon
Herod inquired about it farther of Pheroras, and
desired him to observe them at supper, how their

612 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

])ehaWour was one toward another; who told him,
that by the signals which came from their heads and
their eyes, they both were evidently in love. After
this Sylleus the Arabian being suspected, went away,
but came again two or three months afterwards, as
it were on that very design, and spoke to Herod
about it, and desired that Salome might be given
liim to wife; for that his affinity might not be dis-
advantageous to his affairs, by a union with Arabia,
tlie government of which country was already in effect
under his power, and more evidently would be his
hereafter. xA.ccordingly, when Herod discoursed with
h.is sister about it, and asked her, whether she were
disposed to this match? she immediately agreed to
it. But when Sylleus was desired to come over to
the Jewish religion, and then he should marry her,
and that it was impossible to do it on any other terms,
he could not bear that proposal, and went his way;
for he said that if he should do so, he should be stoned
by the Arabs. Then did Pheroras reproach Salome
for her incontinency, as did the women much more;
and said that Sylleus had debauched her. As for that
damsel, whom the king had betrothed to his brother
Pheroras, but he had not taken her, as I have before
related, because he was enamoured of his former wife,
Salome desired of Herod she might be given to her
son by Costobarus; whicli match he was very willing
to, but was dissuaded from it by Pheroras, who
pleaded, that tliis young man would not be kind to
her, since his father had been slain by him, and that
it was more just that liis son, who was to be his suc-
cessor in the tetrarchy, should have her: So he begged
his pardon, and persuaded him to do so. Accordingly
the damsel, upon this cliange of her espousals, was
disposed of to tliis young man, the son of Pheroras,
the king giving for her portion a hundred talents.

Chap. YiH. OF THE JEWS. 613

CHAPTER \ III.

How Herod took up Alexander, and hound him:
whom yet Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, reconciled
to his father, Herod, again.

1. But still the affairs of Herod's family were
no better, but perpetually more troublesome. Now
this accident hajjpened, which arose from no decent
occasion, but proceeded so far as to bring great diffi-
culties upon him. There were certain eunuchs which
the king had, and on account of their beauty was
very fond of them; and the care of bringing him
drink was entrusted to one of them, of bringing him
his supper to another, and of putting him to bed
to the third, who almost managed the principal affairs
of the government, and there was one told the king
that these eunuchs were corrupted by Alexander the
king's son, with great sums of money: And when
they were asked, whether Alexander had had crim-
inal conversation with them? they confessed it, but
said they knew of no farther mischief of his against
his father, but when they were more severely tor-
tured, and were in the utmost extremity, and the
tormentors, out of compliance with Antij^ater, stretched
the rack to the very utmost, they said, that Alexander
bare great ill-will and innate hatred to his father:
and that he told them, that Herod despaired to live
much longer; and that in order to cover his great
age, he coloured his hair black, and endeavoured to
conceal what would discover how old he was; but
that if he would apply himself to him, when he should
attain the kingdom, which, in spite of his father, could
come to no one else, he should quickly have the first

G14 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

place in that kingdom under him, for that he was
now ready to take the kingdom, not only as his birth-
right, but by the preparations he had made for ob-
taining it, because a great many of the rulers, and
a great many of his friends, were of his side, and
those no ill men neither, ready both to do and to
suffer whatsoever should come on that account.

2. When Herod heard this confession, he was
all over anger and fear, some parts seeming to him
reproachful, and some made him suspicious of dangers
that attended him, insomuch that on both accounts
he was provoked, and bitterly afraid lest some more
heavy plot was laid against him than he should be
then able to escape from; whereupon he did not now
make an open search, but sent about spies to watch
such as he suspected, for he was now overrun with
suspicion and hatred against all about him; and
indulging abundance of those suspicions, in order
to his ^^reservation, he continued to suspect those
that were guiltless; nor did he set any bounds to
himself, but supposing that those who stayed with
him had the most power to hurt him, they were to
him very frightful; and for those that did not use
to come to him, it seemed enough to name them [to
make them sus^^ected] and he thought himself safer
when they were destroyed: And at last his domestics
were come to that pass, that being no way secure
of escaping themselves, they fell to accusing one
another, and imagining that he who first accused
another, was most likely to save himself ; yet, when
any had overthrown others, they were hated, and
they were thought to suffer justly, who unjustly
accused others, and they only thereby prevented their
own accusation'; nay, they now executed their own
private enmities by this means, and when they were
caught, they were punished in the same way. Thus

Chap. Yiii. OF THE JEWS. 61.5

these men contrived to make use of this opportunity
as an instrument and a snare against their enemies,
yet when they tried it, were themselves caught also
in the same snare which they laid for others: And
the king soon repented of what he had done, because
he had no clear evidence of the guilt of those whom
he had slain; and yet what was still more severe in
him, he did not make use of his repentance, in order
to leave off doing the like again, but in order to
inflict the same punishment upon their accusers.

3. And in this state of disorder were the affairs
of the palace: and he had alread}^ told many of his
friends directly, that they ought not to appear be-
fore him, nor come into the palace; and the reason
of this injunction was, that [when they were there]
he had less freedom of acting, or a greater restraint
on himself on their account: for at this time it was
that he expelled Andromachus and Gamellus, men
who had of old been his friends, and been very useful
to him in the affairs of his kingdom, and been of
advantage to his family, by their embassages and
counsels; and had been tutors to his sons, and had
in a manner the first degree of freedom with him.
He expelled Andromachus, because his son Demetrius
was a companion to Alexander; and Gamellus, be-
cause he knew that he wished him well, which arose
from his having been with him in his youth, when he
was at school, and absent at Rome. These he ex-
pelled out of his palace, and was willing enough to
have done worse by them; but that he might not
seem to take such liberty against men of so great
reputation, he contented himself with depriving them
of their dignity, and of their power to hinder his
wicked proceedings.

4. Now it was Antipater, who was the cause of
all this; who when he knew what a mad and licentious

61G ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

way of acting his father was in, and had been a
great while one of his counsellors, he hurried him
on, and then thought he should bring him to do
somewhat to purpose, when every one that could
oppose him was taken away. When therefore An-
dromachus and his friends were driven away, and
had no discourse nor freedom with the king any
longer, the king in the first place examined by
torture all whom he thought to be faithful to Alex-
ander, whether they knew of any of his attempts
against him; but these died without having any thing
to say to that matter, which made the king more
zealous [after discoveries,] when he could not find
out what evil proceedings he suspected them of. As
for Antipater, he was very sagacious to raise a
calumny against those that were really innocent, as
if their denial was only their constancy and fidelity
[to Alexander,] and thereupon provoked Herod
to discover, by the torture of great numbers, what
attempts were still concealed. Now there was a cer-
tain person among the many that were tortured, who
said, that he knew that the young man had often
said, that when he was commended as a tall man
in his body, and a skilful marksman, and that in
his commendable exercises he exceeded all men, these
qualifications given him by nature, though good in
themselves, were not advantageous to him, because
his father was grieved at them, and envied him for
them; and that when he walked along with his father
he endeavoured to depress and shorten himself that
he might not appear too tall, and that when he shot
at any thing as he was hunting, when his father
was by, he missed his mark on purpose, for he knew
how ambitious his father was of being superior in
such exercises. So when the man was tormented
about this saying, and had ease given his body after

Chap. Yiii. OF THE JEWS. 617

it, he added, that he had his brother Aristobulus for
his assistance, and contrived to he in wait for their
father, as they were hunting, and kill him: and when
they had done so, to fly to Rome, and desire to have
the kingdom given them. There were also letters
of the young man found, written to his brother,
wherein he complained, that his father did not act
justly in giving Antipater a country, whose [yearly]
revenues amounted to two hundred talents. Upon
these confessions Herod presently thought he had
somewhat to depend on, in his own opinion, as to
his suspicion about his sons: So he took up Alex-
ander and bound him: yet did he still continue to
be uneasy, and was not quite satisfied of the truth
of what he had heard; and when he came to recollect
himself, he found that they had only made juvenile
complaints and contentions, and that it was an in-
credible thing, that when his son should have slain
him, he should openly go to Rome [to beg the king-
dom,] so he was desirous to have some surer mark
of his son's wickedness, and was very solicitous about
it, that he might not appear to have condemned him
to be put in prison too rashly; so he tortured the
principal of Alexander's friends, and put not a few
of them to death, without getting any of the things
out of them which he suspected. And while Herod
was very busy about this matter, and the palace was
full of terror and trouble, one of the younger sort,
when he was in the utmost agony, confessed that
Alexander had sent to his friends at Rome, and
desired that he might be quickly invited thither by
Cjesar, and that he could discover a plot against
him; that Mithridates, the king of Parthia, was joined
in a friendship with his father against the Romans,
and that he had a poisonous potion ready prepared
at Askelon.

618 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

5. To these accusations Herod gave credit, and
enjoyed hereby, in his miserable case, some sort of
consolation, in excuse of his rashness, as flattering
himself with finding things in so bad a condition:
but as for the poisonous potion, which he laboured
to find, he could find none. As for Alexander, he
was very desirous to aggravate the vast misfortunes
he was under, so he pretended not to deny the accusa-
tions, but punished the rashness of his father with
a great crime of his own; and perhaps he was willing
to make his father ashamed of his easy belief of
such calumnies: he aimed especially, if he could gain
belief to his story, to plague him, and his whole
kingdom; for he wrote four letters, and sent them
to him, that "he did not need to torture any more
persons, for he had plotted against him; and that
he had for his partners Pheroras, and the most faith-
ful of his friends; and that Salome came in to him
by night, and that she lay with him whether he would
or no; and that all men were come to be of one mind,
to make away with him as soon as they could, and
so get clear of the continual fear they were in from
him." Among these were accused Ptolemy, and
Sapinnius, who were the most faithful friends to the
king. And what more can be said, but that those
who before were the most intimate friends, were
become wild beasts to one another, as if a certain
madness had fallen upon them, while there was no
room for defence or refutation, in order to the dis-
covery of the truth, but all were at random doomed
to destruction; so that some lamented those that were
in prison, some those that were put to death, and
others lamented that they were in the expectation of
the same miseries; and a melancholy solitude ren-
dered the kingdom deformed, and quite the reverse
to that happy state it was formerly in: Plerod's own

Chap. Yiii. OF THE JEWS. 619

life also was entirely disturbed; and because he could
trust nobody, he was sorely punished by the expec-
tation of farther misery, for he often fancied in his
imagination, that his son had fallen upon him, or
stood by him with a sword in his hand; and thus
was his mind night and day intent upon this thing,
and revolved it over and over, no otherwise than if
he were under a distraction. And this was the sad
condition Herod was now in.

6. But when Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, heard
of the state that Herod was in, and being in great
distress about his daughter, and the young man [her
husband,] and grieving with Herod, as with a man
that was his friend, on account of so great a dis-
turbance as he was under, he came [to Jerusalem]
on purpose to compose their differences; and when
he found Herod in such a temper, he thought it
wholly unseasonable to reprove him, or to pretend
that he had done any thing rashly, for that he should
thereby naturally bring him to dispute the jDoint
with him, and by still more and more apologizing
for himself to be the more irritated. He went there-
fore another way to work, in order to correct the
former misfortunes, and appeared angry at the young
man, and said, that Herod had been so very mild
a man, that he had not acted a rash j^art at all.
He also said, he would dissolve his daughter's mar-
riage with Alexander, nor could in justice spare his
own daughter, if she were conscious of any thing,
and did not inform Herod of it. When Archelaus
appeared to be of this temper, and otherwise than
Herod expected or imagined, and for the main, took
Herod's part, and was angry on his account, the king
abated of his harshness, and took occasion from his
appearing to have acted justly hitherto, to come by
degrees to put on the affection of a father, and was

620 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

on both sides to be pitied; for when some persons
refuted the calumnies that were laid on the young
man, he was thrown into a passion, but when Ar-
chelaus joined in the accusation, he was dissolved
into tears and sorrow after an affectionate manner.
Accordingly, he desired that he would not dissolve
his son's marriage, and became not so angry as be-
fore for his offences. So when Archelaus had brought
him to a more moderate temper, he transferred the
calumnies upon his friends; and said, it must be
o^ving to them that so young a man, and one un-
acquainted with malice, was corrupted, and he sup-
posed that there was more reason to suspect the
brother than the son. Upon which Herod was very
much displeased at Pheroras, who indeed now had
no one that could make a reconciliation between him
and his brother; so when he saw that Archelaus had
the greatest power with Herod, he betook himself
to him in the habit of a mourner, and like one that
had all the signs upon him of an undone man. Upon
this Archelaus did not overlook the intercession he
made to him, nor yet did he undertake to change
the king's disposition towards him immediately, and
he said, that it was better for him to come himself
to the king, and confess himself the occasion of all,
that this would make the king's anger not to be
extravagant towards him, and that then he would
be present to assist him. When he had persuaded
him to this, he gained his point with both of them;
and the calumnies raised against the young man
were, beyond all expectation, wiped off. And Ar-
chelaus, as soon as he had made the reconciliation,
went then away to Cappadocia, having proved at
this juncture of time the most acceptable person
to Herod in the world; on which account he gave
him the richest presents, as tokens of his respect to

Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 621

him, and being on other occasions magnanimous, he
esteemed him one of his dearest friends. He also
made an agreement with him that he would go to
Rome, because he had written to Caesar about these
affairs; so they went together as far as Antioch, and
there Herod made a reconciliation between Archelaus
and Titus, the ^^I'^sident of Syria, who had been
greatly at variance, and so returned back to Judea.

CHAPTER IX.

Concerning the revolt of the TracJionites: How Syl-
leus accused Herod before Ccesar: and liow Herod,
when Ccesar teas angnj at him, resolved to send
Nicolaus to Borne.

1. Whex Herod had been at Rome, a^nd was come
back again, a war arose between him and the Arabians,
on the occasion following: The inhabitants of Trach-
onitis, after Cssar had taken the country away from
Zenodorus, and added it to Herod, had not now
power to rob, but were forced to plough the land,
and to live quietly, which was a thing they did not
like; and when they did take that pains, the ground
did not produce much fruit for them. However, at
the first the king would not permit them to rob, and
so they abstained from that unjust way of living
upon their neighbours, which procured Herod a
great reputation for his care: But when he M^as sailing
to Rome, (it was at that time when he went to accuse
his son Alexander, and to commit Antipater to Caesar's
protection,) the Trachonites spread a report as if he
were dead, and revolted from his dominion, and be-
took themselves again to their accustomed way of

622 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

robbing their neighbours: at which time the king's
commanders subdued them during his absence, but
about forty of the principal robbers, being terrified
by those that had been taken, left the country, and
retired into Arabia, Sylleus entertaining them, after
he had missed of marrying Salome, and gave them
a place of strength in which they dwelt. So they
overran not only Judea, but all Coelesyria also, and
carried off the prey, while Sylleus afforded them
places of protection and quietness during their wicked
practices. But when Herod came back from Rome,
he perceived that his dominions had greatly suffered
by them, and since he could not reach the robbers
themselves, because of the secure retreat they had
in that country, and which the Arabian government
afforded them, and yet being very uneasy at the in-
juries they had done him, he went all over Trach-
onitis, and slew their relations; whereupon these
robbers were more angry than before, it being a
law among them to be avenged on the murderers of
their relations by all possible means, so they con-
tinued to tear and rend every thing under Herod's
dominion with impunity: Then did he discourse about
these robberies to Saturninus and Volunmius, and
required that they should be punished ; upon which
occasion they still the more confirmed themselves in
their robberies, and became more numerous; and
made very great disturbances, laying waste the coun-
tries and villages that })elonged to Herod's kingdom,
and killing those men whom they caught, till these
unjust proceedings came to be like a real war, for
the robbers were now become about a thousand. At
which Herod was sore displeased, and required the
robbers, as well as the money which he had lent
Obodas, by Sylleus, which was sixty talents, and
since the time of payment .vas now past, he desired

Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 623

to have it paid him; but Sylleus, who had laid Obodas
aside, and managed all by himself, denied that the
robbers were in Arabia, and put off the payment
of the money; about which there was a hearing before
^ Saturninus and ^"olumnius, who were then the pres-
idents of Syria. At last, he, by their means, agreed,
that within thirty days tmie Herod should be paid
his money, and that each of them should deliver up
the other's subjects reciprocally. Xow, as to Herod,
there was not one of the other's subjects found in
his kingdom, either as doing any injustice, or on any
other account, but it was proved that the Arabians
had the robbers amongst them.

2. When this day appointed for payment of the
money was 2)ast, without Sylleus' performing any
part of his agreement, and he was gone to Rome,
Herod demanded the payment of the money, and
that the robbers that were in Arabia should be de-
livered up; and, by the permission of Saturninus
and Volumnius, executed the judgment himself upon
those that were refractory. He took an army that
he had, and led it into Arabia, and in three days
time, by forced marches, arrived at the garrison
wherein the robbers were, he made an assault upon
them, and took them all, and demolished the place,
which was called Raepta, but did no harm to any
others; but as the Arabians came to their assistance,
under Xacebus their captain, there ensued a battle,
wherein a few of Herod's soldiers, and Xacebus, the
captain of the Arabians, and about twenty of his
soldiers, fell, while the rest betook themselves to
flight. So when he had brought these to punish-
ment, he placed three thousand Idumeans in Trach-

' These joint presidents of Syria, Saturninus and Volumnius, were
not perhaps of equal authority, but the latter like a procurator under
the former, as the very learned Xoris and Pagi, and with them Dr.
Hudson, determine.

624 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

onitis, and thereby restrained the robbers that were
there. He also sent an account to the captains that
were about Phenicia, and demonstrated, that he had
done nothing but wliat he ought to do, in punishing
the refractory Arabians, which, upon an exact in-
quiry, they found to be no more than what was true.
3. However, messengers were hasted away to
Sylleus to Rome, and informed him of what had
been done, and, as is usual, aggravated every thing.
Now Sylleus had already insinuated himself into the
knowledge of Caesar, and was then about the palace:
and as soon as he heard of these things, he changed
his habit into black, and went in, and told Caesar,
That "Arabia was afflicted with war, and that all
his kingdom was in great confusion, upon Herod's
laying it waste with his army; and he said, with
tears in his eyes, that two thotisand five hundred of
the principal men among the Arabians had been
destroyed, and that their captain Nacebus, his fa-
miliar friend and kinsman, was slain; and that the
riches that were at Raepta were carried off; and
that Obodas was despised, whose infirm state of
body rendered him unfit for war; on which account
neither he, nor the Arabian army, were present."
When Sylleus said so, and added invidiously. That
"he would not himself have come out of the country,
unless he had believed that Casar would have pro-
vided that they should all have peace one with
another, and that, had he been there, he would have
taken care that the war should not have been to
Herod's advantage." Cfesar was provoked when this
was said; and asked no more than this one question,
both of Herod's friends that were there, and of his
own friends, who were come from Syria, "Whether
Herod had led an army thither?" And when they
were forced to confess so much, Casar, without stay-

Chap. IX. OF THE JEWS. 625

ing to hear for what reason he did it, and how it
was done, grew very angry, and wrote to Herod
sharply. The sum of his epistle was this, That
"whereas of old he had used him as his friend he
should now use him as his subject." Sylleus also
wrote an account of this to the Arabians; who were
so elevated with it, that they neither delivered up
the robbers that had fled to them, nor paid the money
that was due: they retained those pastures also which
they had hired, and kept them without paying their
rent, and all this because the king of the Jews was
now in a low condition, by reason of Csesar's anger
at him. Those of Trachonitis also made use of this
opportunity, and rose up against the Idumean gar-
rison, and followed the same way of robbing with
the Arabians, who had pillaged their country, and
were more rigid in their unjust proceedings, not only
in order to get by it, but by way of revenge also.

4. Now Herod was forced to bear all this, that
confidence of his being quite gone with which Ca?sar's
favour used to inspire him; for Ceesar would not
admit so much as an embassage from him to make
an apology for him: and when they came again,
he sent them away without success: so he was cast
into sadness and fear; and Sylleus' circumstances
grieved him exceedingly, who was now believed by
Caesar, and was present at Rome, nay, sometimes
aspiring higher. Now it came to pass that Obodas
was dead: and Eneas, whose name was afterwards
changed to ^ Aretas, took the government, for Sylleus
endeavoured by calumnies to get him turned out of
his principality, that he might himself take it; with
which design he gave nmch money to the courtiers,

^ This Aretas was now become so established a name for the kings
of Arabia, [at Petra, and Damascus,] that when the crown came to this
Eneas, he changed his name to Aretas, as Havercamp here justly ob-
serves. See Antiq. B, XIII. ch. xv, sect. 2, Vol. II,

626 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

and promised much money to Cicsar, who indeed was
angry that Aretas had not sent to him first before
he took the kingdom, yet did Eneas send an epistle
and presents to Csesar, and a golden crown, of the
weight of many talents. Xow that epistle accused
Sylleus as having been a wicked servant, and having
killed Obodas by poison; and that while he was alive,
he had governed him as he pleased; and had also
debauched the wives of the Arabians; and had bor-
rowed money, in order to obtain the dominion for
himself: yet did not C^sar give heed to these accusa-
tions, but sent his ambassadors back, without receiv-
ing any of his presents; but in the meantime the
affairs of Judea and Arabia became worse and w^orse,
partly because of the anarchy they were under, and
partly because, as bad as they were, nobody had
power to govern them, for of the two kings, the one
was not yet confirmed in his kingdom, and so had
not authority sufficient to restrain the evil doers;
and as for Herod, Cfesar was inmiediately angry
at him, for having avenged himself, and so he was
compelled to bear all the injuries that were offered
him. At length, when he saw no end of the mis-
chief which surrounded him, he resolved to send
ambassadors to Rome again, to see whether his friends
had prevailed to mitigate Ca?sar, and to address
themselves to Ccesar himself: and the ambassador he
sent thither w^as Xicolaus of Damascus.

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 627

CHAPTER X.

How Eurycles falsely accused Herod's sons; and
how their father hound them and wrote to Ccesar
about them. Of Sylleus, and how he was accused
by Nicolaus.

1. The disorders about Herod's family and chil-
dren about this time grew much worse; for it now
appeared certain, nor was it unforeseen beforehand,
that fortune threatened the greatest and most in-
supportable misfortunes possible to his kingdom. Its
progress and augmentation at this time arose on the
occasion following: One Eurycles, a Lacedemonian,
(a person of note there, but a man of a perverse
mind, and so cunning in his ways of voluptuousness
and flattery, as to indulge both, and yet seem to
indulge neither of them,) came in his travels to
Herod, and made him presents, but so that he re-
ceived more presents from him. He also took such
proper seasons for insinuating himself into his friend-
ship, that he became one of the most intimate of the
king's friends. He had his lodging in Antipater's
house; but he had not only access, but free conver-
sation with Alexander, as pretending to him that
he was in great favour with Archelaus, the king of
Cappadocia; whence he pretended much respect to
GlaphjTa, and, in an occult manner, cultivated a
friendship with them all, but always attending to
what was said and done, that he might be furnished
w^ith calumnies to please them all. In short, he be-
haved himself so to every body in his conversation,
as to appear to be his particular friend, and he made
others believe that his being any where w^is for that

628 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

person's advantage. So he won upon Alexander,
who was but young; and persuaded him, that he
might open his grievances to him with assurance,
and with nobody else. So he declared his grief to
him, how his father was alienated from him. He
related to him also the affairs of his mother, and of
Antipater; that he had driven them from their proper
dignity, and had the power over every thing himself;
that no part of this was tolerable, since his father
was already come to hate them; and he added, that
he would neither admit them to his table, nor to his
conversation. Such were the comj^laints, as was
but natural, of Alexander, about the things that
troubled him: and these discourses Eurycles carried
to Antipater; and told him, he did not inform him
of this on his own account, but that, being overcome
by his kindness, the great importance of the thing
obliged him to do it: and he warned him to have
a care of Alexander, for that what he said was spoken
with vehemency, and that, in consequence of what
he said, he would certainly kill him with his own hand.
Whereupon Antipater, thinking him to be his friend
by this advice, gave him presents, upon all occasions,
and at length persuaded him to inform Herod of
what he had heard. So when he related to the king
Alexander's ill temj^er, as discovered by the words
he had heard him speak, he was easily believed by
him, and he thereby brcmght the king to that pass,
turning him about by his words, and irritating him,
till he increased his hatred to him, and made him
implacable, which he showed at that very time, for
he immediately gave Eurycles a present of fifty
talents; who, when he had gotten them, went to Ar-
chelaus, king of Cappadocia, and commended Alex-
ander before him, and told him that he had been
many ways of advantage to him in making a recon-

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 629

ciliation between him and his father. So he got
money from him also, and went away, before his
pernicious practices were found out; but when
Eurycles was returned to Lacedemon, he did not
leave off doing mischief, and so, for his many acts
of injustice, he was banished from his own country.

2. But as for the king of the Jews, he was not
now in the temper he was in formerly towards Alex-
ander and Aristobulus, when he had been content
with the hearing their calumnies when others told
him of them, but he was now come to that pass as
to hate them himself, and to urge men to speak
against them, though thej^ did not do it of them-
selves. He also observed all that was said, and jiut
questions, and gave ear to every one that would
but speak, if they could but say any thing against
them, till at length he heard that Euaratus of Cos
was a conspirator with Alexander, which thing to
Herod was the most agreeable and sweetest news
imaginable.

3. But still a greater misfortune came upon the
young men; while the calumnies against them were
continually increased, and, as a man may say, one
would think it was every one's endeavour to lay
some grievous thing to their charge, which might
appear to be for the king's preservation. There were
two guards of Herod's body, who were in great
esteem for their strength and tallness, Jucundus and
Tyrannus; these men had been cast off by Herod,
who was displeased at them; these now used to ride
along with Alexander, and for their skill in their
exercises were in great esteem with him, and had
some gold and other gifts bestowed upon them. Now
the king having an immediate suspicion of tliose men,
had them tortured, who endured the torture coura-
geously for a long time, but at last confessed that

G30 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

Alexander would have persuaded them to kill Herod,
when he was in pursuit of the wild beasts. That it
might be said he fell from his horse, and was run
through with his own spear, for that he had once
such a misfortune formerly. They also showed where
there was money hidden in the stable under ground,
and these convicted the king's chief hunter, that he
had given the young men the royal hunting spears,
and weapons to Alexander's dependents, at Alex-
ander's command.

4. After these, the commander of the garrison
of Alexandrium was caught and tortured; for he
was accused to have promised to receive the young
men into his fortress, and to supply them with that
money of the king's which was laid up in that for-
tress, yet did he not acknowledge any thing of it
himself; but his son came in, and said it was so,
and delivered up the writing, which, so far as could
be guessed, was in Alexander's hand. Its contents
were these: "When we have finished, by God's help,
all that we have proposed to do, we will come to
you; but do your endeavours, as you have promised,
to receive us into your fortress." After this writing
was produced, Herod had no doubt about the treach-
erous designs of his sons against him. But Alex-
ander said that Diophantus, the scribe, had imitated
liis hand, and that the paper was maliciously drawn
up by Antipater; for Diophantus appeared to be
very cunning in such practices, and as he was after-
ward convicted of forging other papers, he was put
to death for it.

5. So the king produced those that had been
tortured before the midtitude at Jericlio, in order to
have them accuse the young men; which accusers
many of the people stoned to death; and when they
were going to kill Alexander, and Aristobulus like-

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 631

wise, the king would not permit them to do so, but
restrained the multitude, by the mecans of Ptolemy
and Pheroras. However, the young men were put
under a guard, and kept in custody, that nobody
might come at them; and all that they did or said
was watched, and the reproach and fear they were
in was little or nothing different from those of con-
demned criminals: and one of them, who was Aris-
tobulus, was so deeply affected, that he brought
Salome, who was his aunt, and his mother-in-law,
to lament with him for his calamities, and to hate
him who had suffered things to come to that pass;
when he said to her, "Art not thou in danger of
destruction also, while the report goes that thou hadst
disclosed beforehand all our affairs to Sylleus, when
thou wast in hopes of being married to him?" But
she immediately carried those words to her brother;
upon this he was out of patience, and gave command
to bind him; and enjoined them both, now they were
kept separate one from the other, to Avrite down
the ill things they had done against their father, and
bring the writings to him. So when this was en-
joined them, they wrote this, that they had laid no
treacherous designs, nor made any j^reparations
against their father, but that they had intended to fly
away; and that by the distress they were in, their
lives being now uncertain and tedious to them.

6. About this time there came an ambassador out
of Cappadocia from Archelaus, whose name was
Melas; he was one of the principal rulers under him.
So Herod being desirous to show Archelaus' ill-will
to him, called for Alexander, as he was in his bonds,
and asked him again concerning his flight, whither
and how they had resolved to retire? Alexander re-
plied, "To Archelaus, who had promised to send
them away to Rome, but that thev had no wicked

632 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

nor mischievous designs against their father, and
that nothing of that nature which their adversaries
had charged upon them was true; and that their
desire was, that he might have examined Tyrannus,
and Jucundus, more strictly, but that they had been
suddenly slain by the means of Antij^ater, who put his
own friends among the multitude [for that purpose]."
7. When this was said, Herod commanded that
both Alexander and Melas should be carried to
Glaphyra, Archelaus' daughter, and that she should
be asked, whether she did not know somewhat of
Alexander's treacherous designs against Herod?
Xow as soon as they were come to her, and she saw
Alexander in bonds, she beat her head, and in a
great consternation, gave a deep and moving groan.
The young man also fell into tears. This was so
miserable a spectacle to those present, that, for a
great while, they were not able to say or do any
thing; but at length Ptolemy, who was ordered to
bring Alexander, bid him say, whether his wife were
conscious of his actions? He replied, "How is it
possible that she, whom I love better than my own
soul, and by whom I have had children, should not
know what I doT' Upon which she cried out. That
"she knew of no wicked designs of his; but that yet,
if her accusing herself falsely would tend to his pres-
ervation, she would confess it all." Alexander re-
I^lied, "There is no such wickedness as those (who
ought the least of all so to do) suspect, which either
I have imagined, or thou knowest of, but this only,
that we had resolved to retire to Archelaus, and
from thence to Rome." Which she also confessed.
Upon which Herod, supposing that Archelaus' ill-
will to him was fully j^roved, he sent a letter by
Olympus and Volumnius; and bid them, as they
sailed by, to touch at Eleusa of Cilicia, and give

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 633

Archelaus the letter. And tliat when they had ex-
postulated with him that had a hand in his son's
treacherous design against him, they should from
thence sail to Rome; and that, in case they found
Nicolaus had gained any ground, and that Csesar
was no longer displeased at him, he should give him
his letters, and the proofs which he had ready to
show against the young men. As to Archelaus he
made this defence for himself, That "he had promised
to receive the young men, because it was both for
their own and their father's advantage so to do, lest
some too severe procedure should be gone upon, in
that anger and disorder they were in, on occasion
of the present suspicions; but that still he had not
promised to send them to Caesar: and that he had
not promised any thing else to the young men that
could show ill-will to him."

8. When these ambassadors were come to Rome,
they had a fit opportunity of delivering their letters
to Caesar; because they found him reconciled to
Herod; for the circumstance of Nicolaus' embassage
had been as follows: As soon as he was come to
Rome, and was about the court, he did not first of
all set about what he was come for only, but he
thought fit also to accuse Sylleus. Now the Arabians,
even before he came to talk with them, were quarrel-
ling one with another, and some of them left Sylleus'
party, and joining themselves to Nicolaus, informed
him of all the wicked things that had been done;
and produced to him evident demonstrations of the
slaughter of a great number of Obodas' friends by
Sylleus, for when these men left Sylleus, they had
carried off with them those letters whereby they
could convict him. When Nicolaus saw such an op-
portunity afforded him, he made use of it, in order
to gain his own point afterward, and endeavoured

634 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

immediately to make a reconciliation between Csesar
and Herod; for he was fully satisfied, that if he
should desire to make a defence for Herod directly,
he should not be allowed that liberty; but that if he
desired to accuse Sylleus, there would an occasion
present itself of speaking on Herod's behalf. So
when the cause was ready for a hearing, and the
day was appointed, Xicolaus, while Aretas' ambas-
sadors were present, accused Sylleus, and said. That
"he imputed to him the destruction of the king
[Obodas,] and of many others of the Arabians: that
he had borrowed money, for no good design; and he
proved that he liad })een guilty of adultery, not only
with the Arabians, but Roman women also." And
he added. That "above all the rest he had alienated
Caesar from Herod; and that all that he had said
about the actions of Herod were falsities." When
Nicolaus was come to this topic, Caesar stopped him
from going on, and desired him only to speak to
this affair of Herod's; and to show that "he had
not led an army into Arabia, nor slain two thousand
five hundred men there, nor taken prisoners, nor
pillaged the country." To which Nicolaus made this
answer, "I shall principally demonstrate, that either
nothing at all, or but a very little, of those imputa-
tions are true, of which thou hast been informed,
for had they been true, thou mightest justly have
been still more angry at Herod." At this strange
assertion Casar was very attentive; and Nicolaus
said. That "there was a debt due to Herod of five
hundred talents, and a bond, wherein it was written,
that if the time appointed be elapsed, it should be
lawful to make a seizure out of any part of his
country. As for the pretended army, he said, it
was no army, but a party sent out to require the
just payment of the money: that this was not sent

Chap. X. OF THE JEWS. 635

immediately, nor so soon as the bond allowed, but
that Sylleus had frequently come before Saturninus
and Volumnius, the presidents of Syria; and that at
last he had sworn at Berj^tus, ^ by thy fortune, that
he would certainly pay the money within thirty days,
and deliver up the fugitives that were under his
dominion. And that when Sylleus had performed
nothing of this, Herod came again before the pres-
idents; and upon their permission to make a seizure
for his money, he, with difficulty, went out of his
country with a party of soldiers for that purpose.
And this is all the war which these men so tragically
describe; and this is the affair of the expedition into
Arabia. And how can this ])e called a war? when
thy presidents permitted it; the covenants allowed
it; and it was not executed till thy name, O Cfesar,
as well as that of the other gods, had been profaned.
And now I must speak in order about the captives.
There were robbers that dwelt in Trachonitis; at first
their number was no more than forty, but they be-
came more afterwards, and they escaped the pun-
ishment Herod would have inflicted on them, by
making Arabia their refuge. Sylleus received them,
and supported them with food, that they might be
mischievous to all mankind, and gave them a country
to inhabit, and himself received the gains they made
by robbery; yet did he ^^I'omise that he would de-
liver up these men, and that by the same oaths, and
same time that he swore and fixed for payment of
his debt: nor can he by any means show that any other
persons have at this time been taken out of Arabia,
besides these, and indeed not all these neither, but
only so many as could not conceal themselves. And

* This oath, hi/ the fortune of Casar, was put to Polycarp, a bishop
of Smyrna, by the Roman governor, to try whether he was a Christian,
as they were tlien esteemed who refused to swear that oath. Martyr,
Polycarp, sect. 9.

636 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

thus does the calumny of the captives, which hath
been so odiously represented, appear to be no better
than a fiction and a lie, made on purpose to provoke
thy indignation; for I venture to affirm, that when
the forces of the Arabians came upon us, and one or
two of Herod's party fell, he then only defended
himself, and there fell Xacebus their general, and in
all, about twenty-five others, and no more; when
Sylleus, by multiplying every single soldier to a
hundred, he reckons the slain to have been two thou-
sand five hundred."

9. This provoked Casar more than ever: so he
turned to Sylleus full of rage, and asked him how
many of the Arabians were slain? Hereupon he
hesitated, and said he had been imposed upon. The
covenants also were read about the money he had
borrowed, and the letters of the presidents of Syria,
and the complaints of the several cities, so many as
had been injured by the robbers. The conclusion was
this, that Sylleus was condemned to die, and that
Caesar was reconciled to Herod, and owned his re-
pentance for what severe things he had written to
him, occasioned by calumny, insomuch that he told
Sylleus, that he had compelled him, by his lying
account of things, to be guilty of ingratitude against
a man that was his friend. At the last, all came
to this: Sylleus was sent away to answer Herod's
suit, and to repay the debt that he owed, and after
that to be jDunished [with death] : But still Cfesar
was offended with Aretas, that he had taken upon
himself the government, without his consent first
obtained, for he had determined to bestow Arabia
upon Herod; but that the letters he had sent hindered
him from so doing, for Olympus and Volumnius,
perceiving that Ccvsar was now become favourable
to Herod, thought fit immediately to deliver him

Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 037

the letters they were commanded by Herod to give
him concerning his sons. When Csesar had read
them, he thought it would not be proper to add
another government to him, now he was old, and
in an ill state with relation to his sons, so he ad-
mitted Aretas' ambassadors; and after he had just
reproved him for his rashness, in not tarrying till
he received the kingdom from him, he accepted of
his presents, and confirmed him in his govermnent.

CHAPTER XL

How Herod, by permission from Ccesar, accused his
sons before an assembly of judges at Berytus; and
what Tero suffered for using a boundless and mili-
tary liberty of speech. Concerning also the death
of the young men, and their burial at Alescandi'ium.

1. So -Csesar was now reconciled to Herod; and
wrote thus to him. That "he was grieved for him on
account of his sons: and that in case they had been
guilty of any profane and insolent crimes against
him, it would behove him to punish them as parri-
cides, for which he gave him power accordingly; but
if they had only contrived to fly away, he would
have him give them an admonition, and not proceed
to extremity with them. He also advised him to
get an assembly together, and to appoint some place
near ^ Ber}i:us, which is a city belonging to the

* What Josephus relates Augustus to have here said, that Berytus
was a city beJonriiiKj to the Romans, is confirmed by Spanheim's notes
here: "It was," says he, "a colony placed there by Augustus. Whence
Ulpian. De eens. bel. L. T. XV. The colon;/ of Beriftus was rendered
famous by the benefits of Cwsar: And thence it is that, among the
coins of Augustus, we meet with some having this inscription: The hapny
colony of Auyustus at Berytus."

638 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

Romans, and tc take the presidents of Syria, and
Archelaus king of Cappadocia, and as many more
as he thought to be illustrious, for their friendship to
him, and the dignities they were in, and determine
what should be done by their approbation." These
were the directions that Cssar gave him. Accord-
ingly Herod, when the letter was brought to him,
was immediately verj^ glad of Casar's reconciliation
to him, and very glad also that he had a complete
authority given him over his sons. And it strangely
came about, that whereas before, in his adversity,
though he had indeed showed himself severe, yet had
he not been very rash, nor hasty in procuring the
destruction of his sons, he now, in his prosperity,
took advantage of this change for the better, and
the freedom he now had, to exercise his hatred against
them, after an unheard of manner; he therefore sent
and called as many as he thought fit to this assembly,
excepting Archelaus, for as for him, he either hated
him, so that he would not invite him, or he thought
he would be an obstacle to his designs.

2. When the presidents, and the rest that be-
longed to the cities, were come to Berytus, he kept
his sons in a certain village belonging to Sidon, called
Platana, but near to this city, that if they were called
he might produce them, for he did not think fit to
bring them before the assembly: and when there
were one hundred and fifty assessors present, Herod
came by himself alone, and accused his sons, and
that in such a way as if it were not a melancholy
accusation, and not made but out of necessity, and
upon the misfortunes he was under: indeed in such
a way, as was very indecent for a father to accuse
his sons, for he was very vehement and disordered,
when he came to the demonstration of the crime they
were accused of, and gave the greatest signs of

Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 639

passion and barbarity: nor would he suffer the as-
sessors to consider of the weight of the evidence,
but asserted them to be true by his own authority,
after a manner most indecent in a father against
his sons, and read himself what they themselves had
written, wherein there was no confession of any
plots or contrivances against him. But only how
they had contrived to fly away, and containing withal
certain reproaches against him, on account of the
ill-will he bore them; and when he came to those
reproaches, he cried out most of all, and exaggerated
what they said, as if they had confessed the design
against him, and took his oath that he had rather
lose his life than hear such reproachful words. At
last he said. That "he had sufficient authority both
by nature, and by Caesar's grant to him, [to do what
he thought fit.] He also added an allegation of
a law of their country which enjoined this. That
if parents laid their hands on the head of him that
was accused, the standers by were obliged to cast
stones at him, and thereby to slay him, which though
he was ready to do in his own country and kingdom,
yet did he wait for their determination: that yet
they came thither not so much as judges, to condemn
them for such manifest designs against him, whereby
he had almost perished by his sons' means, but as
persons that had an opportunity of showing their
detestation of such practices, and declaring how un-
worthy a thing it must be in any, even the most
remote, to pass such treacherous designs [without
punishment."]

3. When the king had said this, and the young
men had not been produced to make any defence
for themselves, the assessors perceived there was no
room for ec^uity and reconciliation, so they confirmed
his authority. And in the first place, Saturninus, a

640 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

j^erson that had been consul, and one of great dig-
nity, pronounced his sentence, but with great mod-
eration and trouble; and said, "That he condemned
Herod's sons, but did not think they should be put
to death. He had sons of his own, and to put one's
son to death, is a greater misfortune than any other
that could befall him by their means." After him
Saturninus' sons, for he had three sons that followed
him, and were his legates, pronounced the same sen-
tence with their father: on the contrary, Volumnius'
sentence was to inflict death on such as had been
so impiously undutif ul to their father ; and the greatest
part of the rest said the same, insomuch that the
conclusion seemed to be, that the young men were
condemned to die. Immediately after this Herod
came away from thence, and took his sons to Tyre,
where Nicolaus met him in his voyage from Rome:
of whom he inquired, after he had related to him
what had passed at Berytus, what his sentiments
were about his sons, and what his friends at Rome
thought of that matter? His answer was, "That
what they had determined to do to thee was impious,
and that thou oughtest to keep them in prison; and
if thou thinkest any thing farther necessary, thou
mayest indeed so punish them, that thou mayest not
appear to indulge thy anger more than to govern
thyself by judgment; but if thou inclinest to the
milder side, thou mayest absolve them, lest perhaps
thy misfortunes be rendered incurable: and this is
the opinion of the greatest part of thy friends at
Rome also." Whereupon Herod was silent, and in
great thoughtfulness, and bid Nicolaus sail along
with him.

4. Now as they came to Ca?sarea, every body was
there talking of Herod's sons, and the kingdom was
in suspense, and the people in great expectation of

Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 641

what would become of them, for a terrible fear seized
upon all men, lest the ancient disorders of the family
should come to a sad conclusion, and they were in
great trouble about their sufferings: nor was it
without danger to say any rash thing about this
matter, nor even to hear another saying it; but men's
pity was forced to be shut up in themselves, which
rendered the excess of their sorrow very irksome,
but very silent; yet was there an old soldier of
Herod's, whose name was Tero, who had a son of
the same age with Alexander, and his friend, who
was so very free, as openly to speak out what others
silently thought about that matter: and was forced
to cry out often among the multitude, and said, in
the most unguarded manner, "That truth was per-
ished, and justice taken away from men, while lies
and ill-will prevailed, and brought such a mist before
pubhc affairs, that the offenders were not able to
see the greatest mischief that can befall men." And
as he was so bold, he seemed not to have kept him-
self out of danger, by speaking so freely; but the
reasonableness of what he said, moved men to regard
him, as having behaved himself with great manhood,
and this at a proper time also, for which reason every
one heard what he said with pleasure; and although
they first took care of their own safety, by keeping
silent themselves, yet did they kindly receive the
great freedom he took; for the expectation they were
in of so great an affliction, put a force upon them
to speak of Tero whatsoever they pleased.

5. This man had thrust himself into the king's
presence with the greatest freedom, and desired to
speak with him by himself alone, which the king per-
mitted him to do, where he said this: "Since I am
not able, O king, to bear up under so great a con-
cern as I am under, I have preferred the use of this

642 AXTIQUITIES Book xvi.

})old liberty that I now take, which may be for thy
advantage, if thou mind to get any profit by it, before
my own safety. Whither is thy understanding gone,
and left thy soul empty!' Whither is that extraor-
dinary sagacity of thine gone, whereby thou hast
performed so many and such glorious actions?
Whence comes this solitude, and desertion of thy
friends and relations? Of which I cannot but de-
termine, that they are neither thy friends nor rela-
tions, while they overlook so horrid wickedness in
thy once happy kingdom. Dost not thou perceive
what is doing? Wilt thou slay these two young men,
born of thy queen, who are accomplished with every
virtue in the highest degree, and leave thyself desti-
tute in thy old age, but exposed to one son, who hath
very ill managed the hopes thou hast given him, and
to relations, whose death thou hast so often resolved
on thyself? Dost not thou take notice, that the very
silence of the multitude at once sees the crime and
abhors the fact? The whole army and the officers
have commiseration on the poor unhappy youths, and
hatred to those that are the actors in this matter."
These words the king heard, and for some time with
good temper. But what can one say!" When Tero
plainly touched upon the bad behaviour and per-
fidiousness of his domestics, he was moved at it: but
Tero went on farther, and by degrees used an un-
bounded military freedom of speech, nor was he
so well disciplined as to accommodate himself to the
time: So Herod was greatly disturbed, and seeming
to be rather reproached by this speech, than to be
hearing what was for his advantage, while he learned
hereby, that both the soldiers a})h()rred the thing he
was about, and the officers had indignation at it, he
gave orders tliat all whom Tero had named, and
Tero himself, should be bound and kept in prison.

Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 643

6. When this was over, one Trypho, who was
the king's barber, took the opportunity, and came
and told the king, that Tero would often have per-
suaded him, that when he trimmed him with a razor,
to cut his throat, for that by this means he should
be among the chief of Alexander's friends, and receive
great rewards from him. When he had said this,
the king gave order that Tero and his son, and the
barber, should be tortured, which was done accord-
ingly; but while Tero bore up himself, his son seeing
his father already in a sad case, and had no hope of
deliverance, and perceiving what would be the con-
sequence of his terrible sufferings, said, that "if the
king would free him and his father from these tor-
ments, for what he should say, he would tell the
truth." And when the king had given his word to
do so, he said that "there was an agreement made,
that Tero should lay violent hands on the king, because
it was easy for him to come when he was alone; and
that if, when he had done the thing, he should suffer
death for it, as was not unlikely, it would be an act
of generosity done in favour of Alexander." This
was what Tero's son said, and thereby freed his
father from the distress he w^as in; but uncertain it
is whether he had been thus forced to speak what
was true, or whether it were a contrivance of his in
order to procure his own and his father's deliverance
from their miseries.

7. As for Herod, if he had before any doubt about
the slaughter of his sons, there was now no longer
any room left in his soul for it; but he had banished
away whatsoever might afford him the least sugges-
tion of reasoning better about this matter, so he already
made haste to bring his purpose to a conclusion. He
also brought out three hundred of the officers that
were under an accusation, as also Tero and his son,

644 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

and the barber that accused them, before an assembly,
and brought an accusation against them all; whom
the multitude stoned with whatsoever came to hand,
and thereby slew them. Alexander and also Aristo-
bulus were brought to Sebaste by their father's com-
mand, and there strangled; but their dead bodies were
in the night time carried to Alexandrium, where their
uncle by the mother's side, and the greatest part of
their ancestors, had been deposited.

8. ^ And now perhaps it may not seem unreason-
able to some, that such an inveterate hatred might
increase so much [on both sides,] as to proceed
farther, and overcome nature: but it may justly
deserve consideration, whether it be to be laid to
the charge of the young men, that they gave such
an occasion to their father's anger, and led him to
do what he did, and by going on long in the same
way, put things j^ast remedy, and brought him to
use them so unmercifully; or whether it be to be
laid to the father's charge, that he was so hard-
hearted, and so very tender in the desire of govern-
ment, and of other things that would tend to his
glory, that he would take no one into a partnership
with him, that so whatsoever he would have done
himself might continue immovable; or indeed, whether
fortune have not greater power than all prudent
reasonings: Whence we are persuaded that human
actions are thereby determined beforehand by an in-
evitable necessity, and we call her Fate, because there
is nothing which is not done by her: wherefore I
suppose it will be sufficient to compare this notion
with that other, which attributes somewhat to our-
selves, and renders men not unaccountable for the

* The reader is here to note, that this eighth section is entirely wanting
in the old Latin version, as Spaniieim truly observes; nor is "there any
other reason for it, I suppose, than the great difficulty of an exact trans-
lation.

Chap. XI. OF THE JEWS. 645

different conducts of their Kves, which notion is no
other than the philosophical determination of our
ancient law. Accordingly of the two other causes
of this sad event, any body may lay the blame on
the young men, who acted by youthful vanity, and
pride of their royal birth, that they should bear to
hear the calunniies that were raised against their
father, while certainly they were not equitable judges
of the actions of his life, but ill-natured in suspecting,
and intemperate in speaking of it, and on both ac-
counts easily caught by those that observed them,
and revealed them to gain favour; yet cannot their
father be thought worthy excuse, as to that horrid
impiety which he was guilty of about them, while
he ventured, without any certain evidence of their
treacherous designs against him, and without any
proofs that they had made preparation for such at-
tempt to kill his own sons who were of very comely
bodies, and the great darlings of other men, and no
way deficient in their conduct, whether it were in
hunting, or in warlike exercises, or in speaking upon
occasional topics of discourse: for in all these they
were skilful, and especially Alexander, who was the
eldest; for certainly it had been sufficient, even though
he had condemned them, to have kept them alive in
bonds, or to let them live at a distance from his
dominions in banishment, while he was surrounded
by the Roman forces, which were a strong security
to him, whose help would prevent his suffering any
thing by a sudden onset, or by open force; but for
him to kill them on the sudden, in order to gratify
a passion that governed him, was a demonstration
of insufferable impiety; he also was guilty of so great
a crime in his older age; nor will the delays that he
made, and the length of time in which the thing was
done, plead at all for his excuse; for when a man

(546 ANTIQUITIES Book xvi.

is on a sudden amazed, and in commotion of mind,
and then commits a wicked action, although this be
a heavy crime, yet is it a thing that frequently
happens; but to do it upon deliberation, and after
frequent attempts, and as frequent puttings off, to
undertake it at last, and accomplish it, was the action
of a murderous mind, and such as was not easily
moved from that which is evil: And this temper he
showed in what he did afterward, when he did not
spare those that seemed to be the best beloved of
his friends that were left, wherein though the justice
of the punishment caused those that perished to be
the less pitied, yet was the barbarity of the man here
equal, in that he did not abstain from their slaughter
also; but of those persons we shall have occasion to
discourse more hereafter.

END OF VOLUME SECOND.

Date Due

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